This file was created by scanning the printed publication. Errors identified by the software have been corrected; however, some errors may remain. Role of Pinyon-Juniper Woodlands in Aboriginal Societies of the Desert West

Joel C. Janetski

Abstract-Archaeological data and ethnographic accounts testify gathering and hunting. The pinyon-juniper community of the importance of resources available in the pinyon-juniper provided important resources for all. woodland to native peoples since the early Holocene. Food, shelter, raw material for tool construction, tinder, and preferred settle­ ment location are a few of these. Although early evidence is Ethnographic Uses of Pinyon sometimes inconclusive, information from more recent periods and Juniper argue for increasing reliance on this vegetative community and its resources through time. Food Nuts from pinyon pine, both Pinus edulis (Colorado pinyon) and P. monophylla (singleleaf pinyon), were one of The pinyon and juniper community is widespread across the most important foods for peoples of the Great Basin and the Colorado Plateau and Great Basin regions ofthe Desert Colorado Plateau. Wherever they were available they were West. This community provided aboriginal peoples with gathered in large quantities. But they were particularly some of the most basic raw material to sustain life. The important to the Great Basin people. Premier Great Basin intent of this paper is to review some of the ways these ethnographer, Julian Steward, calls pinyon "The most resources were used in recent times as well as the evi­ important single food species where it occurs ... " (Steward dence for use in the more distant past. I will focus on 1938:27). plants in the paper, and more specifically, pinyon and Pine nuts are high in protein and fats, although the juniper. Clearly many other resources (animals of vari­ percentages vary with the species (table 1). Singleleaf ous kinds, grasses, sage) were present, but a discussion pinyon is higher in fat and protein while Colorado pinyon is of all such resources and the ways in which they were higher in carbohydrates. The fat content exceeds that of used would take me far beyond the allotted time. chocolate and both contain all 20 amino acids required for human growth. Also, both contain tryptophan, an essential Aboriginal Peoples of the amino acid that is deficient in the diet of corn farmers CHuckell 1992:125). Singleleaf produces somewhat fewer Desert West seeds than Colorado, a tendency that is offset by the thinner hulls of singleleaf resulting in larger nutmeats. Both are The Desert West was and is home to various Shoshone (or ranked high on the list of available foods for people in the Uto-Aztekanspeaking) groups, Ute, Southern Paiute, North­ arid west. That is, pine nuts yield excellent returns for ern Paiute, Kawaiisu, and W~sho (Hokan speaking) in the people who gathered wild foods for a living. Great Basin and Colorado Plateau and the Puebloan (Hopi, Productivity of the trees varies also. Good crops for a Zuni, Rio Grande Pueblos) and Athabaskan (Navaho and particular tree can occur every 4 or 5 years for P. edulis and Apache) peoples of Arizona and New Mexico. Lifeways in every 2 or 3 for P. monophylla, although some nuts may be these diverse regions were likewise variable. Nearly all of produced every year. Steward (1938:27) states: "In some the peoples of the Great Basin, for example, were hunters years there is a good crop throughout the area, in some and gatherers and relied exclusively on indigenous plants years virtually none." Productivity also apparently varies and animals for their livelihood. Exception were the South­ with the age of the stand, with old trees producing fewer ern Paiute in the St. George Basin who raised some crops: filled hulls CHuckell1992:132). An illustration of this vari­ corn, squash, maybe some others. Of course, the Puebloan ability is presented by Lanner (1983:170) for a stand of peoples were farmers but, nonetheless, gathered many mOllophylla in the Raft River Mountains of northwestern native or wild resources both for food and for other pur­ Utah. A 5 year study reported per acre cone production as poses. The Navaho and Apache, recent migrants to the follows: 1975, 765 cones; 1976, 0 cones; 1977, 2,560 cones; American Southwest, are more eclectic in their subsistence 1978,2,325 cones; 1979,585 cones. In general, singleleaf is practices, with pastoralism mixed with some farming and more prod uctive and more predictable than Colorado pin­ yon (Sutton 1984). Sullivan (1992:200-201), on the other hand, has argued that archaeologists have tended to over­ play the variable nature of pinyon nut production. Citing In: Monsen, Stephen B.; Stevens, Richard, comps. 1999. Proceedings: various sources, he maintains that pinyon production can ecology and management of pinyon-juniper communities within the Interior be predicted rather accurately 2 years in advance and with West; 1997 September 15-18; Provo, UT. Proc. RMRS-P-9. Ogden, UT: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Rocky Mountain Research considerable accuracy 1year in advance (Sullivan 1992:200). Station. Joel C. Janetski is with the Department of Anthropology, Brigham Young Gathering of Pine Nuts-Pine nuts were usually gath­ University, Provo, UT. ered in the early fall at about the time ofthe first frosts. Two

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-9. 1999 249 Table 1-Nutritional values of P. edulis and P. monophylla (kernels only-percentages by weight) (from Madsen 1986).

Species Water Protein Fat Crude fiber Carbohydrate Ash Call100 gm

P. edulis 3.0 14.3 60.9 1.1 18.1 2.7 714 P. monophylla 10.2 9.5 23.0 1.1 53.8 2.4 488

methods were employed: green or brown cone harvesting Of course, once nuts fell to the ground oreven when cones (see Madsen 1986). The former took place before the cones had opened while still on the tree, they were eagerly sought opened. The green cones were either removed from branches by other foragers (birds, squirrels, insects). using a hook or sometimes branches containing cones were Pine Nut Processing-Pine nut meats were eaten raw broken off the tree. Once removed the sticky cones were while harvesting or after toasting. But most were toasted, placed in pits and roasted until the cones began to open. hulled, winnowed, and ground into a paste for making a They were then pulled out ofthe fire with sticks, cooled, and pine nut soup or gruel. Initial roasting was done by placing opened, and the nuts were removed and tossed in a heap. a few handfuls of nuts on a winnowing tray along with hot A graphic account of pine nut harvesting by the green coals. The two were mingled while moving the tray quickly cone method is suppled by Howard Egan in western Nevada to keep it and the nuts from burning. The coals were then in the late 1800's. tossed off the tray and the nuts placed on a flat rock and Jack and I were taking a scouting trip high up in the Schell lightly crushed to crack the hulls. The cracked nuts were Creek Range of mountains, when we came across an Indian then returned to the winnowing tray and separated from who, with his [wife) and children were busily engaged the meats by tossing all into the air with the lighter hulls gathering pine nuts. The man had a long pole with a strong blown away by the wind. The meats were then toasted hook fastened to one end. He would reach up in the tree to again in a similar fashion until the nuts were hard. After the pine cones, hook the crook around the branch on which cleaning the meats with a nut paste, they were ground into they hung and pull branch and all down, the woman and children carrying them to a place and piling them up in a flour on the grinding stones. The flour was used to make heap. When they had collected as many as they wanted that soup or gruel. The soup was sometimes mixed with meat to day, the [man) has finished his part of the work and could give it more flavor. The Navajo made a kind of pine nut­ pass the rest of the time sleeping or hunting squirrels just butter and spread it on corn cakes. as he pleased. Pine Nut Storage-Importantly, pine nuts could be The women and children gathered a little dry brush which stored for future use. Pits or other storage facilities were up was thrown loosely over the pile of cones and set fire to. The to 5 ft in diameter, lined with rocks, grass, or bark (probably cones are thickly covered all over with pitch, for this reason juniper) and covered over with more bark, branches, dirt, they make a hot fire, the [woman) watching and stirring it and more rocks. Nuts were sometimes stored in cones and up as needed to keep the nuts from burning, as she rakes sometimes in hulls. Stored in this way, nuts lasted at least them back from the fire as a man would do when drawing through the winter. Puebloan peoples would store enough charcoal. pine nuts to last them 2 or 3 years. Great Basin tribes When the pitch was all burned off the burs or cones, the usually consumed all their stores by the late winter. [woman) spreads a blanket down close to the pile, then The importance of pinyon is reflected in myths and the taking up one cone at a time, would press them end ways fact that some groves were actually owned by families and between her hands, which opens the leaves, under which defended (Steward 1933). In Owens Valley, California, for there were two nuts to every leaf, Then shaking the cones example, feuds were sometimes fought over the gathering over the blanket area the nuts would all fall out as clean as you please. of pine nuts in neighbors groves. Juniper (Juniperus spp.) berries were occasionally used When the nuts had all been cleaned from the cones they for food but had much less value as a food item than pinyon. were put in a large basket that would hold over two bushels The Apache ate them fresh and pounded them to make and was nearly; full, the [woman) carrying that on her back bread or a juniper tea (Goodwin 1935). Utes separated the to a place where they were placed all through the pine-nut berry pulp from the seed with a stone muller after which the grove to save carrying them too far and save time for the pulp was eaten fresh or dried (Smith 1974). Harrington harvest does not last long, for a heavy frost will cause the cones to open and the nuts to fall to the ground (Egan (1967) describes juniper berries used by Southwest people 1917:241). as an ingredient in bread or in stews for flavoring. Great Basin people used juniper berries sparingly, a fact suggested The brown cone method was practiced after the cones by the Shoshone term for Juniper, wa'ap 0 pi, which means began to open on the tree. Large woven mats (or in recent fire material or kindling wood according to Chamberlin times canvas tarps) were placed under the tree. The har­ (1911:372), which emphasizes a nonfood role for juniper. vesters beat on the branches holding cones with long sticks Providing raw material for fuel and constructing shelters to either knock the nuts out of the cones or the cones out of were the two most important uses for juniper (see below). the tree. Both would then fall on to the mats. The cones and However, juniper berries were occasionally eaten in fall nuts were gathered and placed in large conical baskets for and winter after boiling (Fowler 1986:73). transport.

250 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-9. 1999 Shelter and Other Constructions The extreme importance placed on pinyon by Steward made life without pinyon a difficult one to understand for Pinyon and juniper were the primary materials for house people in the Great Basin area. Given the nutritional value construction among many peoples of the Desert West. and the availability of pinyon, one would expect that pine Although Puebloan house walls were constructed of stone, nuts would be in the diet of native peoples as long as they the roofs of both residential and religious architecture were available in good numbers. In addition, the presence (kivas) were constructed using pinyon and/or juniper for of pinyon in archaeological sites provided a basis for assum­ beams and held up with timbers of the same material. The ing a lifeway in the past similar to that documented by more nomadic Navajo built hogans, sweathouses, ramadas, Steward. How long ago did pinyon appear in archaeological fences and corrals, drying racks, and storage facilities sites? The presence of pinyon in archaeological sites could using primarily juniper and pinyon as raw material (Jett argue that the nomadic lifeway described by Steward for and Spencer 1981). Not only were the trunks of trees used the Western Shoshone was operative at the time the site for wall construction and roofsupport, but juniper bark was was occupied. This leads to a more complex question of an integral element in roof construction. what kinds of archaeological evidences are there for the use Stansbury made numerous observations ofNative Ameri­ of pinyon? This task proves more difficult than it might can lifeways as he traversed the perimeter ofthe Great Salt seem. A review of the evidence for the use of pinyon in the Lake in 1852. At the north end of the lake he described a Desert West follows. house built using juniper: In a nook of mountains, some Indian lodges were seen, Archaeological Evidences which had apparently been finished but a short time. They were constructed in the usual form, of cedar (juniper) poles Archaeological excavations in Utah and elsewhere in the and logs of considerable size, thatched with bark and Desert West have demonstrated the importance of both branches, and were quite warm and comfortable. The odor of the cedar was sweet and refreshing. Such houses were pinyon and juniper for food, construction materials, and often floored with mats of juniper loosely woven fibers. Demonstrating the use of either plant for medicinal (Stansbury 1852: 111). use is difficult given the vagaries of archaeological data. The following is an attempt to synthesize far flung data but is not an attempt to be exhaustive. Medicinal and Miscellaneous Uses Medicinal uses of pinyon were limited, although pitch or Food gum was sometimes put into boiling water and drunk to purge individuals infected with worms or other parasites Proving that pine nuts were used for food is sometimes (Chamberlin 1911:350). Juniper brewed into a tea furnished difficult. One must first ask what is acceptable evidence of medicine for coughs and colds (Chamberlin 1911:372). using pine nuts for food. Certainly the most direct evidence Pinyon pitch was used to line basketry water jugs and to of pinyon use would be finding pinyon remains in human seal and glue ceramic vessels together. Pitch also served as feces or coprolites or in garbage dumps (middens) left by a mastic to hold projectile points or stone tools tightly to a humans. Of course pinyon nut meats do not preserve, so shaft or handle. Juniper bark provided an important fiber typically the evidence consists of hull fragments. But just for mats, diapers, menstrual pads, fire making material finding nut hulls in sites is not positive proof of dietary use (hearth and tinder) as well as a cushioning and protective since there is always some questions as to how they arrived lining for storage pits. Open twined matting of juniper in the site. Many critters gather, store, and eat pinyon so bark was a common textile manufactured by Great Basin one has to be cautious in drawing conclusions. Charred peoples. The ubiquitous use of both woods for fuel across hulls are generally accepted as good evidence for humans the Desert West seems an obvious point. gathering and consuming nuts. Indirect evidence of pinyon use would include grinding stones used for processing pine nuts. Unfortunately, nearly Pinyon Ecology and Shoshonean all hard seeds (which were an important part of the diet in Settlement the Basin) were also processed in much the same way. It is the case, however, that grinding stones show up early in the The variability in pine nut productivity was a critical factor sequence at the large cave sites around the Great Salt Lake in Great Basin aboriginal life. As the pinyon harvest went, so (Danger and Hogup Caves, for example). went the people. As noted earlier, pine nuts are produced Locations of sites in the pinyon-juniper community is every year but only produce quantities adequate to supply also indirect evidence of pinyon use given the tendency for stores for winter food demands every few years. Because of people to camp in such areas near caches. But, they could this variation in productivity and the need to spend the winter also simply be there for the wood, to get up and out of the near stores or cached nuts, Julian Steward proposed a causal colder valley bottoms, or to be close to snow fields for water. relationship between the unpredictability of pinyon and the The presence of stone circles like those described for storage high residential mobility of these peoples as they moved facilities would also argue for pine nut use and storage. winter villages to be near the most recent productive areas. These are present in the pinyon-juniper community in the This fact, according to Steward, contributed to the fragmenta­ Great Basin. Few have been excavated, however. tion of aboriginal society in the Great Basin (especially the Interestingly, unequivocal use of pine nuts for food is Western Shoshone in the central portion of the region). somewhat scarce in the archaeological record, especially

USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-9. 1999 251 prior to about 1,500 or 2,000 years ago. Earliest evidence of Danger Cave. Reynolds (1997:3) reports dates of 8,790 ± human use of pinyon (most likely P. edulis) comes from 110 BP and 7,880 ± 60 PB from pack rat middens at the heavily used dry caves in the Great Basin and the Northern north and south end of the White Mountains, for example. Colorado Plateau. In sites such as Old Man Shelter, Atlatl None of these dates are from cultural contexts, however, Cave, and Dust Devil Cave (all in southeastern Utah), and no evidence exists for human reliance on pinyon prior pinyon is present in the deepest deposits dated to as early to the AD 600 date proffered above. as 8,000 years ago (Coulam and Sharpe 1993; Van Ness Explanations vary as to why pine nuts don't seem to be 1986). On the Colorado Plateau near the juncture of the used abundantly until the Late Holocene in the Great Green and Colorado Rivers, pinyon appears in quantities in Basin. Perhaps pinyon only recently migrated into areas Cowboy Cave by 3,500 years ago (Hewitt 1980:135). Inter­ such as Owens Valley. Or, perhaps higher ranked foods estingly, the evidence at Cowboy Cave is in the form of pitch were more abundant early, making pinyon less attractive. on basketry items, spindle whorls, and projectile points as It is also possible that our sample is simply not an accurate well as nuts and needles. Juniperus osteosperma (twigs and representation of past diet. seeds) and Pinus edulis (leaves and seeds) were both present Also somewhat puzzling is the variability in the evidence in the deepest layers at Cowboy Cave, although these levels for pinyon use at Anasazi sites often located in dense contain no clear evidence of human occupation. These pinyon-juniper woodlands. Rohn 1971, for example, reports botanical remains demonstrate that pinyon and juniper few evidences of pinyon use at Mug House at Mesa Verde. was present in this portion of the Colorado Plateau by It is possible, however, that this scarcity is a function of not 11,000 years ago (Jennings 1980:19,170). looking very closely for plant remains. More recent ar­ The earliest dates for pinyon use in the Great Basin come chaeological reports, such as those from the Grand Canyon from Danger Cave near Wendover, Utah, well to the north area (Sullivan 1992), contain good evidence for pinyon use of the dry caves of the Northern Colorado Plateau. Madsen by Anasazi between AD 800 and AD 1200. In fact, Sullivan and Rhode (1990) have dated pine seed coats from Danger found evidence that pinyon and other wild plants (ama­ Cave to -7,410 years ago, although this hull is apparently ranth and chenopod seeds, cactus, grasses) could have been from limber pine (P. flexilis) rather than pinyon (Rhode and more important than corn. Likewise, Huckell (1992) re­ Madsen 1997). Pinyon pine is definitely present at Danger ports abundant pinyon remains (seeds, seed shells, cone Cave by 6,800 years ago, however. Rhode and Madsen scales) from Anasazi sites just south of the Grand Canyon. (1997:17) conclude that pine nuts were a part of the diet Pinyon was also common in Antelope Cave north of the from the onset of human use of Danger Cave despite the Grand Canyon on the Uinkaret Plateau in levels dated to probability that the closest groves of ei ther limber or pinyon the Anasazi occupation (AD 700-900) (Janetski and Hall pine were at least 25 km to the west. These conclusions are 1983). Antelope Cave is currently 10 to 15 km from the supported in part by finds at Bonneville Estates Cave, just nearest pinyon groves, suggesting that people were trans­ south of Wendover, where pine nuts (apparently pinyon) in porting pine nuts to the site. At the nearby Pine Nut Site, good quantities were recovered from levels dated to 6,000 however, only a few charred needles were found in the BP (Schroedl 1997). In GatecliffShelter in Monitor Valley, float samples despite the site name. A number of possi­ central Nevada, charred cones and twigs document the bilities come to mind to explain the site to site differ­ presence of pinyon in that area by 5,300 years ago and seeds ences: preservation, the variation in pinyon production, and seed coat fragments are present just slightly later, and sampling bias. about 5,200 years ago (Thomas 1983:153,174). Madsen (1986) has argued that a strong case for an important dietary role for pinyon during these early times Construction Material is lacking (Madsen 1986). The best evidence for heavy use Archaeological evidence ofthe importance of both pinyon of pinyon in the Great Basin comes from Crab Cave near the and juniper for construction material is ubiquitous. Most Fish Springs waterfowl refuge where thousands of hulls fundamental is the use of these woods in house construc­ were found in deposits dating to sometime after 2,000 years tion. The Fremont used both as did the Anasazi. The ago (Madsen 1979). Interestingly, the closest source of pine number of trees used for house and kiva construction in the nuts for Crab Cave inhabitants is the Deep Creek Moun­ Southwest was tremendous. Ray Matheny (1971) has sug­ tains that are at least 35 km away. In Kachina Cave on the gested that the demand for pine and juniper for house Utah-Nevada border, two caches dated to 1,350 years ago construction during the maximum expansion of the Anasazi also yielded large quantities of pine nut hulls, although in southeastern Utah between AD 1000 and AD 1250 may here pinyon groves are nearby. have seriously depleted the pinyon-juniper community and In the extreme western Great Basin in Owens Valley of may have contributed to the abandonment of the Four eastern California, archaeologists have found that evi­ Corners region by the Anasazi in the late 13th century AD. dence for intensive use of pinyon does not appear until after The use of both woods for fuel is likewise evident in many about AD 600 or so (Bettinger 1989). Later sites, such as archaeological contexts in the Desert West. Pinyon House located in the pinyon-juniper community in Juniper bark fibers are commonly recovered in ar­ the White Mountains, contained all the evidences one chaeological contexts both in raw form and woven into might expect of heavy pinyon use: hulls, mulIers, cache pits, textiles. Juniper bark open twined matting, for example, roasting pits for cones, pinyon hooks, and bedrock mortars. was in burials, perhaps as shrouds. The Mosida burial on This kind of strong evidence for pinyon exploitation is Utah Lake, for example, was buried with juniper bark lacking at earlier sites, although there is evidence of pinyon twined matting dating to 5,500 years ago (J anetski and being present in Owens Valley even earlier than that at others 1992). Examples of twined juniper bark matting

252 USDA Forest Service Proceedings RMRS-P-9. 1999 found at Danger Cave date to between 3,000 and 11,000 Lanner, Ronald M. 1981. The pinon pine: a natural and cultural BP. At Sand Dune Cave on the Utah-Arizona border history. Reno: University of Nevada Press. 208 p. Lanner, Ronald M. 1983. The expansion of single leaf pinyon in the excavators found bundles of juniper bark dating to th~ Great Basin. In: Thomas, David H. The Archaeology of Monitor early Basketmaker period (about AD 200) or earlier Valley: 2, Gatecliff Shelter. New York: American Museum of (Lindsay and others 1968:86). Artifacts made of juniper Natural History. Anthropological Papers. 59(1): 167-171. wood were found in the upper levels of Cowboy Cave. Lindsay, Alexander J.; Ambler, J. Richard; Stein, Mary Anne; These include small, flat, smoothed rectangles identified as Hobler, Philip M. 1968. Survey and excavations north and east of Navajo Mountain, Utah, 1959-1962. Museum of Northern gaming pieces (Janetski 1980:81). Arizona Bulletin 45-Glen Canyon Series 8. Flagstaff: The Northern Arizona Society for Science and Art, Inc. 399 p. Madsen, David B. 1986. Great Basin nuts: a short treatise on the Conclusions distribution, productivity, and prehistoric use of pinyon. In: ------Condie, C. J. and Fowler, D. D., ed. Anthropology of the Desert Pinyon and juniper have provided important raw mate­ West. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press: 21-42. rial for native peoples for thousands of years in the Desert Madsen, David B. 1982. Prehistoric occupation patterns, subsis­ tence adaptations and chronology in the Fish Springs area, West. They depended on these familiar trees for food fuel Utah ..In: .Mad~en, David B.; Fike, R. E., ed. Archaeological shelter, and a multitude of other purposes. The e'thno~ InvestIgatIons m Utah. Utah Cultural Resource Series 12. Salt graphic data are clear as to these uses. 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