Kathleen Lonsdale
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Edited by KATHLEEN LONSDALE PRICE 3/6 Quakers Visit Russia Ediled by KATHLEEN LONSDALE Published by the Eash West Reialions Group of the Frle/idt' Peace Cotn/tti.dee, Friends House, Euston Road, London, N. IK t. First Edition July 1952 Reprinted October 1952 QUAKERS VISIT RUSSIA Edited by KATHLEEN LONSDALE Declaration to Charles II, 1660 "JKe utterly deny all outward wars and strife, and fightings with outward weapons, for any end, or under any pretence whatever; this is our testimony to the whole world. The Spirit of Christ by which we are guided is not changeable, so as once to command us from a thing as evil and again to move unto it; and we certainly know and testify to the world, that the Spirit of Christ, which leads us into all Truth, will never move us to fight and war against any man with outward weapons, neither for the Kingdom of Christ nor for the Kingdoms of this world.” Message of Goodwill to AM Men, 1956 (frwd In Engltih, French, German and Jtustton') "In face of deepening fear and mutual distrust throughout the world, the Society of Friends (Quakers) is moved to declare goodwill to all men everywhere. Friends appeal for the avoidance of words and deeds that increase suspicion and ill- feeling, for renewed efforts at understanding and for positive attempts to build a true peace. They are convinced that reconciliation is possible. They hope that this simple word, translated into many tongues, may itself help to create the new spirit in which the resources of the world will be diverted from war dike purposes and applied to the welfare of mankind.” Hl CONTENTS Chapter 1. Introduction page 1 How the visit came about, Quakerism and Marxism. The Partisans of Peace and the Society of Friends. Members of the Quaker Group. Chapter 2, Introduction to Moscow page 9 London to Moscow. A night in Prague. Customs examination in the U.S.S.R. First impressions of Moscow. Arrangement of programme. Our interpreters. Chapter 3. The First Two Days page 16 Internal passports. The Soviet Peace Committee. Tolstoy’s home. The British Embassy. Road transport in Moscow. The Moscow Metro. The Indian Embassy. Chapter 4. Visits to Churches page 24 The Moscow Baptists. The Troitsky Monastery. The Seminary for Priests. Visit to the Cinema. Chapter 5. End of the First Week page 32 Soviet standards of living. Foreign correspondents in Moscow, The Building Exhibition. Stalin's 70th Birthday Museum. Conference with the Patriarch. The Church in the U.S.S.R. The Gorki Park. Visit to Zis motor works. The Chinese Embassy. A Summer Ballet. Chapter 6. Leningrad and Kiev page 41 Journey to Leningrad. A Pioneer Palace. Leningrad Peace Committee. Visit to the Opera. A kindergarten in Kiev. The Monastery of the Caves. A collective farm. Talks in Kiev. v CONTENTS—contd. Chapter 7. Three Days of Conferences page 52 The Minister of Education. Tretiakov Art Gallery. The Burmese Embassy. Tula coal-mine. The Kremlin. Trade Unions in the U.S.S.R, A chocolate factory. Talks with Editors. Chapter 8. Last Days in Moscow page 61 Meeting with Mr. Malik. Lenin’s tomb. Professor Grekov and Mme. Popova. Visit to a prison camp. Final Press conference. Back to London. Chapter 9. Problems of intercourse, communications and propaganda page 75 Scientists, citizens and delegations. Why an iron curtain ? Newspapers and broadcasts. Chapter 10. Impressions and Opinions page 87 Life in the U.S.S.R. Restrictions and achievements. Tastes and customs. Social opportunity and political unity. Chapter 11. Aftermath of the Visit page 94 Questions and answers in Public Meetings. Chaptbr 12. The Peace Campaign. Is it genuine ? page 108 EPILOGUE page 113 APPENDIX I Interview with Mr. Malik page 117 APPENDIX II Soviet Background page 127 APPENDIX III Visit to Trade Union Headquarters page 140 Chapter 1 Introduction HIS book tells how seven Quakers went to Russia and what they Tdid and saw there. This first chapter seeks to explain just why they went. It paints in the background to their visit by telling how it came about and why they were appointed to go by the Executive Committee of the Religious Society of Friends in Great Britain. The Religious Society of Friends (Quakers) has for 300 years given to the world a clear peace testimony. For Friends it is an essential part of Christian living. They believe that war is always wrong, and that this applies not only to international war, but also to civil or class war. They have therefore tried to act as peace makers in all human relationships, private and business, national and international. They are opposed to all preparations for war, to re-armament and to conscription for military training, which they regard as an offence against the human spirit and as inconsistent with the teachings and practice of Christianity. Friends have therefore been deeply concerned at the deteriora tion in international relations since the end of the Second World War, at the deepening cleavage between the Western Powers and the Soviet Union and at the increasing measures of war preparation, which have diverted enthusiasm, energy, money and materials from the alleviation of poverty, disease and ignorance. Friends believe that religion is a way of life : “To be a Christian,” said William Penn, “is to be like Christ.” To work in order that fear, prejudice, injustice, poverty and ill-health may be overcome is part of true religion. They therefore sympathise deeply with the Marxist aims of social and racial justice; but they have been repelled by many aspects of Marxist-Leninist philosophy and of Communist and Soviet practice. The Communist philosophy is materialistic, atheistic and hostile to all religion ; Friends regard themselves as part of the Church of Christ. Marxists interpret history in terms of inevitable conflict; Friends believe deeply in the need for reconciliation of man with God ; they work for this end and for the reconciliation of men with one another. Lenin preached that morality should be subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat; Friends believe that integrity, love, generosity, truth, are absolutes ; they are the qualities of God, and are therefore bound, in the long run, to overcome hatred, suspicion, greed, error. Friends indeed have set such a high value on truth that many early Quakers (a name given first in derision) were imprisoned for their refusal to take the oath of loyalty or to swear at all, on the ground that this implied a double standard of truth. Friends recognise the existence of evils, but believe that the only way of overcoming them is to use truth, love and generosity. If men want to achieve either peace or justice, it is useless to employ falsehood, to feel suspicion or hatred, to be revengeful or resentful. Such methods as these are certain to fail to achieve good aims. Moreover freedom is an essential part of the philosophy of Friends; freedom to choose; persuasion and not compulsion. Even co-operation with God they believe must be free and not forced. Any form of totalitarianism is therefore abhorrent to them ; men must not be taught to think alike ; still less must they be forced to think alike. At the same time Friends realise that freedom has a social as well as a political significance, just as it has a mental as well as a physical meaning. Men or women bound by poverty to a life of continual toil, and yet living in constant fear of unemployment, are not free. Nor can men think clearly when they are ill, hungry, afraid or angry ; and since Friends accept Christ’s teaching concerning the individual value of each man to God and their responsibility for one another, it follows that those who are afflicted or even depraved need special love and care. Such Friends as William Penn, John Woolman, John Bellers, Elizabeth Fry, realised clearly that it is in justice, kindliness and mercy that the seeds of peace are sown. When offered a captaincy in Cromwell's army, George Fox said, in 1651, that he lived “in virtue of that life and power that took away the occasion of all wars.’* This Friends believe to be both possible and essential. It follows from the deep concern that Friends have felt both in regard to the increase of international tensions, to the growth of materialism and of disregard for individual rights, and to the increasing destructiveness and indiscriminate nature of weapons of war, that the members of the Society, both individually and cor porately, should have observed with interest the growth of the Partisans of Peace movement, which began with a meeting of intellectuals at Wroclaw in Poland in 1948, and continued at Paris Stockholm and Warsaw in 1949 and 1950. The fact that this movement was not officially encouraged in the West would not have prevented Friends from supporting it if they had felt that it was genuinely likely to promote peacemaking. This, however, they did not see clearly. It was clear that the idea of the movement had originated in the Soviet Union and that it was widely supported there and in the satellite countries. This again was not in its disfavour if the support wrere genuine and free ; but was it? The movement also received much support in other countries, including those of the West, from perplexed people who honestly desire peace and who grasp at any simply-expressed documentary statement of that general desire. Yet the very wording of the documents put out by the Partisans of Peace was belligerent, and not reconciling, while the speeches of participants in various Peace Congresses, some of which had been printed in extenso, were not couched in the language of peace or of understanding ; they placed all the blame for the Korean War and the serious international situation generally on the Western Powers and, in particular, on the U.S.A., with no corresponding criticism of any feature whatever of Soviet policy.