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The Future Herbal Tea Shops in Hong Kong

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The Future Herbal Tea Shops in Hong Kong HONG KONG The Anthropology of a Chinese Metropolis ANTHROPOLOGY OF ASIA SERIES Published by Curzon Press and University ofHawai'i Press Series editor Grant Evans University ofHong Kong Asia today is one of the most dynamic regions of the world. The previously predominant image of'timeless peasants' has given way to the image of fast-paced business people, mass consumerism and high-rise urban conglomerations. Yet much discourse remains entrenched in the polarities of 'East vs. West', 'Tradition vs Change'. This series hopes to provide a forum for anthropological studies which break with such polarities. It will publish titles dealing with cosmopolitanism, cultural identity, representations, arts and performance. The complexities ofurban Asia, its elites, its political rituals, and its families will also be explored Dangerous Blood, Refined Souls Death Rituals among the Chinese in Singapore Tong Chee Kiong Anthropology and Colonialism in Asia Reflections on the Japanese, Dutch, Chinese, and Indian Experiences Edited by Jan van Bremen and Akitoshi Shimizu Folk Art Potters of Japan Beyond an Anthropology ofAesthetics Brian Moeran HONG KONG The Anthropology of a Chinese Metropolis Edited by Grant Evans and Maria Tam UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI'I PRESS HONOLULU Published in North America by University of Hawai'i Press 2840 Kolowalu Street Honolulu, Hawai'i 96822 First published in 1997 by Curzon Press 15 The Quadrant, Richmond Surrey, TW9 lBP © 1997 G. Evans and M. Tam Printed in Great Britain All rights reserved. No part ofthis book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Library ofCongress Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book has been requested ISBN 0-8248-2005-3 CONTENTS List ofIllustrations Vll Introduction: The Anthropology of Contemporary Hong Kong Grant Evans & Maria Tam IDENTITY 2 Hong Kong Ethnicity: OfFolk Models and Change 25 Gregory Eliyu Guldin 3 Back To The Future: Herbal Tea Shops in Hong Kong 51 Cheng Sea Ling CULTURAL STUDIES 4 OfMimicry and Mermaids: Hong Kong and the Documentary Film Legacy 77 Philip Robertson 5 Resurgent Chinese Power in Postmodern Disguise: The New Bank of China Buildings in Hong Kong and Macau 102 Cheng Miu Bing. Christina 6 Treading the Margins: Performing Hong Kong 124 Rozanna Lilley GENDER AND KINSHIP 7 Selina Ching Chan Negotiating Tradition: Customary Succession in the New Territories of Hong Kong 151 8 Jyuht Fohng Neuih: Female Inheritance and Affection 174 Eliza Chan v ANTHROPOLOGY OF HONG KONG 9 Motherhood in Hong Kong: The Working Mother and Child-care in the Parent-Centred Hong Kong Family 198 Diana Martin RELIGION AND BELIEFS 10 Traditional Values and Modem Meanings in the Paper Offering Industry of Hong Kong 223 Janet Lee Scott 11 Sacred Power in the Metropolis: Shrines and Temples in Hong Kong 242 Graeme Lang 12 Ghosts and the New Governor: The Anthropology of a Hong Kong Rumour 267 Grant Evans LANGUAGE 13 Bad Boys and Bad Language: ChOu Hau and the Sociolinguistics of Swearwords in Hong Kong Cantonese 299 Kingsley Bolton & Christopher Hutton Glossary 333 Contributors 335 VI LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figures 5.1 Bank ofChina Building. 5.2 Chinese-style gardens at the base ofthe Bank. 5.3 The Hongkong Bank Building. 5.4 Two bronze lions outside the Hongkong Bank in Central. 5.5 Governor's residence in the foreground with the China Bank 'blades' in the background. 5.6 Citibank Tower. 5.7 Bank ofChina Building in Macau. 5.8 Hong Kong's Post-modern skyline. 5.9 The Amaral Equestrian Monument. 5.10 The Bank ofChina building without the Amaral statue. (Following page 104) vii 1 INTRODUCTION THE ANTHROPOLOGY OF CONTEMPORARY HONG KONG Grant Evans & Maria Tam When anthropologist Barbara Ward arrived in Hong Kong in 1950 she remarked that in 'the harbour itself, all the local craft were under sail; in the New Territories every particle offlat or terraced land was under rice .. .'. Indeed, rural rhythms still pulsated faintly through the city: 'Street life was also marked by seasonal changes ofcolour, for most men wore Chinese suits - black in summer and soft bluish grey with wide white turned back cuffs in autumn and winter' (1985:ix). Ward came to Hong Kong firmly convinced that a central tenet ofanthropology is the cross­ cultural study ofmeaning, the attempt to see 'through other eyes'. She herself did this by studying a group marginal to mainstream of Cantonese society, the 'Tanka' or boat people. Like many anthro­ pologists of her day she travelled out ofthe city to carry out her main fieldwork. In the academic division of labour which had developed in both Europe and America anthropologists were allocated tribal peoples and peasants as well as exotic (to some people 'irrational') belief systems, while sociologists studied industrial societies, cities and 'rationality'. But world politics also dictated where, when and how anthropological fieldwork was done. Prior to 1950 few anthropological studies had been written about China; the work by Fei Hsiao Tung and Frances Hsu was exceptional. After the communist revolution in China anthropology was vilified as an 'imperialist'discipline and disappeared from the mainland until its recent revival (Guldin 1994). Thus, ifanthropologists wished to study 'China' they were confined to Hong Kong and Taiwan, so when anthropologists came to Hong Kong in the 1950s and 1960s they invariably headed offto the still rural villages ofthe New Territories to study what was left of 'traditional China'. The influential work on ANTHROPOLOGY OF HONG KONG Chinese lineages by Maurice Freedman was partly based on fieldwork there, as were many other studies. Anthropologists came to Hong Kong to investigate 'traditional China', not the rapidly growing modem city of Hong Kong. There were some exceptions to this rule however, including an insightful study ofa small factory's organization written by Barbara Ward in the mid-1960s where she tried 'to discern what, if anything, was specifically 'Chinese' about the socio-economic relationships involved' (1985:140). Culture came into play 'only in those areas where the demands of technology itself were not overriding' (1985: 140), and she found a sum of'intangibles' (1985:169) which added up to something like a 'Chinese style for running economic institutions' (1985: 169), orat least a perceived difference in style. In the context of recent mythologising about the 'uniqueness' of the Chinese firm (trenchantly critiqued by Greenhalgh 1994), Ward's study stands out as a sober and careful piece of research. Perhaps it is also the first real anthropological study ofmodem Hong Kong. While others did some research in urban locations what they documented there was the persistence of 'tradition'. Only in the early 1970s did urban anthropological research consciously begin with the work ofFred Blake, Greg Guldin, John Meyers and Eugene Cooper. However, this work soon stalled, and when the 'real China' opened up in the 1980s anthropologists flowed across the borders. Institutional factors also influenced the anthropological study of Hong Kong. When an anthropology department was established at the Chinese University ofHong Kong in 1980 following a division from the sociology department, the emphasis of its staff was on the study on Chinese minorities and Chinese 'traditional' culture. At the University of Hong Kong anthropology, for various reasons, remained a minor stream within the sociology department. In general, it was sociologists who taught about and studied urban industrial Hong Kong. Only recently have anthropologists begun to focus on modem Hong Kong society. This corresponds to a global shift in anthropological interest which has broken the straightjacket ofthe old academic division oflabour and allowed the anthropological gaze to roam over the whole ofhuman action. Furthermore, in China itselfanthropology has revived and it is no longer confined to the ethnology of minorities, but also focuses on the Han and urban anthropological research (Guldin and Southall 1993). In Hong Kong these re-orientations have also been spurred on throughout the 1980s and 1990s by the prospects of re­ unification with China in 1997 and an ever intensifying cultural debate about 'Hong Kong Identity'. 2 INTRODUCTION CULTURE & IDENTITY It was the closure of the border with China following the communist revolution in 1949 that gave Hong Kong a heightened sense of distinctiveness. Prior to then it was primarily seen as a place oftransit. The migrants who flooded into Hong Kong after the revolution maintained this mood for a while in the 1950s, but soon it became apparent that most of them were here for good. Indeed, the British Colonial Government initially thought there would be a reflux of refugees when conditions stabilised on the mainland. The realisation that the thousands ofrefugees in their squatter settlements were here to stay brought into existence the massive public housing programme which has gone on ever since. Many ofthese migrants were from urban China, and fortuitously combined with migrant capital from Shanghai they provided the essential ingredients for the rapid transformation of Hong Kong into a modem industrial society. By 1984, when the Joint Declaration was signed between London and Beijing for the return of Hong Kong to China, a whole new generation had been born and bred in Hong Kong and a unique cultural formation had established itself in the colony. Writing in the China Quarterly in 1984 Hugh Baker declared 'The Emergence ofHong Kong Man': He is go-getting and higWy competitive, tough for survival, quick­ thinking and flexible. He wears western clothes, speaks English or expects his children to do so, drinks western alcohol, has sophisticated tastes in cars and household gadgetry, and expects life to provide a constant stream ofexcitement and new opening.
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