Understanding the Immigrant Experience in Oregon Research, Analysis, and Recommendations from University of Oregon Scholars

Robert Bussel, Editor

Editor Lara Skinner, Graduate Teaching Fellow, LERC Robert Bussel, Associate Professor of History and and Department of Sociology Director, Labor Education and Research Center Lynn Stephen, Distinguished Professor, Department of Anthropology

Contributing authors Spanish editing and translation Michael Aguilera, Assistant Professor of Sociology J. Mark Eddy, Research Associate, Oregon Social Marcela Mendoza, Adjunct Assistant Professor and Learning Center, and Courtesy Research Associate, Research Associate, Department of Anthropology Department of Psychology Magali Morales, Crystal Clear Translation Justyna Goworowska, Graduate Teaching Fellow, Department of Geography Illustrations Susan Hardwick, Professor of Geography Roberto Arroyo, Graduate Teaching Fellow, Ken Kato, Assistant Director of the InfoGraphics Department of Romance Languages Laboratory, and Department of Geography

Mauricio Magana, Graduate Teaching Fellow, Photographs Center for the Study of Women in Society Center for Intercultural Organizing Charles Martinez, Jr., Research Scientist, Oregon Social Learning Center, and Associate Professor, Susan Hardwick, Professor of Geography College of Education Rowanne Haley, Immigration and Refugee Heather McClure, Research Associate, Oregon Community Organization Social Learning Center, and Courtesy Research Lise Nelson, Assistant Professor of Geography Associate, Department of Anthropology Oregon Historical Society Marcela Mendoza, Adjunct Assistant Professor and Lynn Stephen, Distinguished Professor, Research Associate, Department of Anthropology Department of Anthropology University of Oregon Libraries

Acknowledgements

We appreciate the early support from the Office We acknowledge the assistance of Norma Martinez- of the Vice President for Research and Graduate HoSang, LERC research specialist, in developing a Studies at the University of Oregon for seed money PowerPoint presentation and discussion guide that and funding for the production of the report. will help community organizations and other interested parties more effectively use the information We gratefully acknowledge the Betty Lou Roberts contained in this report. Fund of the Oregon Community Foundation for providing a generous $25,000 grant to support We are also grateful to our community advisory production costs and Spanish translation of this board, whose members helped us refine the con- report. cept for this report and reviewed the final draft: David Ayala, Service Employees International Thanks go to Brook Eastman, cartographer in the Union Local 49 University of Oregon InfoGraphics Laboratory, for her excellent work on the maps and color charts in Michael Dale, Northwest Workers’ Justice Project the report. Kayse Jama, Center for Intercultural Organizing Victoria Libov, Immigration and Refugee Thanks are extended to , Labor Deb Mailander Community Organization Education and Research Center grants coordinator, who acted as project manager for the report and Jorge Navarro, Centro LatinoAmericano worked tirelessly to keep it on track. Mimi Perdue, Oregon Bureau of Labor and Industries We greatly appreciate the efforts of Creative Jim Pruitt, Kaiser Permanente Northwest Publishing at the university, including design director Colin Miller and senior editor John R. Guadalupe Quinn, CAUSA Crosiar, who ably shepherded this project through Carmen Urbina, Eugene 4J School District the editing, layout, and final production phase. Steve Witte, United Farm Workers of America

Table of Contents

Executive Summary...... 9

Chapter 1: Oregon: An Emerging Immigrant Gateway...... 12

Chapter 2: Open Arms or Arms Length: A Historical Perspective on Immigration in Oregon...... 20

Chapter 3: Urban Immigration in Oregon: The City as Context...... 32

Chapter 4: Latin American Immigration in Rural Oregon ...... 44

Chapter 5: Latino Immigrant Children and Families: Demographics, Challenges, and Promise ...... 56

Chapter 6: Work and Employment for Immigrants in Oregon...... 68

Conclusion...... 81

Executive Summary The Immigrant Experience in Oregon

ver the last two decades, the face of Ore- sociology in formulating our analysis. gon has changed dramatically with the ar- We do not claim to offer a comprehensive or ex- rival of significant numbers of immigrants haustive study; however, we do provide a concise and refugees. In cities and small towns, overview of many aspects of the immigrant experi- in schools, churches, and workplaces, ence in Oregon. We also focus special attention on O and in community and civic affairs, these newcom- the experience of Latino immigrants, who represent ers from abroad have become active participants in the largest segment of newcomers to Oregon over Oregon’s social and economic life in their quest to the last fifteen years. achieve civic integration and social acceptance. Here is a summary of our major observations In spite of the profound demographic and so- and findings: cial changes that Oregon is undergoing as its population has grown more diverse, there has been little I. Immigrants and refugees have dramatically systematic analysis of how immigrants are faring in changed the demographics of Oregon’s popu- their attempt to establish themselves in their new lation in the last two decades environment. Moreover, public discussion about • According to 2005 figures, the foreign born com- immigration has often lacked data, context, and prise 9.7 percent of Oregon’s total population, analysis that would illuminate the multiple dimen- with more than 60 percent of these new arrivals sions of the immigrant experience and examine how coming since 1990. communities and social institutions are responding • Oregon has become a leading destination point to the presence of newcomers in their midst. for refugees. The state ranks eleventh nationally We offer this report as an initial effort to for numbers of refugees taken in, and Portland help broaden public understanding of the immi- has the nation’s twelfth largest refugee popula- grant experience in Oregon and contribute to a tion among U. S. cities. more informed discussion of its complexities. It • It is anticipated that new refugee populations are is time for policymakers, employers, educators, most likely to come from Africa, Myanmar, and and civic leaders to recognize Oregon’s chang- the Middle East. Refugees from Africa have been ing social demographics and develop a more sys- the most numerous arriving in Oregon in recent tematic approach to helping immigrants adapt to years. their new environment. As scholars and teach- • More Russians and Ukrainians came to Oregon ers, we bring an interdisciplinary perspective to and Washington between 1990 and 2005 than to this task, drawing on the insights of anthropol- any other region of the country. ogy, clinical psychology, geography, history, and • By 2005, Latinos comprised 9.9 percent of Ore- 10 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON

gon’s total population. It is estimated that 70–80 creating challenges for schools, employers, law percent of adult Latino immigrants to Oregon enforcement, and other institutions that are seek- have come within the past ten years. Between ing to meet their needs. 1990 and 2000, the Latino population doubled in • A new trend in Latino immigration has been the twenty-one of Oregon’s thirty-six counties, sig- arrival of more than fourteen indigenous groups naling more dispersed settlement into suburban of people from Guatemala and Mexico. With and rural areas. It is also estimated that by 2020, markedly distinctive languages and customs, Latinos will comprise 28 percent of school-age these groups will require focused outreach and children in Oregon. specific assistance to aid them in their adaptation to social life in Oregon’s rural communi- II. Oregonians’ attitudes toward immigration ties. have historically been marked by ambivalence • We find evidence that Latino youths and their • Historically, Oregon’s political leaders distin- parents are particularly challenged when youths guished between “desirable” and “undesirable” embrace their new culture more rapidly, thereby immigrants on the basis of ethnic and racial ori- creating tensions in the parent-child relation- gin and developed public policy with this dis- ship. Latino youths also face special challenges tinction in mind. This ambivalence toward new- in the school environment, where their dropout comers, rooted in suspicion of cultural difference rates are relatively high, and schools have in and doubts about the state’s ability to integrate some cases been slow to develop culturally sen- immigrants from non–European backgrounds, sitive programs of assistance and intervention. has been a recurring theme throughout Oregon’s • Although it had earlier antecedents, Latino im- history and continues to influence contemporary migration to Oregon grew most significantly over discussion and attitudes about immigration. the last seven decades of the twentieth century. Four distinct generations of Latinos, mostly of III. Immigrants are making progress in adapt- Mexican origin, now live in Oregon. As a re- ing to their new environment sult, we find the emergence of mixed legal sta- • We find evidence that immigrants are making tus among members of Latino immigrant house- steady progress in adapting to their new environ- holds. For example, in Woodburn, 27 percent of ment. As has been the case historically, they are households surveyed included both members establishing their own institutions—churches, holding legal status and members that are unau- clubs, businesses—that provide vital services thorized. Mixed status may complicate efforts by and create social cohesion in addition to partici- these families to seek needed social services and pating in existing organizations that address their suggests the complexities that must be dealt with needs. Their labor market participation rates are in approaching immigration reform. high, confirming the presence of a strong work ethic. They are also beginning to become more V. Work and employment: immigrants make involved in community and political affairs, are important contributions to Oregon’s economy seeking improved educational opportunities for • Immigrants play a vital role in Oregon’s econ- their children, and are becoming more vocal in omy. They total 11.3 percent of Oregon’s labor demanding better conditions of employment. force, up from 5.4 percent in 1990. • Immigrants work in a variety of occupations rang- IV. Latino immigrants face particular challenging from professional and sales to manufacturing, es as well as opportunities in their quest for services, and construction. Of the ten most pop- acculturation and civic integration ulous immigrant groups in Oregon, Vietnamese, • Latinos are the most populous immigrant group Ukrainians, and Mexicans have fared less well in Oregon. Their growing presence and disper- in the labor market. Mexicans have had the most sal to suburbs and rural areas has changed the challenging labor market experiences, although character of many communities in Oregon, not there is some evidence of occupational mobility only providing new energy and vitality but also and increased earnings over time. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON • 11

• Factors that account most strongly for immigrant student performance, and school districts should success in the labor market are English fluency, draw on these examples in crafting outreach ef- length of time in the U. S., and having legal sta- forts aimed at Latino students. tus. We also find a gender gap in earnings for im- • Communities should consider creating local task migrant women. forces that bring together key stakeholders to de- • Immigrants, especially those who are unauthor- velop programs and policies that will address ized, can face exploitative workplace conditions, the needs of immigrants and create working including exposure to accident and injury, viola- relationships between newcomers and longer- tions of wage and hour laws, and a lack of health term residents. The Portland Task Force on Im- insurance coverage. The emergence of nonstan- migrants and Refugees, which relied heavily on dard work arrangements, including temporary immigrant input and involvement, is a model of and contracted work, have made it more diffi- this type of effort that is worthy of replication. cult for immigrant workers to gain redress when • Oregon should follow the lead of other states faced with employer violations of labor law. and convene a task force of key stakeholders to develop an overall strategy aimed at helping im- Recommendations migrant workers to become more economically We believe that Oregon has been slow to respond to productive and socially integrated. the increased presence of immigrants in our com- • Legislation that would provide stronger protec- munities, workplaces, and schools, especially com- tions for workers in contingent employment re- pared with other states that have taken a more ac- lationships should be considered. Although not tive public policy approach. We offer the following exclusively aimed at immigrants, such legisla- recommendations on how communities, policy- tion would address some of the abuses growing makers, and other institutions can help immigrants out of employment relationships that allow em- become more successfully integrated into social ployers to avoid responsibility and liability for and economic life. their actions. • There are several models of programs in Oregon • Because the labor market experiences of immi- that provide comprehensive, coordinated ser- grants are powerfully influenced by their legal vices for immigrants and refugees. These pro- status, our research affirms the importance of grams have demonstrated success in helping legislation that would provide them with a path- immigrants and refugees become socially and way to citizenship or some form of legal status. economically integrated. We urge policymakers We also support programs aimed at increasing to consider extending such programs to smaller access to English language instruction, another cities and towns throughout Oregon where im- key determinant of labor market success and ac- migrants have increasingly settled. culturation for immigrants. • Rural communities with growing immigrant populations should expand availability of bi- As we stated at the outset, we are aware that lingual and multilingual services, encourage there are many aspects of the immigrant experience greater coordination among existing immigrant in Oregon that have not been addressed in this re- outreach programs, and develop closer liaisons port. We are eager to build on this initial effort, among existing institutions, recent immigrants, explore further opportunities for interdisciplinary and long-term residents. cooperation among researchers at the University • Latino youths in particular would benefit from of Oregon, and identify areas requiring additional interventions that incorporate the concept of study. We hope that this report and its recommen- familism into school curriculum and interac- dations will not only help generate thoughtful dis- tions with staff members. Sensitivity to the role cussion but will also lead to action aimed at help- of family in Latino life would facilitate more ef- ing Oregon’s immigrants achieve civic integration fective parental involvement in the education of and social acceptance. Latino youths. Also, community-based best practices have proven successful in boosting Latino by Susan Hardwick and Charles R. Martinez Jr.

Chapter 1 Oregon: An Emerging Immigrant Gateway

rom political campaigns to front-page sto- spite popular misperceptions about the homogene- ries, it is clear that immigration is one of ity of race, space, and place in the region, today’s the hot-button issues of our time. Ongoing Oregon is increasingly pluralistic and diverse. New debates at the federal level about border immigrants from Latin America, Southeast Asia, enforcement, driver’s licenses for undocu- Africa, and the former Soviet Union, in particular, F mented residents, accessibility of public have settled here in relatively large numbers, services, English-only statutes, and the especially since the early 1990s. Evidence visa allocation system remain national of this “diversity shift” is increasingly concerns. However, the multiple di- visible as immigrants become part of the mensions and complex implications demographic, social, and cultural fabric of increased immigration emerge most of both Oregon and the United States. visibly in cities, small towns, and The map and graph shown on page 15 neighborhoods across America where provide evidence of this dramatic demo- newcomers attend schools and churches, graphic shift in Oregon between 1870 and seek health care, perform vital labor, and 2000. are beginning to participate in community Despite the dramatic population change and civic affairs. currently re-shaping people and places in Oregon, In 2005, an estimated 35.7 million legal and efforts to document or assess the spatial patterns, unauthorized immigrants were living in the United political policies, historical context, and commu- States. During the first decade of the twenty-first nity relations that have marked the immigrant ex- century the United States experienced an extraor- perience in Oregon have been limited. This is sur- dinary transformation of its population brought on prising since Oregon has become an increasingly by two decades of exponential growth in immigra- important destination for relatively large numbers tion. Not only did more immigrants arrive in the of new immigrants and refugees, especially during country between 1990 and 2005 than in any other the past decade and one-half. The chapters that fol- period on record, but also new immigrant settle- low help fill this gap in our understanding of the ment patterns emerged in unexpected places all Oregon immigrant experience. across the nation. Table 1 (see page 14) provides a closer look According to recent census reports, the state of at the evolving population of one specific Oregon Oregon now has one of the most rapidly growing county during three comparative periods of time. foreign-born populations in the United States. De- As immigrants and refugees from many dif- 14 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON ferent parts of the world continue to settle in both Data sources urban and rural parts of Oregon, it is essential for Data were gathered and analyzed for this report policymakers, educators, planners, and the general from a wide variety of sources. The authors of the public to understand more about the experiences following chapters relied on information found and aspirations of these newest Oregonians. Con- in statistical reports such as the U.S. census and sidering the challenges facing many foreign-born school district records, archival documents, pro- Oregonians today, why have such large numbers of spective survey research, newspaper articles and immigrants and refugees settled in our state; where other published materials, participant observation, are they located; what has been their interaction and personal interviews with immigrants, refugees, and social service providers in Ore- Table 1 Foreign-born population of Multnomah gon. It is important to note that census County’s largest immigrant groups data used for maps, graphs, and tables in various chapters show data only on authorized immigrants. Due to the 1870 1900 2005 limitations caused by cultural and lin-

Ireland 823 China 7,115 Mexico 25,682 guistic factors, as well as the omission of the potentially large numbers of un- Germany 639 Germany 5,040 Eastern Europe 11,165 authorized immigrants who reside in Oregon as in other parts of the United China 506 Canada 2,257 Vietnam 10,597 States, census data is not fully reli- able. As a result, this report provides England and 400 England 2,187 China 5,479 Wales only estimates of comparative population change at different periods rather British Americas 300 Sweden 1,948 Russia 2,761 than exact counts. The use of qualitative data sources Scotland 300 Ireland 1,896 United Kingdom 2,761 such as interviews and participant observation in the chapters that follow France 80 Japan 1,327 Canada 2,652 help corroborate our quantitative findings. Those interviewed for this project Sweden and 42 Russia 1,031 Korea 2,264 Norway include men and women, recent and

Switzerland 23 Norway 956 East Africa 1,489 long-term immigrants, and representa- tives of various age and income levels. Denmark 21 Switzerland 878 Iran 1,398 In addition, careful attention was paid throughout this report to provide the SOURCES: U.S. CENSUS BUREAU, CENSUS OF POPULATION, 1870, CENSUS OF POPULATION, 1900, AMERICAN COMMUNITY SURVEY, 2005 (MULTNOMAH COUNTY) most up-to-date information about the immigrant experience as possible. This with local, regional, and state infrastructures and proved challenging due to the lack of more frequent social support systems; and how are they adjust- statistical reports documenting the state’s changing ing to their new environment? This first chapter demographics up to the present day. provides general background to help answer some As these caveats suggest, each of these data of these questions. We outline the primary reasons sources contains its own set of methodological chal- why Oregon has emerged as a new immigrant gate- lenges and limitations. As soon as more focused re- way state in the twenty-first century and review search is conducted with immigrant populations in some of the processes affecting immigrant integra- Oregon, we can anticipate the appearance of more tion and adjustment. The chapter concludes with widespread and stable data. Nonetheless, since brief summaries of the topics addressed by our col- data on the experiences of immigrant populations leagues. Our overarching goal throughout Chapter are so sparse, the findings presented in this report 1 is to introduce and provide context for the more offer a unique glimpse into the stories and lives of detailed analyses that follow. Oregon’s newest immigrants. We offer one additional observation regarding our data analysis. Contemporary discourse on im- OREGON: AN EMERGING IMMIGRANT GATEWAY • 15

Flow of immigrants to Oregon by place of origin, 2000

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0LRO@Bñ20ñ BKPRPñ ROB>R ñ ñ-LMRI>QFLKñ BKPRPñ>KA )LV ñ4FIIF>Jñ$ ñ0QR>OQñII>K ñFIBBKñ/ ñ R@HIBV ñ>KAñ'>JBPñ" ñ *B>@E>J QI>PñLCñ,OBDLK ñ0B@LKAñ"AFQFLK ñ2KFSBOPFQVñLCñ,OBDLKñ-OBPP ñ"RDBKB ñ,OBDLK ñ 0LRO@Bñ20ñ BKPRPñ ROB>R ñ ñ-LMRI>QFLKñ BKPRPñ>KA )LV ñ4FIIF>Jñ$ ñ0QR>OQñII>K ñFIBBKñ/ ñ R@HIBV ñ>KAñ'>JBPñ" ñ*B>@E>J QI>PñLCñ,OBDLK ñ0B@LKAñ"AFQFLK ñ2KFSBOPFQVñLCñ,OBDLKñ-OBPP ñ"RDBKB ñ,OBDLK ñ 16 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON migration invariably fo- as an important destina- cuses on the complicated, tion for new immigrants controversial issue of legal from Latin America and status. In this report we use elsewhere. Despite its rela- the terms “unauthorized” tively small total popula- and “undocumented” in re- tion, the state now ranks ferring to those immigrants eleventh nationally for the who lack legal status. We number of new refugees, believe these terms reflect with the city of Portland the broader social context ranking twelfth among top and complex consider- cities of refugee resettle- ations that have led immi- ment. Along with the large grants to enter the country number of newcomers who without authorization. Our come to Oregon under this goal is to understand and special political classifica- explain the immigrant ex- tion designed to help pro- perience in Oregon, and tect victims of religious, we believe that the term political, or other types of “illegal” tends to obscure persecution in their home- this broader context, nar- lands, U.S. refugee policies row the scope of analysis, strongly encourage family and short-circuit thought- reunification. Therefore, ful public discussion. refugees who have already been resettled in the Unit- Why has Oregon become an immigrant gateway? ed States are allowed to bring family members from A complex set of interrelated factors has spurred the home to join them, thereby adding significantly to growth of immigration in Oregon. One of the pri- their total numbers in refugee-rich states like Or- mary reasons has been the decline in employment egon. in traditional immigrant gateway states. Economic Another factor that has expanded the number of growth in more peripheral regions of the United immigrants and refugees in Oregon is the presence States, along with a decline in earlier immigrant of elaborate resettlement and social service net- settlement nodes, has helped shift new immigrant works that provide new and potential immigrants destinations. As the economy of the northwest con- with support upon arrival. These networks operate tinued to grow during the past twenty-five years or from local to transnational levels and are invalu- so, older industrial areas located in the “Rust Belt” able in helping newcomers find a place to live, reg- suffered an ongoing population loss prompted in ister family members for school, seek health care, part by a sharp decline in once plentiful manufac- and face many of the other immediate challenges of turing jobs. beginning a new life in a new place. Specific groups of immigrants have also been Many of the most significant types of networks drawn to Oregon for other reasons. For example, are based on the importance of family ties and rela- migrants from Latin America were attracted by the tionships. Because of Oregon’s long history as a site availability of employment in the state’s agricultur- of Latino settlement, small towns and communi- al sector. As discussed in a later chapter, from fer- ties continue to attract ever larger numbers of new tile Willamette Valley orchards to potato processing migrants from Latin America and especially from plants in small towns along the Columbia River in rural Mexico because of the linguistic, cultural, the eastern parts of the state, Mexicans and other and social support that is well established in cer- Spanish-speaking workers have long journeyed to tain parts of the state. Likewise, Oregon’s nationally Oregon to take jobs that will pay enough to help respected refugee social service organizations that support families both in the United States and back have been operating since the post–Vietnam War at home. era provide new refugees with housing, employ- In addition, Oregon is now one of the most ment, and other services during their first year of important states for refugee resettlement as well settlement in the state. OREGON: AN EMERGING IMMIGRANT GATEWAY • 17

These well-organized social and political net- as the “other” in a primarily white, homogeneous works are important elements in attracting refugees state. Despite the rapid demographic changes cur- and immigrants from other parts of the world to rently reshaping our state, the perception of Oregon Oregon. Since the 1980s when the refugee resettle- as a white place is deeply entrenched and has been ment program in the U.S. first began, there has been influenced by the region’s larger historical context a shift from leading destination sites such as Cali- of settlement dominated by European Americans. fornia and New York to less populated states such The dominant culture, especially in the earliest as Oregon, Washington, and Minnesota. Refugee years of urban settlement, sought to maintain a ho- populations have also added significantly to the mogeneous place that actively worked against incor- overall diversity of these states. The ongoing arrival poration of the “other”—from the earliest territorial of surprisingly large numbers of political and en- laws prohibiting African Americans to the Ku Klux vironmental refugees from the Middle East, South- Klan in the 1920s, from anti–Japanese sentiment in east Asia, the former Soviet Union, and Africa in the 1940s to skinhead violence in the 1980s, and Oregon cities such as Portland, Salem, and Med- most recently an upsurge in anti-immigrant rheto- ford are discussed in more detail in a later chapter. ric that has contributed to political polarization. These deep-seated attitudes and perceptions Adjustment to a new environment linger among many residents of Oregon today. The Structured and unstructured interviews with immi- region’s earliest immigration patterns were domi- grants and refugees provided answers to questions nated by Germans, people from the British Isles, about the adjustment experiences of newcomers in and Scandinavians, with other European Ameri- various parts of the state. For example, we learned cans coming in even larger numbers from the mid- that it is quite common for foreign-born Oregonians Atlantic, New England, and Midwestern states af- to continue to feel estranged from the dominant ter the mid-nineteenth century. These immigrants norms and values of their new Oregon lives. Dur- and internal migrants were instrumental in shaping an interview conducted in 2005 in Portland, for ing Oregon’s dominant cultural norms and values. example, a young man from Ethiopia expressed his After restrictive immigration laws were passed by concerns about the future as follows: the federal government in the 1920s, the growth of foreign-born residents in the state slowed con- I came here six years ago you know. And it all siderably, ceasing altogether at times. During the seemed like the right thing to do then. I tried so past two-and-one-half decades, however, Oregon hard to learn how to speak English and get a job. has evolved into what Audrey Singer at the Brook- I even signed up for classes at the community ings Institution has called a “re-emerging immi- college. But today I still feel like I will never be grant gateway.” Along with other rapidly changing a part of it all. I will always and forever be some- nontraditional immigrant receiving states such as one who everyone calls a refugee. Really, I will North Carolina, Iowa, and Minnesota, Oregon has never be a real person here. experienced population diversity and growth since Like this interviewee, the stories of immigrants the late 1980s that has exceeded all expectations. and refugees who now reside in Oregon often cen- Yet while Oregon has experienced nonlinear socio- tered on memories of the struggle to survive in their demographic growth for the past two decades, the new lives. Others shared painful stories of abuse in social service, health care, and educational ma- their homeland and lengthy, difficult stays in refu- chinery has been slow to respond to these changes, gee camps awaiting permission to enter the United leading to a host of structural barriers that add to States. Many spoke dramatically about the color immigrants’ adaptation challenges. line that separates them from Oregon’s mainstream During the past decade and one-half, economic white political culture and their frustrating search and political change has significantly affected im- for “anything other than minimum-wage employ- migrants’ ability to achieve social integration and ment.” Still other participants in one of our studies acceptance. In particular, economic growth in Or- spotlighted parental concerns that their children egon and elsewhere has been marked by growth were labeled as immigrants, second-language learn- in “new economy” jobs, especially in the technol- ers, or refugees in school performance records. ogy sector. Unlike earlier periods when new immi- One of the primary reasons for this challenging grants found work in occupations tied to primary adjustment to Oregon is the historical legacy of life production such as lumbering, farming, and fish- 18 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON ing, the new economy requires language and employment skills not currently possessed by many foreign-born Oregonians. Com- plicating the situation, the technology bubble burst in the early years of the new century, trigger- ing a mild recession in the state and nation. Although Oregon’s economy largely recovered and employment levels rebounded, both foreign-born and native- born Oregonians remained concerned about their future prospects, especially as signs of a serious economic recession increasingly appear. Another significant event that has shaped the In Chapter 2 Bob Bussel lays a historical foun- lives of immigrants in the U.S. was the September dation for understanding the immigrant experience 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. Widespread public fear by exploring the ambivalence that Oregonians have and anxiety following 9/11 have led to the percep- often displayed toward newcomers from abroad. tion that immigrants, especially nonwhite groups, Although these attitudes have fluctuated over time, are potentially dangerous outsiders. Foreign-born Bussel finds that efforts to distinguish between “de- migrants, especially those who are easily identifi- sirable” and “undesirable” immigrants are deeply able by skin color, religious beliefs, or distinctive rooted in Oregon’s past and remain relevant in con- surnames, are now more likely to be considered se- temporary public discourse. rious security risks. Homeland Security-era legisla- Chapter 3 builds on this important historical tion, therefore, has made life in the United States context. Here, authors Susan Hardwick and Justyna much more difficult for many of Oregon’s immi- Goworowska review the settlement patterns and grants, especially in employment settings. related social, economic, and political activities of more recent groups of immigrants and refugees. Us- Chapter summaries ing three cities—Portland, Salem, and Medford—as Our aim is to inspire more thoughtful conversation their primary focus, the authors discuss the expe- and the development of more effective public poli- riences of foreign-born migrants whose population cies. Information presented in the chapters ahead has grown markedly in these metropolitan areas. will provide policymakers and others interested Featured in their analysis are the surprisingly large in the unfolding immigrant story in our state with numbers of new Oregonians from the former Soviet data, context, and analysis needed for more in- Union, especially Russia and Ukraine, and diverse formed decision-making. groups from Southeast Asia who began settling in OREGON: AN EMERGING IMMIGRANT GATEWAY • 19 the state during and immediately after the Vietnam The final chapter of this report considers the War. These newcomers are being joined by refugees work and employment experience of immigrants from Africa and the Middle East, as well as immi- in Oregon. Authors Michael Aguilera, Bob Bussel, grants from China, Korea, the Philippines, India, and Lara Skinner assess the importance of immi- and other parts of the world. Perhaps the most sur- grants and refugees in Oregon’s economy by analyz- prising finding of this third chapter is that Asians ing their labor market experiences. They use rich currently outnumber Latinos in the Portland met- statistical information to review occupational mo- ropolitan area. bility, earnings, longevity of employment, and the In Chapter 4, Lynn Stephen, Marcela Mendoza, factors most responsible for immigrants achieving and Mauricio Magana provide a comprehensive economic success. They also draw on personal in- overview of the Latino experience in rural Oregon. terviews and other qualitative sources to illuminate Latinos are by far the largest immigrant group in additional challenges immigrants often face in to- Oregon, comprising nearly 10 percent of the state’s day’s competitive labor market, including substan- total population by 2005, with the vast major- dard working conditions, increased risk of accident ity arriving during the past decade. The authors or injury on the job, and unprotected informal work tell a dramatic story of political, social, and eco- arrangements. nomic change in Oregon—change that affected the In a politically charged atmosphere, we recog- lives and livelihoods of rural Oregon farmworkers nize that many questions remain about the immi- from Latin America in challenging and often pain- grant experience in Oregon and the future direction ful ways. They observe that in long-term nodes of of public policy. Will immigrants residing in Or- Latino settlement like Woodburn, Mt. Angel, and egon’s small towns, cities, and rural communities Independence, as well as in more recently diversi- find genuine opportunities for becoming part of the fying smaller communities such as Junction City, larger fabric of American life? Does their decision Harrisburg, and Monroe, Latinos are becoming an to move to Oregon promise more multiethnic and increasingly visible and important part of the local multiracial neighborhoods, better access to jobs, and economic, political, and cultural landscape. eventually more rapid social, economic, and lin- Chapter 5 expands upon the Latino story in Or- guistic adjustment? How will native-born residents egon with an emphasis on the challenges faced by react to the growing numbers of newcomers in their Spanish-speaking immigrant children and families. midst? How will policymakers, communities, major In this chapter, Charles Martinez, Heather McClure, social institutions, and immigrants themselves ad- and J. Mark Eddy provide additional demographic dress these complex concerns? Responding to these information on Latinos in Oregon in their incisive questions will be one of Oregon’s major twenty-first assessment of social, educational, and psychologi- century challenges. We hope that this report and its cal challenges facing our state’s largest immigrant recommendations will not only generate thoughtful group. Their findings affirm the critical need for public discussion but will also lead to action aimed cultural sensitivity in developing community- and at helping Oregon’s immigrants achieve civic and school-based initiatives that assist Latino youths social integration. and their parents in adapting to the demands of a new environment. by Robert Bussel

Chapter 2 Open Arms or Arms Length: A Historical Perspective on Immigration in Oregon

mericans frequently describe themselves in sharp social conflict. The purpose of this chapter as a “nation of immigrants” and take is to review this complex history and pose the fol- pride in this characterization. Whether lowing questions: Who are the immigrants that have portrayed as a “melting pot” where im- come to Oregon, and what factors prompted them to migrants shed their previous identities immigrate? How have Oregonians responded to the andA fully embrace American values or a “beautiful presence of newcomers in their midst? How have mosaic” where newcomers retain elements immigrants adapted to their new environ- of their old culture in the process ment, and what strategies have they of becoming Americanized, employed in their quest for social America’s ability to absorb acceptance? What are the im- successive waves of immi- plications of this history for grants has distinguished it the current social and politi- from other nations and is cal debate surrounding im- often cited as an example of migration? Addressing these cultural strength, generosity, questions will help place Or- and uniqueness. egon’s current experience with Nonetheless, Americans have immigration in a broader context also displayed considerable ambiva- and provide a historical perspective lence about the desirability and benefits of immi- that is often lacking in contemporary discussion of gration. Throughout our history we have worried this challenging subject. about the impact of immigrants on our standard of living, expressed concern about their willingness to Before internal migrants and immigrants from accept American values, questioned whether new- abroad came to Oregon, native peoples had lived in comers with purported dual loyalties threaten na- the region for thousands of years, and their encoun- tional security, and doubted the country’s capacity ters with Europeans in the eighteenth and first half to integrate successfully people from different cul- of the nineteenth centuries profoundly influenced tures and backgrounds. Oregon’s experience with Oregonians’ subsequent attitudes regarding race, eth- immigration during the nineteenth and twentieth nicity, and cultural difference. Natives had extensive centuries has frequently reflected these concerns, commercial interaction with English and later Amer- fluctuating between an open-arms and an arms- ican traders, especially in the lucrative fur trade, but length approach that at times has manifested itself relations deteriorated in the mid-nineteenth century 22 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON as ambitious settlers poured into Oregon. Imbued secondary migrants who had first settled in the with feelings of white superiority and belief in a Midwest and were attracted to Oregon’s moderate “manifest destiny” to extend the American republic’s climate, fertile farmland, and in some cases the dominion from coast to coast, white settlers increas- chance to cash in on the discovery of gold.3 ingly battled native peoples over land and resources. As a matter of public policy, Oregon estab- The results of these clashes were devastating for the lished clear preferences for the kinds of immigrants natives. Disease decimated their ranks, many tribes it sought to attract. The legislature created the State lost their land, and most were relocated, often forc- Board of Immigration to help recruit immigrants to ibly, to reservations.1 a sparsely populated state blessed with natural re- At the same time Oregonians took steps to pre- sources but in need of a “producing and consuming serve political and economic privilege for those of population.” In its 1887 report the board declared European descent. In 1844, the provisional govern- that “Germans and Scandinavians make up the best ment barred blacks, both free and slave, from Or- of foreign-born immigrants.” Two years earlier, the egon. The Oregon constitution barred blacks and board expressed confidence in the ability of these Chinese from voting or holding land, and in 1866, immigrants to achieve social and economic suc- the legislature approved a sweeping miscegenation cess: “He [the immigrant] need not long remain in law that prohibited whites from marrying blacks, the condition of a laborer. This certainty of rising Chinese, or native Hawaiians. This strong antipathy in the social scale must stimulate the immigrant.” toward people of color and the accompanying de- Here the open arms approach to immigration was sire to assert white supremacy, legitimated through on display, reflecting both the state’s economic law and reinforced by custom, set the tone for how needs and the conviction that newcomers could be Oregonians would regard immigrants seeking to en- successfully incorporated into Oregon’s economic ter their new state.2 and social mainstream.4 For most of the nineteenth century Americans, As immigrants from southern and eastern Eu- with some notable exceptions, welcomed immi- rope poured into the United States in the late nine- grants to their shores. The young, expanding nation teenth and early twentieth centuries, the Oregon needed labor to grow crops, manufacture goods, State Immigration Commission stated its preferenc- build infrastructure, and extract resources needed es even more clearly in its 1912 annual report: to spur industrialization. In keeping with the demo- “No class of citizens is more valuable to Oregon cratic spirit of the American Revolution, the United than is the industrious, thrifty, foreign-born States also prided itself on providing a haven for farmer, who emigrates from unfavorable Europe- those fleeing religious or political persecution. Not an conditions to carve out a home for his family all Americans, however, greeted immigrants unre- in a new country. There is a certain immigration servedly. The Irish who flocked to America in the from Europe which is undesirable, especially mid-nineteenth century suffered terribly in their that which congregates in our cities and towns, initial quest for economic security and social ac- creating slum districts living below the standard ceptance. Nativists attempted to limit the cultural of American workmen, and entering into ruin- and political expression of the Irish and other im- ous competition with American labor.”5 migrant groups, and violent clashes periodically erupted when native-born workers resisted what The Immigration Commission went on to dis- they regarded as unfair competition from new ar- tinguish between “thrifty producers” and “undesir- rivals. Still, the need for labor and the republican able immigrants.” German immigrants embodied sense of openness and generosity trumped anti- the former group and were especially prized as immigrant sentiment, and America’s border re- enterprising, self-sufficient farmers who embodied mained open to most newcomers from abroad for agrarian values and a pioneer ethos essential to the the first three-quarters of the nineteenth century. mythic self-image of both Americans and Orego- Immigration to Oregon accelerated after the nians. In contrast, immigrants from southern and territory gained statehood in 1859. Only one out eastern Europe were seen as lacking in skills, likely of every ten Oregonians was foreign-born at the to undercut the standards of incumbent workers, time of statehood, with the majority of the state’s and subversive of the agrarian, frontier spirit that native-born population hailing from the midwest- Oregon’s leaders wanted to maintain. Reflecting ern, southern, and mid-Atlantic states. Many were these views, Governor Oswald West issued this OPEN ARMS OR ARM’S LENGTH: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION IN OREGON • 23 warning when he addressed the legislature in 1913: upward mobility, additional income from their “The next few years will decide whether our State spouses, and the opportunity for their children to is to receive an increased population of desirable or surpass their achievements.7 undesirable citizens. The flood-gates of Europe are Other immigrant groups found similar success soon to be thrown open and it will be the work of in their transition to their new homeland. Immi- the Immigration Board to see that the stream which grants from Sweden, Denmark, Norway, and Fin- flows toward this State carries as many farmers and land, who according to the 1910 census comprised home-builders as possible.” Openly seeking to dis- 40 percent of Oregon’s population, mirrored the ex- courage urban settlement and avoid the kinds of so- perience of Clement Risberg’s family. Seeking great- cial ills that afflicted teeming north- eastern cities with large immigrant populations, Oregonians indicated a strong desire to maintain racial and ethnic homogeneity and to pre- serve the social harmony that this commonality and more dispersed patterns of settlement made possible. In order to sustain this harmony and cohesiveness, they explicitly identified the types of immigrants they would find acceptable as permanent residents and eventually fellow citizens.6 In fact, many late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century immigrants to Oregon achieved economic success and social acceptance with relative er religious freedom and economic opportunity, ease. Emil Feltz, whose family came to Portland they often came initially to the Midwest before mak- from Germany in 1884, recalled how his father, a ing their way to Oregon, where they found work as skilled blacksmith, first found employment splic- carpenters, longshoremen, and in the state’s many ing cables at an amusement park and later secured sawmills. Substantial numbers of Nordic women work at the Southern Pacific Railroad. Feltz’s moth- worked outside the home as domestics or operated er worked as a domestic until she married, a pat- boarding houses to contribute to family income. tern followed by many other immigrant women. He In Astoria, many Finns became active unionists, also remembered how “Father Gregory,” a priest at some joined the revolutionary Industrial Work- Sacred Heart Church with close ties to local poli- ers of the World, and others embraced socialism, ticians, helped other German immigrants find jobs echoing working-class concerns about unrestrained at Portland Traction and Southern Pacific. Clement corporate power that were especially pronounced Risberg, a second-generation Swede who went on in the Pacific Northwest. Reflecting the desire to to found a prominent trucking company, recounted enter the political mainstream, second-generation that his father immigrated in 1903 after a “terrible Nordic immigrants became politically active, gain- depression” limited his prospects. He was drawn ing seats on the Portland City Council and in the to Portland by reports of available work from other state legislature during the first three decades of the Swedes. Risberg’s father progressed from an initial twentieth century. The experience of Simon Ben- job in a sawmill to shipyard work during World son, a Norwegian immigrant, epitomized the pos- War I, a stint with Southern Pacific, and long-term sibilities for immigrant success. Benson, who came employment with the city of Portland. His mother to the United States in 1879, built the renowned took in fellow Swedes as boarders to supplement Benson Hotel and the now famous “Benson Bub- the family’s income. For both Risberg and Feltz, bler” fountains along the Park blocks in Portland, their stories followed a familiar pattern: assistance and went on to become a respected financier and from a social network of fellow ethnics, the avail- philanthropist.8 ability of remunerative labor with the chance for 24 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON

It was not only immigrants from northern and California, Oregon, and Idaho from the 1850s to the central Europe whose acculturation in Oregon 1870s, seeking to mine gold or find work on rail- was achieved with minimal social conflict. Jews roads or in canneries. Reflecting their sense of ra- from Germany and eastern Europe, who first came cial superiority and entitlement, white Oregonians to Oregon in the mid-1800s and arrived in larger barred Chinese from owning mining claims or other numbers later in the nineteenth century, found op- property soon after statehood was conferred and portunity in an expanding economy with a relative- were angered as employers sought to undercut their ly open class and social structure. In a city where wages by replacing them with lower-paid Chinese competition from other ethnic groups was limited workers. In 1869, workers in Oregon City who had and the union movement had not yet taken hold, lost their jobs to Chinese workers formed a White Jews were able to succeed as merchants and were Laborers Association in an effort to oust their re- spared the criticism their countrymen often faced placements.11 elsewhere. As the historian William Toll explains, As the Chinese population reached five per- Jews tended to be regarded as shopkeepers and cent of Oregon’s total by the time of the 1880 cen- small business owners rather than corporate em- sus, public reaction grew more vocal and violent. ployers or workers competing with the native-born. After the federal Chinese Exclusion Act was passed Moreover, Jewish immigration to Oregon was not in 1882 and banned further importation of Chinese nearly as extensive as it had been on the east coast, workers, angry Oregonians frequently took the law thereby limiting the perception that Jews were into their own hands, with mobs driving the Chi- usurping the prerogatives of existing citizens. As a nese out of Oregon City, east Portland, Salem, and result, Jewish immigrants to Oregon did not experi- Yamhill. Efforts to expel the Chinese from Portland ence the intense anti–Semitism that their country- failed, but their numbers dropped substantially men often encountered in eastern cities.9 thereafter. Anti–Chinese sentiment culminated in Like other ethnic groups, immigrant Jews in 1887 when thirty-four Chinese miners were mur- Portland created institutions that provided them dered by horse thieves northeast of Enterprise along with essential services, including sick and burial the Snake River. The alleged perpetrators were sub- benefits and assistance to children from broken sequently acquitted, attesting to the almost com- families. Another sign of rising Jewish acceptance plete disregard that most Oregonians held for the and influence lay in the political sphere, where Chinese in their midst.12 two Jews, Bernard Goldsmith and Philip Wasser- What accounts for this virulent reaction to the man, served successive terms as Portland mayor in Chinese? Governor Sylvester Pennoyer, a leading the late 1860s and early 1870s, and Julius Meier, a voice against Chinese immigration, reflected the at- department store executive, was elected governor titudes of many Oregonians in his 1887 inaugural of Oregon in 1930. None of this is to suggest that address: Jews and other immigrants to Oregon fully avoided “Irrevocably devoted to their paganism, idola- distrust, doubt, or discrimination in their transi- try, superstition, and practices, they are entirely tion to a new environment. Yet buoyed by a grow- unassimilative with our people, blind to the ing economy, manageable numbers of immigrants, progressive spirit of our race, unappreciative of and the open, optimistic spirit of a recently estab- our institutions, and deaf to the demands and lished state, most of those arriving from foreign influences of Christianity, and their presence lands found in late nineteenth- and early twentieth- amongst us is only corruption of society, debas- century Oregon an environment that fulfilled its ing to morals and degrading to labor.”13 promise as a vehicle for their aspirations.10 For two groups of late nineteenth-century im- Pennoyer favored deporting Chinese who had migrants, however, Oregon was distinctly unwel- not been naturalized but acknowledged that this coming, and the response of Oregonians to new ar- approach would be logistically difficult and expen- rivals from China and Japan represented a troubling sive to implement. Instead, in a proposal that has episode in the state’s encounters with newcomers. contemporary parallels, he advocated the enact- Like other states in the West, Oregon almost im- ment of legislation that would require all who rent- mediately viewed Chinese immigrants with suspi- ed to or employed unnaturalized Chinese aliens to cion. Attempting to escape poverty and instability pay a license fee that would be directed to support in their native land, Chinese immigrants flocked to the state education fund. According to Pennoyer, OPEN ARMS OR ARM’S LENGTH: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION IN OREGON • 25 this approach would ensure that “the places they In spite of the hostility they often encountered, now occupy would be filled with laboring men of Japanese immigrants became successful as hotel our own race and blood, who will help build up operators, business owners, and especially in the our free institutions and dot our hillsides and val- Hood River area, as farmers. A cohesive community leys with the happy homes of freemen.”14 In this and family life contributed to their success, along succinct formulation Pennoyer reiterated the dis- with assistance provided by Nikkein Kai, the Japa- tinctions that made immigrants either “desirable” nese Association of Oregon, an organization that or “undesirable” for many Oregonians and under- offered legal aid and financial advice. Yet all the scored that immigrants from Asia were too threat- progress made by the Japanese was erased with the ening economically and too different culturally onset of World War II, the harsh reaction unleashed to assume the valued social status of “pioneers” or “freemen.” Although the most violent forms of opposition to Chinese immigration subsided by the 1890s, political leaders, labor unions, and policymakers continued to denounce the Chinese. From its inception in 1903, the Ore- gon Bureau of Labor was charged with collecting data on Chinese and Japa- nese immigrants and discerning “to what extent their employment comes in competition with the white industrial classes of the state.” Echoing the strong racial overtones that perme- ated the attitudes of many Oregonians, the Oregon State Federation of Labor vowed “to eliminate this yellow peril” by barring by the Japanese government’s attack on Pearl Har- employment for Chinese and Japanese workers. In- bor, and the subsequent internment of the Japanese deed, during the first four decades of the twentieth amid doubt about their loyalty. Especially in Hood century, Japanese immigrants who had followed the River, residents opposed to the Japanese sensed the Chinese to work on railroads, in canneries, and in opportunity to restore the superior status of the na- sawmills became the target of concerted social and tive-born and eliminate the Japanese as economic political attacks that on occasion turned violent.15 and social competitors.17 In some respects the attacks on the Japanese These efforts were led by farmers and the Amer- mirrored those faced by their Chinese predecessors. ican Legion, who declared their “ultimate aim is In 1907, a mob in Woodburn stormed the quarters to get every Jap out of Hood River.” They received of Japanese workers and demanded their dismissal, high-level political support from Walter Pierce, a claiming that they worked for substandard wages Congressman and former governor who in a 1945 and took jobs away from white workers. Subse- speech explained the reasons behind the persis- quently, native-born Oregonians drove Japanese tent anger many Oregonians continued to express from Toledo, LaGrande, and Woodburn. In 1923, toward immigrants of Asian descent: “They will the Oregon legislature passed an “Alien Land Law.” always remain a people apart, a cause of friction This law was sparked by resentment of Japanese and resentment and possible peril to our national economic success and barred them from land own- safety. In the half-century they have lived in the ership. Resistance to the Japanese also reflected the United States, they have never been part of com- strong racial animus that marked the attitudes of munity life.” Although Japanese born in the United many Oregonians toward nonwhites. As the Cen- States may not be “alien in birth,” Pierce averred, tral Oregonian editorialized in 1922, “The melting they remained “alien in heart” and simply could pot never warms him. . . he considers that he is of a not be trusted like other citizens. Fearing that the superior race and has no desire to lower himself by Japanese will “acquire domination over this fruit- becoming Americanized.”16 ful and beautiful land,” he asserted that “they must 26 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON

leave this land to those who pio- nations” and from countries and neered it.”18 races “that make them instinctive To be sure, Pierce’s views were enemies of any government and not fully representative of those that prevent their absorption.” The held by all Oregonians. A lawyers’ standard for accepting new immi- committee appointed by the Or- grants, the paper argued, was that egon Bar Association argued in a they be “men whom we can wel- 1945 law review article that anti– come not only as workmen but as Japanese attitudes were prompted citizens and neighbors.” Based on by “economic aggrandizement” Oregon’s long-held distinctions and the desire of native-born between desirable and undesir- farmers to eliminate the Japanese able immigrants, it seems reason- as competitors. In Hood River, the able to assume that these editori- local ministerial association pro- als reflected popular attitudes in tested the harsh treatment of the asserting that the welcome mat for Japanese by area residents. Yet the immigrants would extend only to views espoused by Walter Pierce those whose racial, ethnic, and reflected the deeply held belief of cultural origins were seen as com- many Oregonians who regarded Asian immigrants patible with Oregon’s white European majority.21 as irredeemably alien and unassimilable. These Oregonians’ ambivalence and suspicion toward views were accompanied by a profound sense of immigrants again manifested itself in the 1960s entitlement to the “fruitful and beautiful” land that during efforts to admit more refugees and reverse their ancestors had first developed and which ap- the discriminatory effect of the 1924 law by lift- peared to be falling into the hands of an undeserv- ing its quotas and allowing expanded immigration ing group whose loyalty and legitimacy would for- from southern Europe, eastern Europe, and Asia. ever be in doubt.19 Some letters to Oregon legislators endorsed more liberal immigration policies. Writing to Senator Two decades earlier, similar convictions had Wayne Morse, Mrs. Jay W. Greenway declared “it led the nation to restrict immigration and tighten is an ugly blot on the name of the United States of America’s borders. The Immigration Act of 1924 America . . . that now, in our time of greatest plenty, marked the culmination of social fear that Ameri- we can turn our back on the refugees of the world.” can culture was being subverted by immigrants in P. G. Sigris, the president of a Greek fraternal or- the wake of the Bolshevik Revolution and the labor ganization, also endorsed liberalization, explaining turmoil that followed World War I. The new law to Congressman Al Ullman that “the great history installed a quota system that sharply limited immi- of these United States is largely attributable to the gration from these regions of the world and favored constant and healthy revitalization engendered by immigrants from northern and central Europe.20 the eager immigrant.”22 Several editorials that appeared in The Ore- In contrast to these positive assessments of the gonian during this period revealed the shift from need for immigration reform, other Oregonians an open-arms to an arms-length approach toward continued to assert the importance of racial and immigrants. In June 1920, the paper endorsed ac- ethnic homogeneity. Virginia Laurence bluntly told cepting more immigrants, asserting that “wisely Congressman Ullman she opposed President John handled, they can be made as good citizens as were F. Kennedy’s proposal on immigration “because those who came before them. It devolves on the we feel the Northern European races contribute people of Oregon to make them Americans.” Yet in more to the living standards of our country than editorials published several years later, The Orego- the southern Europeans.” Dail Delaney protested to nian offered a much more pessimistic assessment. Wayne Morse about Lyndon Johnson’s audacity in Previously, it explained, immigrants came to the “stand[ing] under the Statue of Liberty and sign[ing] United States from countries with “institutions and over to Southern European immigrants and Cuban traditions that [allowed them to become] easily ab- refugees the rights, liberties, and opportunities that sorbed into the body of citizenship.” For the last for- should belong to unemployed American citizens.” ty years, however, they were migrating from “less fit In response, Morse vigorously defended a more OPEN ARMS OR ARM’S LENGTH: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION IN OREGON • 27 open immigration policy, telling Delaney that “one 1980s after Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev be- hundred years ago, many long-time citizens of the gan permitting those seeking greater religious free- United States were saying the same things about dom to leave. In contrast to earlier immigrants to Irish immigrants that you are saying about eastern Oregon, post–Soviet-era Russians and Ukrainians Europeans and Cubans. I think our country and our are almost all members of fundamentalist religious economy are strong and healthy enough to welcome sects who came to the United States seeking greater these people and be helped by them.”23 freedom to practice their faith. Many who arrived With the passage of the Immigration Act of 1965, in the 1990s were granted refugee status under Wayne Morse’s optimism temporarily won out. Both legislation passed a decade earlier, and this sta- the nation and Oregon have seen immigration in- tus granted them access to numerous services and crease dramatically over the past four decades. Be- subsidies, including assistance with employment, ginning in the early 1980s, Oregon became a leading housing, and education. Russian-speaking refugees destination point for refugees fleeing turmoil and have also found a strong network of churches that upheaval in their homelands, attracting refugees catered to their spiritual needs and provided them from Africa, Southeast Asia, and the Soviet Union. with a much-needed sense of community and co- As elaborated on in a subsequent chapter, refugees hesiveness. Their transition has been further eased who are admitted to the U. S. must meet rigorous by social sympathy for their refugee status and the federal criteria documenting that they are escaping sense that they are legitimate, desirable immigrants political or religious persecution rather than simply whose presence reflects the nation’s social generos- seeking enhanced economic opportunity. ity and commitment to being a haven for oppressed The total number of immigrants from the So- people seeking freedom. In addition, as Caucasian viet Union remained small in Oregon until the peoples, these immigrants readily blended with the mid-1960s when a Russian sectarian group known existing population and did not spark the kind of as Old Believers settled in Woodburn. In response ethnic or racial antagonism that dogged the Chinese to a constituent’s letter complaining about Russians and Japanese a century earlier.25 being “subsidized” to come to Woodburn, Wayne In addition to Russians and Ukrainians, refugees Morse professed being “unaware” of this phenom- from Southeast Asia and Africa have also moved to enon. However, the commissioner of the Immigra- Oregon since the late 1970s, mostly to the Portland tion and Naturalization Service (INS) informed metropolitan area. The turmoil following American him in a 1965 letter that Russians had been coming withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975 led Vietnamese, to Oregon for some time. After first journeying to Laotians, and Cambodians to seek refuge abroad, Latin America, these earlier Russian Old Believer while civil strife in Ethiopia, Somalia, Liberia, and immigrants were granted visas after a private foun- the Democratic Republic of the Congo prompted dation funded their trip from Brazil to the Wil- residents to flee these countries. Like the Russians lamette Valley, and local social and the Ukrainians, these groups service organizations and church- of refugees received assistance es provided assurances that they from church-sponsored agencies would help the newcomers get and other private organizations. settled. This influx was noted in Vietnamese refugees drew on fam- an Oregon Statesman article in ily and kinship networks to ease the mid-1960s describing a “Rus- their adaptation, and Africans sian invasion” of the St. Paul established individual ethnic as- school district outside of Salem. sociations to provide needed ser- In response, the superintendent vices and support.26 of schools was preparing to hire Southeast Asians and Afri- a “special teacher” who would cans have also begun to establish be able to communicate with the their own businesses, often serv- additional twenty to twenty-five ing ethnic constituencies. Al- Russian-speaking students now in though these groups have faced district classrooms.24 some ethnic and racially based The migration of Russians and hostility, their strong support net- Ukrainians accelerated in the late works have enabled them to make 28 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON important strides toward gaining social acceptance. cultural labor shortages. As a result of the Bracero However, following the events of September 11, Program, the number of Mexicans in Oregon in- these immigrants and refugees have felt a greater creased tenfold to 15,000 between 1940 and 1945. sense of social scrutiny and have begun to develop Braceros won widespread praise for their perfor- new organizations to defend their rights and en- mance but often faced substandard working and able them to speak more effectively in the political living conditions. Although the wartime Bracero arena.27 Program ended in 1947, it continued until 1964 under an agreement between the United States and The wave of immigration that has captured the Mexican governments. The agreement created a most public attention and scrutiny, both in Oregon pipeline for Mexican farm workers to enter Oregon, and across the nation, has been the dramatic in- with braceros joining other Mexicans in establish- crease in people coming from Central and South ing themselves permanently in communities such American countries, most notably Mexico. Al- as Woodburn, Independence, and Nyssa in the though Mexicans have long worked and lived in years following World War II.30 Oregon (this history is more extensively covered in As native-born workers moved to less ardu- a subsequent chapter), their migration accelerated ous and better paying employment, labor shortages early in the twentieth century with the growing persisted in the fields, and Oregon growers became integration of the American and Mexican econo- even more dependent on Mexican and other foreign- mies, the ensuing displacement of Mexican farm- born labor. A 1957 Bureau of Labor report estimat- ers and artisans, the increasing need for labor in ed that there were nearly 12,000 Spanish-speaking the U. S., and turmoil following the 1910 revolu- farm workers in Oregon, of which 10 percent were tion in Mexico. Labor shortages during World War described as permanent residents. According to I prompted concerted efforts to recruit agricultural the report, many of these workers were subjected workers. Indeed, it was the continuing need for a to “frequent abuse,” and their relations with com- farm labor force that established a pattern in which munity residents were characterized as “extremely Mexicans were alternately greeted as desirable im- tense.” Still workers continued to journey north. migrants and denounced as undesirable intruders They were only temporarily deterred by “Operation into America’s social and economic life.28 Wetback,” an INS effort in the mid-1950s that de- The Immigration Act of 1924 was the next sig- ported thousands of Mexicans, and by the numeri- nificant development that influenced the course cal limits placed on Mexican immigration for the of Mexican migration into the United States. The first time by the Immigration Act of 1965.31 Southern Hemisphere was not subject to the na- Like earlier generations of immigrants to Or- tional origins quotas imposed on other parts of the egon, Mexicans were attracted by the availability world, owing to agricultural interests’ desire to en- of economic opportunity and found their way into sure an adequate labor supply and a shift in Ameri- occupations besides farm labor, including food pro- can foreign policy toward a more flexible approach cessing, manufacturing, construction, and small in its dealings with Latin America. Yet the 1924 law businesses. They also began to develop institutions for the first time made illegal entry into the United to improve their living and working conditions. As States a crime, provided for the deportation of il- Cristina de la Cruz Vendrell recalled, Mexican im- legal entrants, and established border protection migrants in Nyssa formed an organization called and national sovereignty as the basis of immigra- Siempre Adelante in 1953 to seek fair treatment af- tion policy. With the onset of the Depression, deter a white youth killed a Mexican, and the crime portations of Mexicans increased, including some went unpunished. Subsequently, an aggressive and who held U. S. citizenship. It was not until the late energetic farm workers union, Pineros y Campesinos 1930s that Mexicans reentered the country when Unidos del Noroeste (PCUN), was launched, along native-born workers began to find employment with a host of community- and church-sponsored in defense-related industries during the military organizations that provided social services, job build-up prior to World War II.29 training, and housing. By the mid-1970s, Mexicans Mexican migration to the U. S. and Oregon and other Latino immigrants had firmly established increased sharply under the Bracero Program. themselves as a visible presence in Oregon. It was Launched in 1942, this planned importation of the sharp rise in unauthorized immigration, growing Mexican workers sought to address wartime agri- concerns about border security, and fears about the OPEN ARMS OR ARM’S LENGTH: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION IN OREGON • 29 nation’s ability to assimilate so many new arrivals immigration restriction has argued, illegal immigra- that led to the passage of the Immigration Reform tion “lowers our moral and civic values by encour- and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA), yet another feder- aging disregard for the law.” This sense of violation al effort to regulate the flow of immigrants into the dovetails with the profound economic insecurity United States, especially from Mexico.32 experienced by many Oregonians who have seen IRCA provided both seasonal agricultural work- their standard of living erode in a free-trade, global ers and longer-term unauthorized immigrants the economy. These fears are accompanied by the un- opportunity to apply for temporary and later per- easiness that Oregonians have traditionally felt manent resident status. Yet an Oregonian article when encountering people from different ethnic or reported that as of February 1988, applications fell racial backgrounds. As one retired Salem resident short of the state’s projections. Apparently many lamented in a 1995 Oregonian article: “As I go to feared that their noneligible family members might the store and shopping centers, they [immigrants] be deported if they came forward, and others found are just taking over.” More recently, a proposed bal- it difficult to obtain the necessary supporting documents. IRCA also included other provisions aimed at curbing immigration, including sanctions for employers who hired unauthorized immigrants and enhanced border security arrangements. None- theless, the push from Mexico continued unabated due to limited economic opportunities there and the promise of a better life in the United States.33 Indigenous workers from the state of Oaxaca were among the new migrants that swelled Ore- gon’s immigrant population. Although their migration began several decades before the passage of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, Oaxacans left in greater numbers following rising food prices and stiff economic competition from American farmers that drove many of lot initiative that would curtail bilingual education them off the land. Efforts to curb immigration again suggests that Oregonians’ traditional fears about ra- emerged across the nation, including proposals cial and ethnic difference and their effects on the in the 1995 Oregon legislature to limit unauthor- majority culture’s institutions and values have not ized immigrants’ access to social and educational abated.35 services. These proposals failed to win approval. In addition to these economic, cultural, and However, after the attacks of September 11, 2001, security considerations, there is another argument the focus of American immigration policy began against immigration rooted in Oregonians’ deep to follow a familiar pattern, with national security appreciation of the state’s natural beauty and its considerations becoming paramount in the minds much-valued quality of life. Some critics fear a of many citizens and political leaders. It is in this growing immigrant population “create[s] burdens context that the current debate over immigration is on our infrastructure and abuse of our environ- being waged. With failure to enact comprehensive ment.” This apprehensiveness reflects longstand- immigration reform at the federal level, states and ing concerns that Oregon cannot retain its distinc- localities across the nation are now engaged in dif- tive way of life unless population growth is limited, ficult, often contentious, discussion about how best a prospect that is allegedly threatened by the ten- to proceed.34 dency of immigrants to have larger families than the native-born.36 The controversy over immigration in Oregon Proponents of immigration take a more opti- both reflects familiar concerns and some new pre- mistic view. They observe that whatever costs may occupations. The question of legality, which had be associated with immigration are outweighed by been somewhat less prominent in earlier debates the economic and social contributions of immi- over immigration, now dominates social discus- grants and express confidence in the state’s ability sion. As the most visible group in Oregon favoring to integrate them into the mainstream of Oregon’s 30 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON economic and civic life. They also note that immi- Notes grants value deeply the concepts of work, faith, and 1. David Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise: An Interpretive History, family, encourage their children to embrace the op- Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2002, 33–34, 49–51. portunities available to them in their new culture, 2. Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise, 82–83, Peggy Pascoe, “‘A Mis- take to Simmer the Question Down to Black and White,’” in Seeing Color: and are seeking to become more vitally involved Indigenous Peoples and Racialized Ethnic Minorities in Oregon, edited by in civic and community affairs. The Portland City Jun Xing, Erlinda Gonzales-Berry, Patti Sakurai, Robert D. Thompson Jr., Kurt Peters, Latham, Md.: University Press of America, Inc., 2007, 27–30. Council has embraced this perspective, affirming 3. Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise, 72, Kristofer Allerfeldt, Race, “its commitment to the inclusion of immigrants Radicalism, Religion, and Restriction: Immigration in the Pacific Northwest, and refugees in civic and public life” and creating 1890–1924, Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2003, 5–7. a task force to advise the city on how this objective 4. Report to Legislative Assembly, State Board of Immigration, 1887, 11, might best be achieved.37 22, Oregon As It Is, State Board of Immigration, 1885, 25, Special Collec- tions and University Archives, University of Oregon (hereafter SCUA). As Oregonians debate anew whether they 5. Annual Report of Oregon State Immigration Commission, 1912, 6, should adopt an open-arms or arms-length ap- SCUA. proach toward immigration, they do so in the con- 6. Oregon Immigration Commission Report, 1912, 7, Biennial Report text of a foreign-born population that has doubled of the Oregon State Immigration Commission, Oregon State Immigration since 1990 to constitute 10 percent of the state’s Agent, and Oregon Development League, 1913–1914, 10–13, SCUA. total residents. An estimated 125,000–175,000 of 7. Emil Feltz interview by Tim Poplack, May 13, 1976, Clement Risberg interview by Linda Watkins, October 13, 1992, Oregon Historical Society these residents are unauthorized. In an intercon- (hereafter OHS). nected global economy in which goods, services, 8. Janet Lynn Baisinger, Nordic Immigrants in Portland, 1870–1920: and people are constantly in motion, immigration The First Fifty Years, M.A. thesis, Portland State University, 1981, P. George represents an extraordinarily complex challenge Hummasti, “World War I and the Finns of Astoria, Oregon: The Effects of War on an Immigrant Community,” International Migration Review, Volume that defies easy resolution. Oregonians will have 11, No. 3, Autumn 1997. some difficult choices to make as they weigh the 9. William Toll, “Ethnicity and Stability: The Italians and Jews of South costs and benefits of immigration, consider what Portland, 1900–1940,” Pacific Historical Review, Volume 54, No. 2, May, 1985, 186–188, and The Making of an Ethnic Middle Class: Portland Jewry changes in economic, social, and political relations Over Four Generations, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992, they are prepared to undertake, and as The Orego- 10, 88, 98, Allerfeldt, Race, Radicalism, Religion, and Restriction, 41. nian posed the question in 1924, decide whether 10. Toll, Making of an Ethnic Middle Class, 80, 83, 87, 117–121, 136. they are willing to accept immigrants “not only as 11. Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise, 108–109, Malcolm Clark, “The workmen but as citizens and neighbors.” As we Bigot Disclosed: 90 Years of Nativism,” Oregon Quarterly, Vol. 75, No. 2, 1974, 123, Mae M. Ngai, “The Lost Immigration Debate,” www.bostonre- have seen, they will make these choices in the con- view.net (originally in Boston Review, September–October 2006). text of a complex historical legacy that should leave 12. Clark, “The Bigot Disclosed,” 127, 130, Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s little illusion about the difficulties of the challenges Promise, 109, R. Gregory Nokes, “A Most Daring Outrage: Murders at that lie ahead.38 Chinese Massacre Cove, 1887,” Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 107, No. 3, 2006. OPEN ARMS OR ARM’S LENGTH: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON IMMIGRATION IN OREGON • 31

13. Public Documents, Inaugural Address of Sylvester Pennoyer to the 27. Rowanne Haley, “IRCO: Doorway to Assimilation,” www.midcounty Legislative Assembly, 1887, Salem, Oregon, W.H. Byars, State Printer, memo.com/sept06 (accessed 12 November 2007), “Uniting Cultures 1886, arcweb.sos.state.or.us/governors/pennoyer/ in Portland: Bridging the Gaps in City Policy,” Report by 2006 Politics of inaugural.html (accessed 5 November 2007). Immigration Capstone, Portland State University, Center for Intercultural 14. Ibid. Organizing, and Bridgetown Voices, 2006, 6. 15. Oregon Bureau of Labor, First Biennial Report, 1904, 10, 37, Peter- 28. Douglas S. Massey, “Economic Development and International son del Mar, Oregon’s Promise, 202–203, Barbara Yasui, “The Nikkei in Or- Migration in Comparative Perspective, Population and Development Review, egon, 1834–1940,” Oregon Historical Quarterly, Vol. 76, No. 3, 231–232. Vol. 14, No. 3. (September 1988), 402–403, Erasmo Gamboa, Mexican Labor and World War II: Braceros in the Pacific Northwest, 1942–1947, Se- 16. Yasui, “The Nikkei in Oregon,” 243–247. attle: University of Washington Press, 2000, 6–9, and “A Personal Search 17. Ibid, 249–253. for Oregon’s Hispanic History, 11–12, in Nosotros: The Hispanic People of Oregon, edited by Erasmo Gamboa and Carolyn M. Buan, Oregon Council 18. “The Japanese Problem in Oregon,” Oregon Law Review, Vol. XXIV, for the Humanities, 1995. No. 3, April 1945. 29. Mae M. Ngai, Impossible Subjects: Illegal Aliens and the Making of 19. Walter M. Pierce, “Our Japanese Problem and Its Solution,” February Modern America, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004, 60–62, 75, 9, 1945, Box 17, File 15, Kent Shoemaker, “An Open Letter to W. Sherman Gamboa, Mexican Labor and World War II, 20, Nina Bernstein, “100 Years Burgoyne,” Hood River News, January 26, 1945, Box 33, File 15, Walter M. in the Back Door, Out the Front,” New York Times, May 21, 2006, “Week in Pierce Papers, SCUA. Review,” 4. 20. Ngai, “The Lost Immigration Debate.” 30. Gamboa, Mexican Labor and World War II, 29–41, 59–62, 129, 21. “Prepare for Immigrants,” The Oregonian, June 1, 1920, “Shortsight- Peterson del Mar, Oregon’s Promise, 206, 228–229. ed About Immigration,” The Oregonian,” April 19, 1923. 31. Oregon Bureau of Labor, “Vamonos pal Norte (“Let’s Go North”): A 22. Mrs. Jay W. Greenway to Wayne Morse, March 20, 1960, Box 60, Social Profile of the Spanish Speaking Migratory Farm Laborer,” 6, 18, 21, Wayne Morse Papers, SCUA, P. G. Sigris to Honorable Al Ullman, June 13, Ngai, Impossible Subjects, 147–158. 1963, Al Ullman Papers, Box 26, File 32, SCUA. 32. Cristina De La Cruz Vendrell, “Listening to the People,” in Gamboa 23. Virginia Laurence to “Dear Sir,” [Al Ullman], July 24, 1963, Ullman and Buan, Nosotros, 144. Papers, Box 26, File 32, SCUA, Dail Delaney to Senator Morse, October 33. Barnes C. Ellis, “Immigration Law Fails to Meet Hopes,” The Orego- 5, 1965, Wayne Morse to Dail Delaney, October 20, 1965, Morse Papers, nian, February 15, 1988. Box 60, SCUA. 34. Lynn Stephen, “Mixtec Farmworkers in Oregon: Linking Labor and 24. Eleanor Morse to Wayne Morse, March 16, 1965, Wayne Morse Ethnicity Through Farmworker Unions, Hometown Associations, and Pan- to Mrs. John B. Morse, March 22, 1965, Raymond F. Farrell to Senator Indigenous Organizing,” 136–143, in Seeing Color, Kate Taylor, “Oaxaca Morse, November 17, 1965, Oregon Statesman, “‘Russian Invasion’ Poses and Oregon,” The Oregonian, April 23, 1995, Foster Church, “Oregon’s Problems to St Paul Schools,” Wayne Morse Papers, SCUA. Immigrants Out of the Shadows,” The Oregonian, June 25, 1995. 25. Susan W. Hardwick, “Far from Home: Slavic Refugees and the 35. Oregonians for Immigration Reform website, www.oregonir.org, (ac- Changing Face of Oregon,” Commonplace Lecture, Oregon Council for the cessed 15 December 2007), Church, “Oregon’s Immigrants.” Humanities, May 19, 2007, Susan W. Hardwick and James E. Meacham, “Heterolocalism, Networks of Ethnicity, and Refugee Communities in the 36. Oregonians for Immigration Reform website. Pacific Northwest: The Portland Story,” The Professional Geographer, 57 37. City of Portland Resolution, October 18, 2006. (4): 539–557, Linda Baker, “Russian Immigrants Love New Lives in USA,” Portland Business Journal, February 4, 2000. 38. Art Ayre, “Unauthorized Immigrants Working in Oregon,” Oregon Employment Department, April 28, 2006. 26. Susan E. Hume and Susan W. Hardwick, “African, Russian, and Ukrainian Refugee Settlement in Portland, Oregon,” The Geographical Review, Vol. 95, No. 2, April 2005, 194–195, Hardwick and Meacham, “Heterolocalism,” 543, 551–554. by Susan W. Hardwick and Justyna Goworowska

Chapter 3 Urban Immigration in Oregon: The City as Context

his chapter examines the migration path- Salem, and Medford since the 1980s. We also fo- ways and residential patterns of immi- cus on the largest groups of refugees now residing grants and refugees in urban areas. We in Oregon—Russians and Ukrainians, Southeast focus our attention on three Oregon cities Asians, and Africans. We conclude by posing a and their environs—Portland, Salem, and set of potential policy questions, considering their Medford—toT illustrate Oregon’s rapidly changing long-term implications, and proposing recommen- demographic patterns as well as the dynamic eco- dations related to the dramatic recent demographic nomic, political, and cultural processes and poli- shift in the state. Throughout the chapter, the inter- cies that are helping shape related dynamics of people, them. Along with large num- place, and space in urban Or- bers of Latino immigrants in egon form the center point of each of these urban settings, our discussion and provide the arrival of refugees from context for our analysis. Southeast Asia during and Foreign-born immigrants immediately after the Viet- have settled in Oregon at a nam War, and subsequent time of significant change political changes in the for- in our communities, our na- mer Soviet Union and Yu- tion, and the world during goslavia, the Middle East, the past two and one-half and Africa (changes that extend to today’s turbu- decades. The often unpredictable economic chal- lent Homeland Security-era) ensured that the ever- lenges posed by the state’s boom-bust economy changing populations and landscapes in Oregon’s have shaped the ever-shifting perceptions and at- cities would continue to evolve. titudes of its native-born population along with the This chapter begins with a broad overview of the lives and livelihoods of both the state’s long-term historical migration and settlement patterns of im- residents as well as its newest immigrants. In turn, migrants in urban Oregon from the mid-nineteenth the settlement of increasingly large numbers of di- century to the present day. This section is followed verse groups from outside the U.S. continues to add by a more in-depth discussion of the experiences of to the complexities, challenges, and opportunities the largest groups of refugees in the state and their provided by these interrelated cultural, economic, contribution to some of the key demographic and and political processes. These changes have been cultural changes that have occurred in Portland, accompanied by unprecedented growth in the 34 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON state’s population, especially in its largest cities. failed to acknowledge the changing diversity of Multnomah County, which includes Portland, is Oregon and Washington’s population in recent de- the most populous county in Oregon with a total cades, the article did capture the homogeneous ra- population of 660,448 in 2007. Portland continues cial and ethnic make-up of Oregon and other parts to be the state’s largest city by far with 568,380 resi- of our region. The foundation for this lingering per- dents. The two other largest cities in the state are ception of Oregon’s lack of ethnic, racial, and reli- Eugene at 153,690 and Salem with 151,895 people gious diversity is based directly on early patterns of in 2007 (Population Research Center, 2007). A fa- postindigenous settlement that were dominated by miliar set of problems has also appeared with this immigrants from Germany, England, Scotland, Ire- rapid population growth, including increased traf- land, Canada, Scandinavia, and other parts of west- fic and housing costs, crime, and environmental ern and northwest Europe during the second half of impacts. the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Inter- Spanish-speaking immigrants currently form estingly and perhaps not coincidently, the largest the largest majority of Oregon’s foreign-born popu- group of refugees living in Oregon cities today also lation. In towns and cities from the Oregon coast is composed of white settlers, this time from post– to the Willamette Valley, extending across the Cas- Soviet-era Russia and Ukraine. cades into the central and eastern part of the state, The earliest European immigrants in Oregon these primarily Mexican-born Oregonians are the were joined by smaller numbers of other nonwhite largest visible group of immigrants recorded in groups such as the Chinese who first settled in Port- recent census reports and witnessed in schools, land and in the Medford area and other parts of the health clinics, and local and regional cultural land- Rogue Valley to search for gold and help construct scapes. the region’s expanding railroad and transportation Along with important Latino newcomers, to- networks. After the passage of discriminatory and day’s newly diverse state of Oregon is also home harsh anti–Chinese legislation in the early 1880s, to tens of thousands of other immigrants born in Portland’s downtown Chinatown became a place of other parts of the world. The city of Portland cur- refuge for Chinese residents from Oregon and other rently hosts the largest numbers of these immigrant parts of the Pacific Northwest who were escaping newcomers (see Figure 1, page 35). Many have ar- the anti–Chinese violence that occurred in cities rived as political, religious, or environmental ref- such as Boise, Seattle, Tacoma, and Spokane. As a ugees from Eastern Europe and the former Soviet result, Portland’s Chinese population grew to more Union, Southeast Asia, and Africa, and these refu- than 7,800 by 1900 with the majority living on First gees helped swell the total foreign-born population and Second streets near the city’s now historic of Oregon’s towns and cities during the past two downtown Chinatown. Most of today’s Chinese and one-half decades. Demographic changes were residents of Portland prefer life in the outer suburbs especially dramatic during the 1980s and 1990s. to be close to employment opportunities and enjoy For example, the total population of foreign-born the benefits of more affordable and available hous- residents of Oregon’s capital city, Salem, increased ing options (Hardwick and Meacham, forthcoming more than 70 percent between 1980 and 1990, and 2008). another 170 percent between 1990 and 2000. Simi- Another impact of this anti–Chinese legislation larly, more than half of the Portland metropolitan was the subsequent arrival of Japanese immigrants area’s foreign-born population arrived after 1990.1 who came to fill the employment gap in Rogue and The map shown in Figure 2 and Graphs 1 and Willamette valley orchards and open small busi- 2 (see page 36) compare the astounding increases nesses in the region’s towns and cities. By 1920, in the percentages and numbers of foreign-born in the Portland City Directory provides evidence of up the three cities of Portland, Salem, and Medford be- to twenty Japanese-owned hotels in the Portland tween 1980 and 2000. area, along with numerous groceries, restaurants, and other small businesses owned and operated by Immigrant settlement in urban Oregon this immigrant group. By the beginning of World Less than a decade ago, an article in The Atlantic War II, the Japanese had emerged as the largest non- Monthly reported that the Pacific Northwest was white group in the state. Most lived in Portland and “one of the last Caucasian bastions in the United the Hood River area. There were also more than States” (Kaplan, 1998). Although this observation 350 Japanese families residing just outside Salem URBAN IMMIGRATION IN OREGON: THE CITY AS CONTEXT • 35

Figure 1 Place of origin for Portland’s foreign born by census tract, 2000

The spatial patterns of Portland’s foreign-born population for both Asian immigrants as well as refugees. Africans, by census tract are shown on this map. Latin American represented in Portland primarily by refugees from So- migrants tend to settle in Portland’s outer suburbs, es- malia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Sudan, are located in Port- pecially in the West Hills’ towns of Hillsboro and Corne- land’s north and northeast inner suburbs, as well as in lius, as well as across town in Rockwood and Gresham. the Beaverton area. Immigrants of European origin (who Asians, especially South and Southeast Asians, settle are primarily post–Soviet-era refugees from Russia and all across the Portland inner suburbs, such as Aloha Ukraine), reside in the city’s eastside suburbs such as and Beaverton in the West Hills, and Happy Valley and Milwaukie, the Gateway District, and Happy Valley. Sunnyside to the east. These patterns are representative

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E WHICHªTHEIRªNUMBERSªAREªGROWINGªISªASTOUNDINGª4HEª4HEªCHANGEªINªTHEªNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEªLASTªTWOªDECAD4HEªCHANGEªINªTHEªNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEªLASTªTWOªDECADESªESª R O ªISªSHOWNªONªTHISªGRAPHª/VERALL ªTHEªPERCENTªCHANGEªINªTHEª ô & FOREIGNªBORNªASªAªPERCENTAGEªOFªTOTALªPOPULATIONªFORªALLª ªISªSHOWNªONªTHISªGRAPHª/VERALL ªTHEªPERCENTªCHANGEªINªTHEª F ô O

THREEªCITIES ª0ORTLAND ª-EDFORDªANDª3ALEM ªDOUBLEDªNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEª ªDECADEªFORª0ORTLANDªWASNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEª ªDECADEªFORª0ORTLANDªWASª ª R E INªTHEª ªDECADEªASªILLUSTRATEDªONªTHISªGRAPH ªFORª-EDFORDªªANDªFORª3ALEMª ªFORª-EDFORDªªANDªFORª3ALEMª B Source:Fuente:Source: USUS CensusUSCensus Census Bureau,Bureau, Bureau, 1980,1980, 1980, 19901990 1990 andand and 20002000 2000 PopulationPopulation Population Censuses.Censuses. Censuses. M . MEROôDEôEXTRANJEROS . U %VENªTHOUGHªFOREIGNªBORNªINª/REGONªMAYªNOTªBEª 4HEªCHANGEªINªTHEªNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEªLASTªTWOªDECADESª ªISªSHOWNªONªTHISªGRAPHª/VERALL ªTHEªPERCENTªCHANTheREPRESENTEDªWIDELYªINªTHEªTOTALªPOPULATION ªTHEªRATEªATª change in the number of foreign born in the last twoGEªINªTHEª de- NUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEª ªDECADEªFORª0ORTLANDªWAScadesWHICHªTHEIRªNUMBERSªAREªGROWINGªISªASTOUNDINGª4HEª (1980–2000) is shown on Figure 2. Overall, the per-ª ªFORª-EDFORDªªANDªFORª3ALEMªcentFOREIGNªBORNªASªAªPERCENTAGEªOFªTOTALªPOPULATIONªFORªALLª change in the number of foreign born in the 1990–2000 THREEªCITIES ª0ORTLAND ª-EDFORDªANDª3ALEM ªDOUBLEDª Source:Fuente: USUS CensusCensus Bureau,Bureau, 1980,1980, 19901990 andand 20002000 PopulationPopulation Censuses.Censuses. decade for Portland was 136 percent, for Medford 140 percent,INªTHEª ªDECADEªASªILLUSTRATEDªONªTHISªGRAPH and for Salem 170 percent.

4HEªCHANGEªINªTHEªNUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEªLASTªTWOªDECADESª ªISªSHOWNªONªTHISªGRAPHª/VERALL ªTHEªPERCENTªCHANGEªINªTHEª NUMBERªOFªFOREIGN BORNªINªTHEª ªDECADEªFORª0ORTLANDªWASª ªFORª-EDFORDªªANDªFORª3ALEMª Source:Fuente: USUS CensusCensus Bureau,Bureau, 1980,1980, 19901990 andand 20002000 PopulationPopulation Censuses.Censuses. URBAN IMMIGRATION IN OREGON: THE CITY AS CONTEXT • 37 where they grew crops such as celery, onions, and this formerly white-dominated suburb located in other vegetables to supply the demands of local Portland’s West Hills. Perhaps even more surpris- urban populations (Hardwick, 2007). This early ingly, just across town in the much smaller subur- Asian imprint in the region was curtailed suddenly ban community of Rockwood, more than half of during the war years, however, when anti–Japanese all local businesses now cater to the metropolitan federal policies were passed that forcibly relocated area’s eastside Spanish-speaking population (Blair, all Japanese residents of Oregon and other western 2006). In Rockwood, Latino immigrants made up states to internment camps located in remote places at least 20 percent of the total population of 28,836 in the interior. in the year 2000. Similar patterns and landscapes Soon thereafter, the U.S. government passed the have emerged in the Medford area, especially since Bracero Act in 1942 to help fill the resulting war- the early 1990s, as well as in other urban settings in time need for farm labor (Gamboa, 1990). This new Oregon such as the Columbia River cities of Herm- legislation opened the door to the admission of new iston and Boardman, and Madras and Bend just immigrants from Mexico and other parts of Latin east of the Cascades. America. Many settled in or near small Willamette South and Southeast Asians also have increased Valley towns such as Woodburn and Independence the overall number of foreign-born Oregonians, and in Medford-area small towns such as Phoenix. especially since the mid-1980s. Many arrived as Others ultimately relocated to larger urban centers refugees in the late 1960s and 1970s. Other groups such as Portland and Salem over the years and to such as Koreans settled in Portland-area suburbs small towns located on the Oregon coast. Although like Sunnyside, Beaverton, and Lake Oswego, and Bracero policies were eliminated in the early 1950s in middle- and upper-middle class residential dis- and barred the large-scale admission of new Oregon tricts in Salem, Corvallis, Eugene, and Springfield. workers from Latin America, the subsequent pas- Ethnic networks encouraged Koreans to relocate to sage of newly revised federal immigration policies western Oregon from South Korea as well as from in 1965 removed country-based quotas that limited other U.S. states such as Texas and California as the numbers of certain groups allowed admission secondary migrants. Many based their decision to into the United States. relocate on ethnic networks linked by cell phone, Many of the post-1965 arrivals from Latin e-mail, and postal mail messages that extolled the America (as compared with earlier Latino settlers environmental and economic virtues of life in Or- in Oregon), chose to reside in the outer suburbs egon’s cities. of Portland in close proximity to employment in Despite significant increases in Asian groups nearby agriculture and the amenities of a more ur- such as Koreans (along with other immigrants from ban lifestyle. In Portland’s outer West Hills suburb Hong Kong, mainland China, the Philippines, Ja- of Hillsboro, for example, the descendants of farm pan, Singapore, and Malaysia), the fastest growing workers who arrived during the post-1960s decades and largest group of Asians to migrate directly to now dominate many of the city’s suburban neigh- Oregon from their homeland is Indians. Statewide, borhoods (Abbott, 2001). Here, as elsewhere in the population of Indians in Oregon increased five- many other neighborhoods located in the Portland, fold between 1980 and 2000. Most of these primar- Salem, and Medford metropolitan areas, Spanish- ily young or middle-aged, well-educated migrants speaking residents play an increasingly important came to work in Portland and Salem’s high-tech role in the evolution of local economic, cultural, industries in the 1980s and 1990s. As compared to and linguistic practices. Throughout this subur- the patterns of other recently arriving immigrants ban community, Latino-owned businesses and in urban Oregon, Indians are the most widely dis- residences compete with upscale development in persed group within each of their destination cities. places like (primarily white) Orenco Station. This is no doubt a result of their knowledge of Eng- Similarly, in suburban Cornelius, a huge super- lish upon arrival in Oregon and also the relatively market that feared the impending construction of high educational and economic status of this group a nearby superstore was sold in 2006 to a Latino- as compared to the majority of other immigrants in owned business. This business now successfully the state. caters to the needs of the metropolitan area’s grow- Surprisingly, as the maps and graphs shown ing Spanish-speaking population. Today Latinos earlier in this chapter indicate, Asians outnumber make up more than one-half of the population of Latinos as the largest group in the city of Portland, 38 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON with Europeans and Africans relatively far behind. however, if persecution has been experienced in In dramatic contrast, in the Salem urban area, a the past and there is a threat of it becoming an issue much larger percentage of the foreign-born popula- in the future if they have a sponsor in the United tion is from Latin America as compared to Portland States. where Asians are more dominant. The percentage Another category of émigrés is asylum seek- of Latin American residents in the city of Medford ers. Migrants in this category do not need Ameri- is about the same as in Salem, but in this Rogue Val- can sponsors for their resettlement here, but they ley city, Europeans form the second largest group, cannot qualify for asylee status until they actu- with Asians a close third, and African-born resi- ally reach the United States. There are no quotas dents only a tiny minority. for asylee admissions but they must also be able to prove that they legitimately fear religious, political, Refugee migration, settlement, and networks or racial persecution in their homeland to receive in urban Oregon refugee benefits. If a person is already living in Oregon now ranks eleventh among the nation’s the United States (e.g., because their visa expired states for the total number of new refugees, with or they arrived without yet having gained refugee Portland the twelfth most refugee rich city in the status), they have the right to seek political asylum United States (Singer and Wilson, 2006). For a and ultimately to apply for refugee status if these state with such a small total criteria are met (Libov, 2007). population, this ranking is as- Refugee resettlement tounding. Oregon’s visionary agencies in Portland and resettlement support system; Salem have played an es- activist social, ethnic, and re- pecially important role in ligious networks; abundance bringing large numbers of of refugee sponsors; and eco- refugees from certain parts of nomic opportunities, as well the world into the state. The as the U.S. government’s largest state-based agency by family reunification policies far is the Immigrant and Refu- are the primary reasons why gee Community Organization so many refugees from Africa, Eastern Europe and (IRCO), located in a neighborhood populated by the former Soviet Union, and Southeast Asia have refugees in northeast Portland. IRCO coordinates become Oregonians. The largest of these refugee its efforts to find sponsors and housing for refugee groups are Russian-speaking Christians who left applicants in collaboration with voluntary agen- their homeland during the post–Cold War era. cies (VolAgs) and the federal refugee resettlement Before turning our attention to the refugee ex- office in Salem. This resettlement agency, which perience in Oregon, it is critically important to un- employs more than 150 multilingual social work- derstand differences in the political status of dif- ers, teachers, and other staff members, is also the ferent incoming groups (Kritz, 1983). Immigrants, primary agency offering English-language classes, such as Mexicans, come to this country with their employment training, and job placement during own funding and only the support of family and the first eight months of refugees’ residence in the friends who may already be living here. Refugees state. IRCO also coordinates a wide variety of other are admitted to the United States under very differ- programs in support of Latinos and other immi- ent rules and regulations than immigrants. Prior to grants who live within 100 miles of Portland via arrival, each potential refugee must meet a rigorous after-school programs, senior care centers, an Af- set of criteria defined by the U.S. Refugee Act of rica House, and an Asian Family Center.2 1980 and upheld by the Department of Homeland Along with IRCO’s efforts, a host of local spon- Security via a screening process that occurs prior to sors (required for refugee admission into the U.S.) their approval for admission into the country. Refu- and a series of transnational networks help spread gees must document that they are escaping politi- the word to family and friends back home or to cal, religious, or racial persecution by the govern- refugee camps about relocating to Oregon. Russians ment of their home country. Economic deprivation and Ukrainians are sponsored primarily by mem- is not considered a justifiable basis for granting ref- bers of fundamentalist Christian church congrega- ugee status. A person can be admitted as a refugee, tions in Portland and Salem and thus are tightly URBAN IMMIGRATION IN OREGON: THE CITY AS CONTEXT • 39 connected by local and transnational religious net- lies have also moved to other smaller cities in Ore- works. Southeast Asians came during and after the gon during the past decade or so, with significantly Vietnam War aided by sponsors arranged by Catho- large numbers now residing in Salem, Springfield, lic Charities and the U.S. government; and Africans and Medford. relocated to Oregon primarily due to the efforts of Other Vietnam War-era refugees who came to sponsors organized by voluntary agencies (VolAgs) Oregon after the Vietnam War and in more recent such as Lutheran Social Services and Sponsors years include people born in Laos and Cambodia. Organized to Assist Refugees (SOAR). The experi- Like many of their Vietnamese neighbors in subur- ences, motivations to leave their homeland, spatial ban Portland and other smaller cities, most lived in patterns, and networks of each of these largest refu- refugee camps in Thailand prior to being sponsored gee groups in Oregon are discussed below in the for entry into the United States. context of their lives in the Portland, Salem, and Cambodian refugees also found their way to Medford urban areas. Portland following the war in Vietnam. Indeed, the Cambodian-born director of the state’s largest reset- Refugees from southeast Asia tlement agency, Sokhum Tauch, was the first South- The earliest refugee groups to find their way to east Asian migrant to arrive in Oregon in the mid- Oregon’s cities came directly from Southeast Asia 1970s. His dramatic story of growing up in a refugee beginning in the mid-1970s. These Vietnamese, camp in Thailand, finding his way to a refugee cen- Cambodian, Laotian, Hmong, and Mien victims of ter in Pennsylvania, and then taking the train to the the Vietnam War found life in Portland confusing Pacific Northwest to seek yet another new life, illu- and uncertain due to their unplanned arrival, lack minates the migration and settlement experiences of English language skills, and small numbers. In of this first Southeast Asian refugee group to come addition, although Asian immigrants are now the to Oregon. According to Tauch (2004): largest group of foreign-born residents in the Port- I will never forget when I first looked for rice land area, during these early years of refugee reset- to cook the day after I got here. I lived way out tlement in the state, their visible minority status, in a tiny apartment in the suburbs, you know, distinctive values, and belief systems set them apart and the only place my landlady said I could buy from the majority white population. Most settled rice then was in Chinatown. Since I didn’t know initially in apartment buildings near Sandy Boule- how far it was, or how big this city was, I walked vard in north Portland where their presence is still all the way downtown and then home again car- felt today in the numerous Vietnamese-owned res- rying a huge burlap bag of rice all the way back. taurants, groceries, and small shops that line this busy commercial arterial. Southeast Asians in Oregon also include two With the support of the Asian Family Center other distinctive ethnic groups from the highlands and sponsors in the area, today’s Southeast Asian of Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, and Myan- population in Portland totals more than 40,000 (Po- mar (Burma)—Hmong and Mien. Thousands of Cha, 2004). The majority of Vietnamese Portlanders these Southeast Asian “hill tribes” who were re- (the largest group) lives in the city’s suburbs in both cruited by the U.S. government to fight in a secret the West Hills and also east of the Willamette River war against the Pathet Lao Communists were forced in suburbs such as Happy Valley. Like other groups to escape from their hiding places in the jungles in Portland, Southeast Asians have been affected of Laos by walking hundreds of miles to safety in by the high cost of living in the city’s gentrifying Thailand. Today, there are about 3,000 Hmong liv- downtown core and continue to relocate at the edg- ing in Oregon with most centered in suburban Port- es of the metropolitan area. The move to the West land and in the Salem area (Po-Cha, 2006). Hills in particular was encouraged by this suburban Most recently, in late 2007, about 500 new refu- region’s Asian ambience (originally spawned by gees from Myanmar (Burma) arrived in Portland, es- the draw of employment of more highly educated capees from a civil war and an oppressive military Asian groups at Intel, Hewlett-Packard, and other government in their homeland (Libov, 2007). Strug- high-tech firms) and by affordable housing. As a re- gling to find their way in a new city, these mostly sult, Aloha and Beaverton currently have the most agrarian peoples (and the most recent refugees in our rapidly growing Vietnamese population of any lo- state from Asia) are finding their new lives and land- cality in the state (Walker, 2004). Vietnamese fami- scapes in urban Oregon challenging and confusing. 40 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON

In an effort to provide support and ease the ad- Portland provides additional support for African justment experiences of new arrivals from different refugees, encouragement to participate in social parts of Asia, a group of Cambodians and other ref- and educational networks, and assistance in cop- ugees from Southeast Asia currently is constructing ing with their often challenging new lives in the a Buddhist Cultural Center in Beaverton. Their goal Pacific Northwest. is to provide a heritage site to commemorate their Prior research by Hume and Hardwick (2005) long journeys to a new life in Oregon cities and sub- documented few networks linking African Ameri- urbs and to celebrate their achievements in the resi- can residents in Oregon with more recently arriv- dential, commercial, and economic arenas. ing African refugee groups. Their work also found that there is little or no racially or ethnically based Refugees from Africa affinity that politically or socially links African Refugees from other war-torn countries have also groups. This lack of racial or ethnic connection found their way to Oregon’s cities in more recent among Africans is at odds with the expectations of years. Currently, new African arrivals in the state decision-makers at refugee resettlement agencies outnumber all other groups of refugees. Along where residency for newly arriving refugees is gen- Northeast Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard in erally determined. Groups such as the Bantus, for North Portland, streetscapes formerly dominated example, were placed in apartments located next by African American restau- door to Somali neighbors. rants and other small busi- Since Bantus were slaves un- nesses are being transformed der the power of Somalis in by ethnic eateries and social their former lives in Africa, gathering places owned by they prefer not to live in close Ethiopians and other refu- proximity to this other East gees from Africa. The earliest African group. Likewise, ten- people to relocate to Oregon sions continue to exist among from refugee camps and their and between various groups homes in Africa came primar- based on competition for ily from Somalia, Ethiopia, scarce resources such as jobs, Eritrea, and the Sudan. Four affordable apartments, and years ago, the newest group to grants from city and county arrive from refugee camps—Bantu slaves from So- organizations because there are several hundred malia—was settled in Portland. Like other African different ethnic and national groups from the huge refugees, most now live in either north or northeast continent of Africa now residing in Oregon’s largest Portland’s inner suburbs or in the Beaverton area urban area. where a large mosque caters to the religious beliefs of those who are Moslem. Similarly, Christian Russians and Ukrainians church congregations, a new Africa House, and a Surprisingly, the states of Oregon and Washing- Somali Cultural Center, along with the availability ton added more new migrants born in Russia and of affordable housing, attract diverse groups of Afri- Ukraine than any other part of the country between can refugees to residential areas in north, northeast, 1990 and 2005. Attracted primarily by religious and eastside Portland. networks and sponsors affiliated with Christian These newly organized cultural and social net- fundamentalist church congregations, a network of working centers fill a variety of niches for African well-organized social service and refugee resettle- refugees in Oregon. The first group to organize a ment agencies, and a physical environment that cultural center was the Somalis, who opened the resembles their homeland, Russian and Ukrainian Somali Community Center Coalition in a rented Baptists, Pentecostals, and Seventh-day Adventists office space in an old shopping center in north combined are now by far the largest refugee groups Portland. More recently, refugees from Eritrea have in Oregon. opened two new community centers. In addition to The diaspora of these particular groups from these gathering places for specific groups of Afri- the former U.S.S.R. to the United States began with can refugees, IRCO’s new Africa House in a newly changes in both Soviet emigration policies and refurbished two-story historic home in northwest American refugee policies. Despite the end of the URBAN IMMIGRATION IN OREGON: THE CITY AS CONTEXT • 41

Cold War more than a decade ago, the religious Beaverton, an estimated 90 percent of these Rus- right in the United States has been influential in sian and Ukrainian refugees remain in the area after securing and holding onto refugee status for these their initial settlement in the region because of the Christian groups as well as for Jews. In addition to support provided by refugee resettlement agencies the benefits of refugee admission policies for mi- and church networks, and the help of family and grants from the former Soviet Union, many Russian friends from home (Libov, 2004). and Ukrainian secondary migrants from states such Russian-speaking refugees own and operate as California and New York heard about the Pacific more than 400 businesses in the Portland area and Northwest from their friends and families who al- three stores in Salem that cater to the Russian-speak- ready resided here and subsequently migrated to ing market (Hardwick and Meacham, 2005). Many the Portland area in large numbers. of the Portland businesses center on the building The early node of Slavic identity in Woodburn industry, real estate, and banking. The expansion set the stage for the arrival of another group of of homebuyers from the former Soviet Union, dis- ethno-religious migrants from Russia and the Sovi- semination of Russian-language religious networks et Union who arrived in mid-century—Russian Old and newspapers, and growing numbers of business- Believers. Old Believers are the most distinctive of es that cater to the Russian and Eastern European all Russian-speaking residents of the Willamette market are changing the residential and commer- Valley because of their unique style of clothing cial landscape of our region. and their propensity for constructing ornate Rus- Slavic refugee leaders also are beginning to play sian Orthodox churches and chapels reminiscent of a role in reshaping the politics of our region. For ex- those they erected many centuries ago in Russia. ample, the Slavic Coalition provides a voice for the Old Believers are a sectarian group who separated Russian-speaking community to ensure maximum from the Orthodox Church in 1666 after a series of opportunities for gaining county and city funding reforms was enacted by the ruling czar and Ortho- and political power in the urban region. The co- dox patriarch (Hardwick, 1993). An earlier group of alition was founded three years ago to serve as an refugees from the former Soviet Union who had re- advocate for youths, family stabilization, and the located to Woodburn a decade or so earlier, Russian elderly in the area’s Russian-speaking community. Molokans, served as sponsors for these Old Believ- Two leaders of the Slavic Coalition were also recent- ers who wished to migrate to western Oregon from ly appointed to serve on the Portland mayor’s new a temporary refuge in Brazil in the mid-1960s (Mor- task force that is making recommendations about ris, 1981). There are now about 2,000 Old Believers immigrant and refugee issues in the metropolitan living in the Woodburn area. Old Believer churches area.3 Another Ukrainian-born leader in the Salem and houses can often be distinguished by the solid community is the cultural competency coordinator fencing around their yards, backed by either tall of one of Oregon’s major state agencies headquar- rows of sunflowers or Cyprus trees. tered in Salem. These community leaders, and the The small city of Woodburn also featured an large community of Russian-speaking refugees that early Russian Pentecostal community. Some of the they represent, have helped Oregon become one members of this group played a major role in at- of the most densely settled Slavic enclaves in the tracting the most recent wave of migrants from the United States in recent years. former Soviet Union. Overwhelmed by the numbers of new arrivals in the early 1990s, leaders of Looking toward the future: policies, patterns, this church in Woodburn asked IRCO for help. The and predictions decade-and-one-half-long Russian and Ukrainian Since many of Oregon’s foreign-born urban resi- diaspora to the Willamette Valley that followed, dents arrive as refugees, U.S. government policies therefore, began with this Woodburn- and Portland- allowing (or disallowing) refugee admissions into area collaboration. the country largely determine the specific foreign- Since family reunification is a top priority of born refugees who settle in the state during certain U.S. immigration policy, the number of new arriv- periods. During the post–Cold War years, for ex- als has continued to increase with the addition of ample, up to 50,000 people from the former Soviet the parents, children, and other family members of Union per year were allowed entry. In contrast, by these post–Soviet-era refugees. According to Vic- late 2007, the Bush administration released new in- toria Libov, a Russian social worker who lives in formation specifying the total numbers of refugees 42 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON who were allowed admission into the country in mended that city and county governments in oth- 2007 as compared to 2008 (Memorandum for the er cities and small towns in Oregon adopt similar Secretary of State, 2007). As summarized on the fol- models in their own communities. lowing table, the changes in total numbers allow- As federal refugee policies continue to shift, able in each group in 2007 as compared to 2008 are and restrictions on immigration are pursued at fed- striking: eral, state, and local levels, many questions remain about future demographic changes that may occur in our state. In the near future, will Oregon’s towns Refugee arrivals to the United States and cities continue to attract large numbers of refugee migrants and immigrants from other U.S. states 2007 2008 or directly from places in Asia, Africa, and the for- Africa 16,000 22,000 mer Soviet Union? Will the numbers of new arrivals from the Middle East, especially Iraq, become East Asia 20,000 11,000 the state’s largest new foreign-born group due to the Europe and Central Asia 3,000 6,500 ravages of war and subsequent economic, political, and environmental problems in their homeland? Latin America 3,000 5,000 Likewise, as anti–Latino and anti-immigration

Near East and South Asia 28,000 5,500 rhetoric grows louder in the U.S. and Oregon, how will the numbers of new arrivals from Mexico, the Reserve 10,000 20,000 state’s largest immigrant group, be affected in the SOURCE: KISSAM AND STEPHEN 2006 years ahead? Although the answers to these and other ques- This new refugee legislation indicates that Ore- tions remain uncertain, it is clear that our state has gon and other parts of the U.S. will see major reduc- become a magnet for immigrant settlement in re- tions in the number of new arrivals from Eastern cent years, much as it was in the nineteenth and Europe and Central Asia (which includes Russians early twentieth centuries. And these newest Ore- and Ukrainians), with much larger numbers of peo- gonians, like others who have come before them, ple allowed entry from Africa, Myanmar (Burma), bring with them a set of skills, experiences, and val- and the Middle East due to political and economic ues that will enrich our state in the years to come. oppression in their homelands. However, these foreign-born newcomers will also These and other ongoing changes and challenges need support to speed their integration into the at the national and global level directly affect what state’s economy and society. We recommend that happens regionally and locally in Oregon. Some of the lessons learned and successful programs of so- these changes reflect the work of pro-immigrant ad- cial service organizations and networks such as IR- visory boards in both the public and private sector CO’s Asian Family Center and its Africa House that such as Portland mayor Tom Potter’s Immigrant and have played such a valuable role in refugee resettle- Refugee Task Force. This diverse advisory group ment and incorporation in Portland be expanded to submitted a list of policy recommendations that other parts of the state. The widespread dissemi- were accepted by the city of Portland early in 2008. nation of employment skills training classes and These recommendations include (1) creating an of- computer skills workshops, after-school programs fice of Immigrant and Refugee Affairs for the city; for students and their families, senior acculturation (2) establishing a multicultural community center; programs, and other initiatives in support of immi- (3) providing additional resources for immigrants grants are needed in smaller towns and cities all and refugee organizations to train and support con- across the state to help newcomers adjust to their sultants in civic empowerment; (4) conducting a new and potentially promising lives in Oregon. professional evaluation to assess the city’s current Only one thing is certain. As has been the case human resources policies and practices and recom- during the past century and one-half, new poli- mend changes that would result in the recruitment, cies, practices, and patterns of immigration will hiring, and retention of multilingual and multicul- unfold, and they will continue to influence the tural staff members to serve Portland’s fast-growing fabric of Oregon’s diverse peoples, cultures, and immigrant and refugee communities. It is recom- social landscapes. URBAN IMMIGRATION IN OREGON: THE CITY AS CONTEXT • 43

Notes Support for much of the information collected, mapped, and analyzed Hardwick, Susan Wiley. Russian Refugee: Religion, Migration, and Settle- in this chapter was provided by National Science Foundation grant ment on the North American Pacific Rim. Chicago, University of Chicago BCS-0214467 and a University of Oregon Summer Research Award. Press, 1993. The coauthors also appreciated the invaluable cartographic support for Hardwick, Susan W. and James E. Meacham. (forthcoming). “‘Placing’ this chapter provided by Ken Kato, associate director of the University of the Refugee Diaspora to Portland, Oregon: Suburban Expansion and Den- Oregon’s InfoGraphics Laboratory. sification in a Re-Emerging Gateway,” (in) Twenty-First Century Gateways: 1. It is important to remind readers that data provided by U.S. Census Immigrant Incorporation in Suburban America. A. Singer, S.W. Hardwick, of Population reports cited in this chapter are incomplete and thus subject and C. Brettell, eds. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Institution, 2008. to question. Many immigrants in Oregon (as in other places in the U.S.) Hardwick, Susan W. and James E. Meacham. “Heterolocalism, Networks are missed in final census counts due to language barriers and fear of of Ethnicity, and Refugee Communities in the Pacific Northwest: The Port- government officials. However, census counts do provide useful data for land Story,” The Professional Geographer 57:539–557, 2005. estimating the number of people in comparative places in the state, as well as the residential patterns of various immigrant groups, and thus have been Hume, Susan E. and Susan W. Hardwick. “African, Russian, and Ukrai- used for the maps and graphs presented here. nian Refugee Resettlement in Portland, Oregon,” The Geographical Review 95:189–209, 2005. 2. Migrants who arrive with refugee status receive eight months of financial support in the state of Oregon and ten months in the neighboring Kaplan, David. “Travels into America’s Future: Southern California and state of Washington. This difference may help to explain the relatively large the Pacific Northwest,” The Atlantic Monthly 282:37–61, 1998. secondary migration of Portland refugees across the Columbia River to Kritz, Mary. U.S. Immigration and Refugee Policy: Global and Domestic Vancouver, Washington during the past ten years or so. Issues. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1983. 3. Portland mayor Tom Potter appointed selected members to his newly Libov, Victoria, in discussions with the author. Portland, Ore., 2004, proposed City of Portland Immigration Task Force in 2006. This advisory 2007. group recently proposed two major priorities for action to be taken by the Memorandum for the Secretary of State. Presidential Determination on major’s office including (1) development of a new policy that encourages FY 2008 Refugee Admissions. Washington, D.C.: Office of the President of and ensures more diverse hiring in city agencies, and (2) creating and the United States, 2007. maintaining a director of diversity and a multicultural center in the city of Portland. These recommendations were accepted by the city in January Morris, Richard A. Three Russian Groups in Oregon: A Comparison of 2008. Group Boundaries in a Pluralistic Environment. Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Oregon, Department of Anthropology, 1981. Po-Cha, Lee, in discussions with the author, Portland, Ore., 2004, 2006. References cited Population Research Center. Oregon Population Estimates, 2007. Port- Abbot, Carl. Greater Portland: Urban Life and Landscape in the Pacific land: Portland State University, 2007. Northwest. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001. Singer, Audrey and Jill H. Wilson. From ‘There’ to ‘Here:’ Refugee Blair, Jacob. “Latino Settlement and Commercial Development in Resettlement in Metropolitan America. Washington, D.C.: The Brookings Rockwood,” Unpublished manuscript, University of Oregon, Department of Institution, 2006. Geography, 2006. Tauch, Sokhum, in discussions with the author, Portland, Ore., 2004. Gamboa, Erasmo. Mexican Labor and World War II: Braceros in the Pacific Northwest, 1942–1947. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. Walker, Kyle. “Oregon’s Ethnoburb: The Vietnamese in Beaverton,” Un- published manuscript. Clark Honors College, University of Oregon, 2004. Hardwick, Susan W. Far from Home: Slavic Refugees and the Changing Face of Oregon. Portland: Oregon Council for the Humanities, 2007. by Lynn Stephen, Marcela Mendoza, and Mauricio Magana~

Chapter 4 Latin American Immigration in Rural Oregon

n large part the history of Latinos in rural Or- went to war with Mexico, it also settled the bound- egon is a history of Mexicans in Oregon. This ary of the Oregon Territory with all land above the chapter describes the pattern of Mexican immi- forty-ninth parallel going to Great Britain (what is gration and settlement in rural Oregon commu- now the Canadian boundary between the province nities with a special focus on the of British Columbia and the U.S.). At I last three decades. the conclusion of the U.S.-Mexican The face of many rural communi- War in 1848, the two countries signed ties in Oregon has been dramatically the Treaty of Guadalupe-Hidalgo, altered by Mexican immigrants, a pro- which called for Mexico to give up cess that has evolved over the course more than half of its territory. of four generations. Thinking of Mex- The Oregon Territory, which still ican immigration as a generational included the present-day states of experience offers important insights Washington and Idaho, went from be- into immigrants’ needs and expecta- ing a U.S. territory bordering Mexico tions and illuminates the challenges to a state that would soon share a bor- they face in adapting to life in rural der with California (the latter gained Oregon communities. statehood in 1850). These shifting When Mexico became indepen- borders, however, did not greatly re- dent of Spain in 1821, the Oregon strict the flow of people. According Country southern border became the to the Oregon Historical Society, “for U.S. territorial border with Mexico. After the U.S. years, people moved freely along the open border government’s attempts to purchase parts of Mex- between the Oregon Country and Mexico, trading ico’s northern territory were rebuffed, an armed supplies and cultural influences. Even before the clash between the U.S. and Mexican armies along Civil War, Mexican merchants, miners, soldiers, the Rio Grande in 1846 prompted the U.S. to declare adventurers, sheepherders, and vaqueros were in war on Mexico. With increased immigration to Or- southern Oregon” (Nusz and Ricciardi 2003; Or- egon in the 1840s, heightened confrontations with egon Historical Society 2004). the native peoples of the area (see Douthit 2002), Some of the earliest Mexican migrants to the and U.S. President James Polk’s having designs on state of Oregon were mule-packers, miners, and Mexico’s northern territory, the Oregon border was vaqueros (cowboys) who brought their trade from of key importance. In 1846, the year that the U.S. what was greater Mexico to the U.S. Two decades 46 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON later, Mexican cowboys migrated to Oregon, accom- The first temporary worker program allowed panying California cattlemen who settled in remote Mexicans who would be ineligible for entry under locations in eastern Oregon. According to historian the 1917 Immigration Act to work seasonally in Jeff LaLonde, the vaqueros “were Spanish-speaking the United States. This program was enacted dur- Californios, Indians of central California who had ing World War I and extended until 1922. While grown up riding and herding on the Central Valley’s the Immigration Act of 1917 established literacy Mexican land grants” (LaLonde, 2005). Other Cali- and head tax requirements for Mexicans, within fornia ranchers also established themselves in Har- months of its implementation, the U.S. Secretary ney and Malheur counties in eastern Oregon, devel- of Labor “authorized western sugar beet enterprises oping some of the largest cattle-spreads in the state. to recruit alien labor without enforcement of this Mexicans, along with workers from China, Japan, restriction” (Gamboa 1990:9). By 1924, Mexicans and the Philippines, also built railroads linking the were contracted from the southwestern states to East and West coasts, eventually work in sugar beets for $3 per day, making mule-pack operations ob- and Portland became a signifi- solete (Nusz and Ricciardi 2003; cant recruiting ground for Mexi- Oregon Historical Society 2004). can workers (Gamboa 1990: 9). Railroad companies were another The 1920s–1940s prime employer of Mexican work- Historian Erasmo Gamboa (1990) ers, including several in Oregon has written the most complete ac- (Taylor 1931). count of Mexican migration to Or- Mexicans who came to Oregon egon in the early- to mid-twentieth to work in the sugar beet industry century. The fertile Willamette and as railroad workers in the ear- Valley in Oregon and the Puyallup lier part of the twentieth century and Skagit valleys in Washington, established roots in the state, par- as well as the tablelands of east- ticularly in eastern Oregon. Mexi- ern Washington and Oregon, were can immigration decreased in the able to produce a rich abundance 1930s not only because there was of specialty crops including a wide range of fruits, a lack of employment in the U.S. but also due to vegetables, nuts, berries, grapes, sugar beets, on- U.S. policies of deportation and exclusion. During ions, hops, and wheat. All of these crops, however, the early 1930s, local authorities through the West required an extensive and usually seasonal labor and Midwest repatriated more than 400,000 Mexi- supply in regions that were often sparsely popu- cans. At that time, the Mexican population in the lated. The need for labor led Oregon growers to U.S. was more than 1.4 million. recruit Mexican laborers from both the Southwest While the deportations of the Great Depression and Mexico to work on area farms. By 1910, Oregon returned about 20 percent of this population, a vast ranked seventh among states outside the Southwest majority remained, and their labor was still need- with Mexican-born residents (Gamboa 1990:7). ed. Some crop sectors expanded, such as hops that From 1910 through 1930, Mexicans came to grew significantly after the repeal of Prohibition in Oregon as a result of the upheaval caused by the 1932. Sugar beet cultivation continued to increase Mexican Revolution. Approximately 10 percent in the 1930s as growers received subsidies. While of the Mexican population—more than a million many impoverished workers flowed into Oregon people—fled to the U.S. from 1910 to 1920, seek- and the Northwest, there is evidence to suggest that ing refuge from the war as well as economic op- Mexicans were targeted for recruitment by growers, portunity (Sánchez 1993:36). Although movement sugar companies, and other employers. Paul Tay- across the border was not strictly monitored before lor noted in 1937 that Mexican migrants traveled World War I, the creation of the U.S. Border Patrol from the Imperial Valley of California to Oregon’s in 1924, along with passage of quota laws in 1921 Hood River and Willamette valleys (1937, Gamboa and 1924, quickly changed the nature of the U.S.- 1990:13). Gamboa has also suggested that migrant Mexican border from a porous, weakly defined de- laborers from Texas traveled from there to Oregon marcation to an international boundary that created and Washington for work as well as to midwestern the category “illegal immigrant.” states (1990:14). LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRATION IN RURAL OREGON • 47

Continued growth of the Mexican population tioned the wartime phase of the Bracero Program, in rural Oregon was spurred in the 1940s by three expired and was superseded by PL-40. The terms related factors: continuing growth in agriculture under PL-40 called for workers’ contracts to be ne- and a subsequent need for labor, the onset of World gotiated directly between employer and bracero War II, and the existence of the Bracero Program and required employers to pay for the screening, that was designed to recruit Mexican laborers to selection, and roundtrip transportation of workers replace those who either entered the U.S. armed from Mexico to the Northwest. Previously, these ex- forces or who left farm labor to work in industry. penses had been assumed by the U.S. government. The demand for food production, expansion of ir- Northwest growers were shocked at the terms of the rigation, and electrification boosted commercial agreement. Anxious over growing anti–Mexican acreage, while the war pulled much of the existing sentiment and the protests mounted by braceros, labor force into war production. The demographic they decided to no longer contract for their labor. shift of workers from rural to urban areas resulted Therefore, the program ended in Oregon in 1947. in a labor shortage in Oregon and other parts of the Northwest by 1941. 1950s–1970s: settlers and a second Northwest farmers complained directly to the generation in rural Oregon U.S. government about a lack of labor. Their com- Northwest growers, led by the larger commercial plaints led to the creation of the Bracero Program, agricultural interests, soon found a new source of which existed from 1942 to 1947 (see Gamboa 1990), labor—Mexican-American migratory laborers re- and resulted in approximately 15,136 Mexicans be- cruited from California, Texas, and other areas of ing contracted as farm laborers in Oregon (Gamboa the Southwest. During the war new canneries and 1995a:41). Additional braceros were also employed packing companies were opened in the Northwest, on Oregon railroads from 1943 to 1946. They were increasing the acreage of crops. For example, Ore- also put to work constructing fire lanes during for- gon’s pea processing acreage increased from 21,000 est fires and planted pine seedlings in reforestation to 50,000 by the end of the war (Gamboa 1990:125). projects for the U.S. Forest Service (Gamboa 1990: Other crop acreage increased as well, earning places 57–59). such as Woodburn recognition as “the berry capital While the agreements signed by the U.S. and of the world” in the mid-1950s. Mexican governments specified that particular con- Like California growers, some Oregon farmers ditions be met regarding workers’ housing, food, recruited undocumented laborers in the 1950s, but hours worked, transportation, and pay, once bra- also continued to solicit laborers from the South- ceros were turned over to farmers, employers had west. Some of the first Mexican families settled per- full say and could often do as they pleased with manently in the Woodburn, Hubbard, and St. Paul workers and their contracts. Erasmo Gamboa docu- areas in the early 1950s. Many went from states in ments in great detail the very difficult conditions Mexico like San Luis Potosí, Sonora, Hidalgo, and, braceros worked under, including being forced to Nuevo León to small towns close to the Texas bor- stay in fields despite freezing temperatures, lack of der such as Progreso and Mission in the 1940s and healthcare, lead poisoning from orchard work, job- 1950s. From there they formed the first population related injuries, transportation accidents, and sub- of permanent Mexican families in Woodburn and standard housing and food (1990:65–73). Workers the surrounding area, building on deeper roots in performed admirably under these adverse circum- communities such as Nyssa, Ontario, and Inde- stances and were widely praised for their skill and pendence, which had Mexican settlers during the productivity. But once the war was over, returning second and third decades of the twentieth century. Oregon workers and their families began protesting Many of these families came originally as farm- the use of Mexican workers, and public demonstra- workers, but began to settle and worked in local tions took place in many northwestern communi- canneries, on the railroad, in construction, and in ties. Workers responded with work stoppages and seasonal harvesting work. Erlinda González-Berry strikes with the support of Mexican government of- and Dwaine Plaza have described these Mexican- ficials. They resisted as best they could against con- origin Tejanos as “pioneer migrants” and document ditions where employers often had absolute control their settlement in central Oregon between the over all aspects of their lives. 1950s and the 1970s (2007). In 1947, Public Law (PL)-45, which had sanc- The 1950s in Oregon and elsewhere were also 48 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON marked by “Operation Wetback,” a U.S. govern- of indigenous Mexicans and Guatemalans, many of ment program focused on preventing undocument- whom became legal residents through the 1986 Im- ed people from entering the U.S. and on deporting migration and Reform Act (IRCA) and the accom- undocumented workers already here. The city of panying Seasonal Agricultural Workers (SAW) pro- Woodburn and other communities experienced gram. The majority of the agricultural workers who frequent sweeps that picked up and subsequently were granted legal residency through SAW were deported undocumented workers. men. In the state of Oregon, 23,736 Mexicans and In the 1970s a second wave of migration came some Guatemalans received permanent residency to rural Oregon from Mexico, including migrant under the SAW program. While this statistic reflects farmworkers from the state of Michoacán and the the number who applied and completed the SAW first indigenous Oaxacans who were brought up program in Oregon, the figure of 40,000–50,000 by labor contractors from California (see Stephen may be more realistic because many workers who 2004, 2007). In the mid-1970s, Mexican workers now reside in Oregon completed the SAW program began to work in greater numbers as tree planters in California. and thinners in the reforestation industry, perform- Another wave of primarily Mexican immi- ing work that was previously done primarily by grants followed those who were legalized by IRCA, Oregon workers. They worked through contractors coming either as the immediate family members of and in the off-season looked for jobs in farms, tree those who were legalized in 1986 or through larger nurseries, and canneries, often through the same social networks they had established in their home contractor. regions. Many landed in the smaller rural towns The creation of cultural and political spaces for and communities of Oregon. Between the late Latin American immigrants in the 1970s brought 1980s and the mid-1990s, the Mexican immigrant new opportunities for social inclusion to rural population in Oregon changed significantly in two workers. Organizations such as the Valley Migrant respects. Many of the men who became legal per- League developed opportunity centers; day care manent residents sent for their wives and children. and adult education programs; citizenship, social, Once their families arrived, they settled more per- and legal skills instruction; and other areas of train- manently in communities like Salem, Woodburn, ing (González Berry and Plaza 2007: 101, see Gam- east Portland, Gresham, and Medford. Elsewhere, boa 1995b, Stephen 2001). The founding of Cole- significant clusters of people from the same com- gio César Chávez in 1973 in Mt. Angel marked the munity were formed, often built around sibling nation’s only Chicano college that was specifically groups who either joined their nuclear families or aimed at Mexican-origin students. The formation brought family members with them from different of Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noroeste or parts of Mexico and other places in the U.S., par- PCUN (Northwest Treeplanters and Farmworkers ticularly from California. United) in 1985 built on the work of the Willamette While undocumented relatives of established Valley Immigration Project begun in 1977. From Mexican immigrant families continued to come to 1985 to 1986, the union began to build a constitu- Oregon, during 2000–5, a new wave of young men ency among farmworkers and forestry workers. Dur- came to occupy an important niche in the seasonal ing the 1990s PCUN engaged in a series of actions berry harvest and the picking of other crops. The aimed at opening up political and cultural space trend of family settlement and female migration for immigrant Mexican farmworkers, raising farm- has slowed considerably, and increasingly, sea- worker wages, and reaching its first contracts with sonal workers are once again largely single, most- small organic growers. During the summer of 2002 ly young men (see McConahay 2001). They are the union completed negotiations with NORPAC found primarily in labor camps and are brought Foods, Inc., a large cooperative of growers that had by labor contractors who work them through a cir- been the focus of a ten-year boycott. (See Stephen cuit encompassing California, Oregon, and Wash- 2001, for a general history of PCUN). ington. Some of them continue to be Mixtec, but recruiters are also reaching into Triqui communi- IRCA and the settling of a third and fourth gen- ties and into the state of Veracruz as well (Kiss- eration of Latino immigrants in rural Oregon man, Intili, and García (2001). Later in the 1990s, By the 1980s the Latin American immigrant popula- unattached younger females and males began to tion in rural Oregon included a significant number migrate, attaching themselves to older relatives LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRATION IN RURAL OREGON • 49 already in Oregon. The importance of un- Table 1 Language profile of Woodburn (Oregon) documented Mexicans in heads of household, overall key sectors of the Oregon Population and minors, 2003 economy is not an isolated Language profile Percent of all Percent of all Percent of minors case. By January of 2006, the heads of persons in 0–18 years undocumented population household households of age of the U.S. was more than 11 English-dominant 33 25 21 million. Of these, more than Primary language English 31 19 8 6 million or 57 percent were (limited or no other language) from Mexico. In 2005, Jeffrey Bilingual, English preferred 2 6 13 Passel estimated that 100,000 to 150,000 unauthorized im- Spanish-dominant 47 61 69 migrants resided in the Primary language Spanish 30 37 29 (limited or no other language) state of Oregon out of a total Bilingual, Spanish preferred 17 24 40 foreign-born population of (Spanish, English) 260,095 counted by the U.S. Census office in 2002 (Passel Mixtec-dominant 10 6 4 2005). Primary language Mixtec 7 3 <1 (limited or no Spanish) Bilingual, Mixtec preferred 1 1 >1 Indigenous Mexican and (Mixtec, Spanish) Guatemalan immigrants in Trilingual, Mixtec with 2 2 >2 rural Oregon Spanish, English From the late 1980s to the Other language-dominant 11 8 6 present, indigenous Gua- Bilingual, Russian preferred 2 2 2 temalan and Mexican im- Trilingual (Other, Russian, and 8 5 4 migrants represented an in- English or other, Spanish, creasing number of workers and English) in rural Oregon, concentrated Other (Portuguese, Malay, 1 1 — Triqui) with limited or no English primarily in agriculture and SOURCE: KISSAM AND STEPHEN 2006 related businesses. The 2000 census was also the first time that indigenous Mexicans, Guatemalans, and oth- the Oregon Law Center have documented the pres- ers could make their presence known through two ence of fourteen different indigenous ethnic groups distinct census categories. One of the racial op- and languages among Mexican and Guatemalan tions, “American Indian or Alaska Native,” left a immigrants including Mixteco Alto, Zapoteco, space to indicate a specific tribe. The 2000 census Mixteco Costa, Chinaneco, Tzotzil, Maya, Mixteco not only showed a significant growth in the num- Bajo, Triqui, Nahuatl, Zoqur, Chatino, Tojolabal, ber of people who self-identified as American In- and Kanjobal (Oregon Law Center 2007). dian but also in the number of people who iden- The presence of indigenous Latin American im- tified themselves as both Hispanic and American migrants is also found outside of agricultural labor Indian. Self-identified Latin American indigenous camps. Mixtec speakers make up a visible percent- migrants could identify both ethnically as Latinos age of household heads in the town of Woodburn, and racially as American Indians. In the 2000 cen- a long-time center of agricultural activity and home sus, 407,073 people reported themselves nationally to four generations of Latin American immigrants. as both Spanish-Hispanic-Latino and American A household survey conducted in 2003 found Indian and Alaskan Native. This was 1.2 percent that 47 percent of heads of household in Wood- of the total U.S. Hispanic population (U.S. Census burn were Spanish-dominant and 10 percent were 2001:10, table 10). While the official number in the Mixtec-dominant. Two percent of household heads census given for Hispanic American Indians in Or- were trilingual with Mixtec, Spanish, and English. egon is 5,081, it is quite likely that the number is While Mixtec dominance decreased to only 4 per- much higher. Community outreach workers from cent of the Woodburn population eighteen years 50 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON and under, the strong presence of Mixtec speakers L.S.: No? in the community signals the importance of the in- C.D.: No, they don’t like them. They don’t like to digenous immigration flows into the community be around them. during the past two decades. The multilingualism of the immigrant rural population has affected edu- L.S.: Why? cation, health, safety, and other social services. C.D.: I don’t know. Because they think that we The communities they have settled in often are less than others. They think that we don’t share a regional culture that has marked Mexicans know how to study, that we don’t know how to as racially inferior, as suitable for hard physical la- work . . . things like that. bor, and as politically vulnerable (Stephen 2007, Portes and Rumbaut 2001:277). In addition, the ra- L.S.: Do they look down on people from Oax- cial hierarchy that permeates Mexico and consigns aca? indigenous peoples to the lowest level of the racial C.D.: Sometimes. There were two Chilangos stratification system is reproduced within commu- (from Mexico City) who didn’t like us at all. I nities of Mexican immigrants in the United States. had come to realize from even before this that a lot of people from Mexico City don’t like us be- Racial hierarchies with the Mexican immigrant cause of the way we talk, the way we live. It’s a population: case study of indigenous youths struggle with them. The Chilangos and the other The Mexican racial hierarchy denigrating indig- Norteños (from Northern Mexico) call us Oaxa- enous people has appeared in alternative educa- cos. They say that the Chilangos (from Mexico tional settings such as the High School Equivalency City) are real huevones, real jerks, and those Program (HEP), where some indigenous Oaxacan from Zacatecas also consider themselves better immigrant youths have received their high school than other people. Other people from the north degrees in Eugene, Oregon. César Domínguez, a think they are better because of their color. They nineteen-year-old Mixtec youth from the Hua- discriminate against us because they are whiter. huapán de León district of Oaxaca, discussed his They think that they are invincible and better. experience as a Oaxacan participating in the HEP But I think that this is a stupid way to look at program. In many ways his discussion reflects the things. It doesn’t make sense to not associate racial and ethnic categories that operate in Wood- with someone just because of this. burn. Here is part of Lynn Stephen’s (L.S.) conversation with César Domínguez (C.D.) in 2006. L.S.: Were these kinds of ideas common in the HEP program? L.S: Can we talk a little about your experiences in HEP? Were the majority of the students there C.D.: More or less. Like I said, there were some immigrants? who thought that they were better than others. They also thought this in terms of the kind of C.D.: The majority were. music they had, like corridas. They thought that L.S.: Were the majority from Mexico? our music was much simpler and maybe not as good. C.D.: Yes. There was just one from El Salvador. The rest of us were from Mexico. Some of us were from Oaxaca; others were from Zacatecas, César’s experience in HEP reinforced his prior from Sinaloa, from Guerrero, and from the D.F. experiences with people from Mexico City, who (Mexico City). had looked down on him for being from Oaxaca. He identifies language, life style (a reference to culture L.S.: And in the group of you who were together and poverty), and skin color as three of the criteria in HEP, if someone were to ask you “where are that are used to differentiate people from Oaxaca you from,” how would you answer them? and those from the North and Mexico City in HEP. C.D.: Well, I would say that I am from Mexico, Later he refers to differences in music, an important that I am from Oaxaca. . . . Although some peo- part of the after-hours culture in HEP. There, stu- ple don’t . . . I think that some people don’t like dents live together in dorms, study together six days people from Oaxaca. a week, and hang out in the evenings and on Sun- days. Music is one of their most important sources LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRATION IN RURAL OREGON • 51 of enjoyment. Thus, within the larger culture of corporation of new immigrant populations. Mexicanos reproduced in the HEP educational pro- The variation within the immigrant popula- gram, racial and cultural criteria were used to dif- tion in rural areas with long immigration histories ferentiate and demean students from Oaxaca. is also reflected in the differential legal status of For César, this stereotyping mirrored his expe- immigrant community members. Table 2 (below) riences in Mexico. He came to the U.S. at the age demonstrates this disparity in Woodburn. While of sixteen and worked as a farmworker before en- a majority of the households surveyed included rolling in HEP. He currently works as a construction worker and is taking ESL classes at the local community college in the hope that he will eventu- Table 2 Citizenship-immigration status profile ally get into the regular two-year program. Joining of Woodburn (Oregon) households the youth group Juventud FACETA provided César (N=128) with access to the more open and inviting culture Household members are all citizens 33% of youths from Mexico, Guatemala, and El Salvador. Household members are all citizens 32% During 2006 he actively participated in the group or legal permanent residents and accompanied it on pro-immigrant marches in Mixed status—some household members 27% Portland and Salem. In contrast with his experience are citizens or legal permanent residents in HEP where he quarreled with other Mexicans but others are unauthorized about his ability to study and be validated, within Unauthorized—all family members are 8% the group of Juventud FACETA and in the marches unauthorized immigrants he felt strong and empowered. He commented on SOURCE: KISSAM AND STEPHEN 2006 the marches in March and May of 2006: citizens or legal permanent residents, 27 percent I felt really good and really secure going on the of immigrant households surveyed were “mixed marches. I am not afraid any more. I have come status,” and 8 percent were “unauthorized.” Chil- to meet a lot of people and other groups through dren in households of mixed or unauthorized sta- these experiences. I have made a lot of friends tus often encounter difficult situations. If children as well, among Mexicanos and among Anglos. are citizens and their parents are unauthorized, the The marches were important because if we don’t parents are often reluctant to seek services that the get out and march then the government will take children have a right to obtain because of their fam- advantage of us. They will say that we are crimi- ily income level, such as the Women, Infants, and nals and they will do with us what they please. Children program (WIC), Food Stamps, and Tem- But we aren’t going to allow that to happen. If porary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF). If we are united, that won’t happen. children are undocumented, they may find themselves completing high school with few prospects Four generations in rural Oregon: current for college, because they are not eligible for in-state trends in length of residency, legal status, tuition or federal financial aid. social capital, and place of origin Communities such as Woodburn are also criss- Rural Oregon now reflects four different genera- crossed by immigrant social networks that reflect tions of Latino Americans, primarily Mexican many different origins in Mexico. These differences immigrants. Some of the oldest towns with a within the Mexican immigrant population regard- longstanding Latino immigrant presence are St. ing place of origin, legal status, and length of time in Paul, Nyssa, Independence, and Woodburn— the U.S. can become sources of tension. Those from communities that have a long history of recruit- the same community and region tend to associate ing agricultural workers. Such communities have with one another and create cooperative relation- a diverse and differentiated Mexican immigrant ships through businesses, sports clubs, or home- population that came from different places at town associations (see Stephen 2007). Table 3 (page different times. Latino immigrants in these com- 52) reflects the diversity of place represented in the munities include important leaders and bridge- Mexican immigrant population in Woodburn. builders with historical knowledge, personal net- While communities such as St. Paul, Nyssa, works and connections, and social capital that Woodburn, and Independence have more than sev- can be mobilized for the civic and political in- en decades of significant Mexican presence, other 52 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON

can and other Latin American immi- Table 3 Mexico-based migration networks grants are recent arrivals, families and in Woodburn (Oregon) youths are concentrated in low-income State and community of origin of Mexican-born Percent associated jobs. Their jobs usually have some head-of-household heads (N=67) with network combination of low pay, unstable em- Oaxaca Sta. Maria Tindu, Cd. de Oaxaca, 24 ployment, little prospect for advance- San Juan Mixtepec, San Mateo Tunuche, Ocotlan, Huajuapan, Sta. Maria Caxtlahuaca, Zaachila ment, and dangerous working condi- Michoacan Morelia, Quiroga, Jaripo, San Jeronimo, 19 tions. Many of these recent immigrants Chupicuaro, various smaller ranchos live in mixed-status families where Guanajuato Penjamo, Leon, Silao, Guanajuato, Romita 13 a foreign-born member has undocu- Guerrero Acapulco, Coyuca, Tecpan de Galeana, Ometepec 6 mented immigration status, other fam- Mexico, D.F. 5 ily members are permanent residents, Morelos Cuernavaca, Totolapan 5 and the youngest members are citizens. Jalisco Rancho la Canada, ranchos 5 Generally, this is the case for about Veracruz Poza Rica, Coyuca 5 half of the recent Mexican immigrants Puebla 3 in the country (Allen 2006, Bean and Sinaloa 3 Stevens 2003). Moreover, recent esti- Nayarit 2 mates indicate that from 1995 to 2004,

Estado de Mexico < 2 more than 80 percent of all immigrants

San Luis Potosi < 2 from Mexico have been undocumented (Passel 2005: 8). Undocumented status Zacatecas < 2 strongly conditions these immigrants’ Tamaulipas < 2 ability to find better jobs, advance in Durango < 2 their education, and achieve member- Colima < 2 ship in local civic institutions. Table 4 Tlaxcala < 2 (page 53) highlights the different rates SOURCE: KISSAM AND STEPHEN 2006 at which Latin American immigrants have been incorporated into nine dif- rural areas began to see their first wave of Mexican ferent cities and towns in rural Oregon, revealing immigrants much more recently. Over the past ten patterns of older and newer settlement. years the doubling of the Latino, primarily Mexi- can, population has profoundly changed the face of Explanation of terms and data sets: many small, rural towns whose populations were There has been no consistent category on the largely of European origin until just ten or twenty U.S. Census to measure the Latino population. In years ago. Restaurants, businesses, schools, church- %LôCRECIMIENTOôDEôLAôPOBLACI¥NôHISPANA (ISPANICôGROWTHôCOUNTIES es, libraries, city governments, local cultural insti- (ISPANICôGROWTHôCOUNTIESENôLOSôCONDADOSôDEô/REG¥N tutions, and civic organizations as well as nonprof- #OUNTIESôINôWHICHôTHEô(ISPANICôPOPULATION #ONDADOSôENôLOSôQUEôLAôPOBLACIMOREôTHANôDOUBLEDôBETWEENôôANDô¥NôHISPANAôCRECI¥ôEN its, social service agencies, advocacy organizations, M¶SôDELôôPORCIENTOôENTREôôYôELô and labor unions have all seen dramatic changes in the constituencies they serve, and those who seek to participate in such institutions. For example Junction City in Lane County has seen its Latino population increase from 2 percent in 1980 to 8.3 percent in 2000. By 2010, this figure will most likely double. Latino students account for 10 percent to 20 percent of enrollments in the public school systems of the interlinked communities of Harrisburg, Junction City, and Monroe. Significant numbers of Latino students in small school systems are highly 0LRO@Bñ/2-/&ñ>KAñ2 0 ñ BKPRPñ ROB>R (ISPANICôGROWTHôCOUNTIES #RBKQBPñ/2-/&ñ>KAñ2 0 ñ0LRO@Bñ/2-/&ñ>KAñ2 0 ñ BKPRPñ ROB>R #ONDADOSôENôQUEôLAôPOBLACI(ISPANICôGROWTHôCOUNTIES ¥NôHISPANA BKPRPñ ñ>KAñ visible and present new challenges to teachers and /THERôCOUNTIES#RECI¥ôM¶SôDELôôPORôCIENTO BKPRPñ ñ>KAñ BKPRPñ ñ>KAñ administrators. In rural communities where Mexi- /TROSôCONDADOS LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRATION IN RURAL OREGON • 53

1970 the Spanish language category appears for the first Table 4 Latinos in rural Oregon1 time and includes people in 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000 2006 households where Spanish is Foreign stock Spanish language* Spanish origin Hispanic origin Hispanic or Hispanic or the mother tongue of at least born in Mexico at census county (of any race) Latino origin Latino origin and Puerto Rico division level (of any race) (of any race) one parent (“head of the family or wife”) or for people for Hillsboro n/a 648/19,434 1,308/27,644 4,203/37,520 13,262/70,186 20,505/90,754 whom Spanish was spoken (3.3%) (4.7%) (11.2%) (18.9%) (22.6%) at home during their youth. Hood River 6/3,657 52/7,542 64/4,329 485/4,632 1,351/5,831 n/a (0.2%) (0.7%) (1.5%) (10.5%) (23.2%) In 1980 the category Spanish Independence 135/3,293 339/3,680 688/4,024 1,070/4,425 1,818/6,035 n/a origin appears. People were (4.1%) (9.2%) (17.1%) (24.2%) (30.1%) counted in this category if Junction City 0/3,906 211/7,768 76/3,320 73/3,670 391/4,721 n/a they self-identified any of (0%) (2.7%) (2.3%) (2.0%) (8.3%) the Spanish origin or descent Medford 29/24,425 329/28,454 1,195/39,603 2,387/46,951 5,841/63,154 9,064/74,090 categories (Mexican, Chica- (0.1%) (1.2%) (3.0%) (5.1%) (9.2%) (12.2%) no, Cuban, Puerto Rican, or Nyssa 121/2,611 822/3,812 1,150/2,862 1,262/2,629 1,809/3,163 n/a (4.8%) (21.6%) (40.2%) (48.0%) (57.2%) “other Spanish”). This cate- Ontario 49/5,101 1,185/9,288 1,195/8,814 2,019/9,392 3,521/10,985 n/a gory changes to Hispanic ori- (1.0%) (12.8%) (13.6%) (21.5%) (32.1%) gin in 1990 and to Hispanic St. Paul 168/1,610 208/1,570 n/a 84/322 91/354 n/a or Latino origin in 2000 (10.4%) (13.2%) (26.1%) (25.7%) based on the same method of Woodburn 45/3,120 898/10,201 2,035/11,196 4,211/13,404 10,064/20,100 n/a self-identification. (1.4%) (8.8%) (18.2%) (31.4%) (50.1%) For the 1960 Census we SOURCE: KISSAM AND STEPHEN 2006 were able to find only the “Special Tables” that included “Foreign Stock” in rural areas of all states. and “Puerto Rican Stock” (which amounted to only While the greatest numbers of Oregon Latinos in eight people total in the cities in question) the 2000 census were found in the metropolitan popu- The trends documented above suggest that lation, 8.6 percent of the population in smaller cities, the settlement patterns of Latinos in Oregon are and 7.1 of those in rural areas were of Hispanic origin similar to patterns elsewhere in the United States (RUPRI 2006:4). The twenty-one counties in Oregon during the past two decades. Latin American im- (out of thirty-six) whose Hispanic populations more migrants are no longer settling in key gateway cit- than doubled between 1990 and 2000 are Benton, ies but are spread throughout the United States Clackamas, Clatsop, Crook, Curry, Deschutes, Jack- and have come to establish a significant presence son, Jefferson, Lane, Lincoln, Linn, Marion, Morrow, Multnomah, Sherman, Tillamook, Umatilla, Wasco, Washington, Wheeler, and Yamhill. #OUNTIESôWITHôSIGNIFICANTô(ISPANICôPOPULATION By 2005, Latinos were the second largest popu- #OUNTIESôINôWHICHôTHEô(ISPANICôPOPULATIONôACCOUNTED FORôôPERCENTôORôMOREôOFôTOTALôPOPULATIONôINô lation group in Oregon, comprising approximately 9.9 percent of the total population of 3,700,758 (U.S. Census Bureau 2006a). Latino children were about 15 percent of the state’s population under age eighteen in 2005, but that figure is likely to increase (Kaiser Family Foundation 2005a). During 2005, Latino births were 20 percent of the total births in Oregon (Oregon Vital Statistics County Data 2005). The growth of the Latino population has been sus- tained since the 1990s, particularly in rural areas, where census undercount is more prevalent— although Oregon’s urban population is growing, a quarter of all Oregonians still live in nonmetropoli- tan areas. At the current growth rate, 28 percent of 3IGNIFICANTô(ISPANICôPOPULATION 0LRO@Bñ/2-/&ñ>KAñ2 0 ñ BKPRPñ ROB>R /THERôCOUNTIES BKPRPñ ñ>KAñ students in public schools will be Hispanic by the 54 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON year 2020. The Oregon Department of Education workers who will provide the important labor that (2006) made these race and ethnicity projections sustains the agricultural economy in the state. using actual data on student enrollment from 1980 through 2005. We conclude with a series of suggestions that can be helpful to rural communities in creating a Conclusion local culture that embraces the changing reality of Over the past ten to fifteen years the increase in the Oregon. Communities such as Woodburn, Oregon, Latin American population has profoundly changed have provided successful models for how to cre- the face of many rural towns that had been initially ate communities where pluralism is the norm (see settled by Americans of European origin. Restau- Kissam and Stephen 2006). rants, businesses, schools, churches, health clinics, libraries, city governments, local cultural institu- 1. Embrace multilingualism. Public libraries, tions, and civic organizations as well as nonprof- school systems, community colleges, businesses, its, social service agencies, advocacy organizations, churches, police forces, and medical providers can and labor unions have all seen dramatic changes in hire bilingual staff members (Spanish-English) and their membership and in the provide bilingual materials constituencies they serve. and activities. The availabil- The presence of the sec- ity of translators who speak ond generation is felt in every not only Spanish, but also public school district, where can provide certified trans- teachers and administrators lation in some of the four- receive students who are teen indigenous languages of monolingual in Spanish, and Mexico and Central America also make efforts to include is also an important service. their parents in the process The Indigenous Project of the of education. Students in the Oregon Law Center based in upper grades who have lim- Woodburn, Oregon, has been ited English proficiency are training such interpreters for placed in English as a Sec- courts and medical situa- ond Language classes. The tions. challenge for the schools is to provide culturally appropriate support to encour- 2. Take advantage of multilingual community age these Latino students to remain in the school members. Speaking two or more languages is an system. City government, the police, the local important community resource (Spanish-English, courts, and the health clinics in small towns find Mixteco, for example). themselves in need of interpreting and translation services to serve the new residents who are less 3. Construct well-built, clean housing that is afford- proficient in English. Churches of various denomi- able and accessible to immigrant populations. nations offer bilingual services or religious services entirely in Spanish for their Mexican congrega- 4. Provide liaison services to improve relations be- tions. Adult immigrants often request English as tween recent immigrants and longer-term residents. a Second Language evening classes, while service Such liaisons can come from city governments, so- providers and public administrators would like to cial service agencies, schools, churches, business get exposed to Spanish language instruction. Immi- associations, and other arenas of civic life. grant women are eager to enroll is private driving classes, to learn enough English so they can help 5. Local city officials and program administrators their children with school homework, and gener- can actively advocate on behalf of immigrants with ally to learn the rules of the society where their federal and state policymakers and planners. families are settling. Older workers who have spent twenty or more years laboring in the fields of rural 6. Local institutions that have existing outreach Oregon are beginning to look forward to retirement, programs for new immigrant arrivals can pool re- and to pass along their jobs to a new generation of sources, create collaborative projects and councils, LATIN AMERICAN IMMIGRATION IN RURAL OREGON • 55 and learn from one another in working with immi- LaLande, Jeff. “High Desert History: Southeastern Oregon. Subtopic: Settling up the Country: Founding a Cattle Kingdom, 1870s–1880s.” grant populations. Portland, Ore.: Oregon Historical Society. Available from www.ohs.org/ education/oregonhistory/ 7. Local cultural and civic institutions can look for narratives/subtopic.cfm?subtopic_ID=460 (accessed 19 September 2005). ways to build alliances with immigrant commu- McConahay, Mary Jo. “The New Face of Farm Labor: Indian Teens from nity groups and organizations through organizing Mexico, Guatemala.” Pacific News Service, (27 August 2001). Available specific events and collaborating on local projects from www.pacificnews.org/content/pns/2001/aug/0287farmlabor.html that affect all. In many cases, local rural cultures (accessed 25 June 2007). are built of different kinds of immigrants with some Nusz, Nancy, and Gabriella Ricciardi. “Our Ways: History and Culture of Mexicans in Oregon.” Oregon Historical Quarterly, 104 (Spring 2003), common experiences that can be tapped in alliance 110–23, 2003. building. Oregon Department of Education. Oregon Public School Minority Enroll- ment, 2006. ode.state.or.us (accessed 5 November 2007). References Oregon Historical Society. “Our Ways: History and Culture of Mexicans Allen, James P. How Successful Are Recent Immigrants to the United in Oregon.” (2002). Available from Oregon Historical Society, www.ohs.org/ States and Their Children? Association of Pacific Coast Geographers education/Our-Ways-Exhibit-2.cfm (accessed 17 March 2005). Yearbook 68:9–32, 2006. Oregon Law Center. Indigenous Farmworker Project (Contact Person: Bean, F. D. and G. Stevens. 2003. America’s Newcomers and the Dy- Julie Samples). Woodburn, Oregon, 2007, www.oregonlawcenter.org. namics of Diversity. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Oregon Vital Statistics County Data. “Table 2. Ethnicity, Race, and Douthit, Nathan. Uncertain Encounters: Indians and Whites at Peace and County of Residence of Mother, Oregon Resident Births,” (2005). Available War in Southern Oregon, 1820s–1860s. Corvallis: Oregon State University from www.dhs.state.or.us/dhs/ph/chs/data/cntydata/cdb2005/tbl02_05. Press, 2002. pdf (accessed 25 June 2007). Gabay, Jerry. “Milagros in the Mid-Columbia, an Integrated Lesson Plan Passel, Jeffrey. “Unauthorized Migrants: Numbers and Characteristics.” Sixth Grade Social Studies Unit on Mexican Migrant Workers.” (1998). 2005. Available from Pew Hispanic Center, pewhispanic.org/files/re- Available from Pacific University, community.gorge.net/ncs/contents.htm ports/46.pdf (accessed 15 June 2005). (accessed 25 June 2007). Portes, Alejandro and Rubén Rumbaut. Legacies: The Story of the Im- Gamboa, Erasmo. Mexican Labor and World War II: Braceros in the migrant Second Generation. Berkeley: University of California Press, New Pacific Northwest, 1942–1947. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2001. Gamboa, Erasmo. “Mexican Mule Packers and Oregon’s Second Regi- Rural Policy Research Institute (RUPRI). Demographic and Economic ment Mounted Volunteers, 1855–1856.” Oregon Historical Quarterly 92: Profile, Oregon. University of Missouri–Columbia, 2006. Available from 41–59, 1991. www.rupri.org. Gamboa, Erasmo. “The Bracero Program.” In Nosotros: The Hispanic Sánchez, George. Becoming Mexican American: Ethnicity, Culture, and People of Oregon, edited by Erasmo Gamboa and Carolyn Buan, Portland: Identity in Chicano Los Angeles, 1900–1945. New York: Oxford University Oregon Council for the Humanities, 1995a, 41–46. Press, 1995. Gamboa, Erasmo. “El Movimiento: Oregon’s Mexican-American Civil Stephen, Lynn. The Story of PCUN and the Farmworkers Movement in Rights Movement.” In Nosotros: The Hispanic People of Oregon, edited Oregon. Eugene: University of Oregon, University Publications, 2001. by Erasmo Gamboa and Carolyn Buan, Portland: Oregon Council for the Stephen, Lynn. “Mixtec Farmworkers in Oregon: Linking Labor and Humanities, 1995b, 47–60. Ethnicity through Farmworkers Unions and Hometown Associations.” In González-Berry, Erlinda and Dwaine Plaza. “‘We are tired of cookies and Indigenous Mexican Migrants in the United States, edited by Jonathan Fox old clothes’: From Poverty Programs to Community Empowerment among and Gaspar Rivera-Salgado. La Jolla: Center for U.S.-Mexican Studies, Oregon’s Mexicano Population, 1957–1975.” In Seeing Color: Indigenous Center for Comparative Immigration Studies. University of California–San Peoples and Racialized Ethnic Minorities in Oregon, edited by Jun Xing, Diego, 2004, 179–204. Erlinda Gonzales-Berry, Patti Sakurai, Robert D. Thompson Jr., Kurt Peters, Stephen, Lynn. Transborder Lives: Indigenous Oaxacans in Mexico, Cali- Latham, Md.: University Press of America, Inc., 2007, 93–113. fornia, and Oregon. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2007. Kaiser Family Foundation. “Oregon: Population Distribution of Children Taylor, Paul. “Increases of Mexican Labor in Certain Industries in the by Race/Ethnicity, states (2004–2005), U.S. (2005),” 2005a. Available United States.” Monthly Labor Review 32(1):83–89, 1931. from www.statehealthfacts.org/cgi-bin/healthfacts.cgi?previewid= 1107&action=profile&area=Oregon&category=Demographics+and+the+ Stephen, Lynn. “Migratory Farm Labor in the United States.” Monthly Economy&subcategory=Population&topic=Children+by+Race%2fEthnicit Labor Review 44(3): 537–547, 1937. y (accessed 25 June 2007). U.S. Bureau of the Census. Overview of Race and Hispanic Origin. Kissam, Ed and Lynn Stephen. “The New Pluralism in Woodburn, Or- Census 2000 Brief, p. 10, table 10, (2001). Available from U. S. Census egon: A Community Study Conducted in 2003–2004.” Burlingame, Calif.: Bureau, www.census.gov/prod/2001pubs/cenbr01-1.pdf (accessed 10 Aguirre Division, JBS International, 2006. Available from wnw.uoregon.edu/ October 2007). pdf_imm/Short%20Woodburn-Final%209-15.pdf (accessed 11 October U.S. Bureau of the Census. State and County QuickFacts. Oregon, 2007). (2006). Available from U. S. Census Bureau, quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/ Kissam, Edward, Jo Ann Intili and Anna García. “The Emergence of a states/41000.html (accessed 25 June 2007). Binational Mexico-US Workforce: Implications for Farm Labor Workforce Security.” Paper prepared for America’s Workforce Network Research Conference, U.S. Department of Labor, June 26–27, 2001. by Charles R. Martinez Jr., Heather H. McClure, and J. Mark Eddy, Latino Research Team, Oregon Social Learning Center

Chapter 5 Latino Immigrant Children and Families: Demographics, Challenges, and Promise

atinos have been living and working in Or- Demographics egon since long before statehood, but prior According to the limited available data, there are to several decades ago, accounted for only currently 379,000 Latinos living in Oregon (U.S. a small percentage of residents. However, Census Bureau, 2006). Of those, some data indicate in recent years, Latino immigrants have en- that between 70 percent and 80 percent of Latino teredL the state at rates far exceeding those of adults in Oregon are recent immigrants (i.e., any other racial or ethnic subgroup. In turn, ten years or less U.S. residency; OSLC-LRT, the Latino population has grown dramati- 2007; OSLC-LRT and FHDC, 2007). How- cally, not only in the limited number ever, generational history varies widely of communities that have traditionally in different areas of the state, with some attracted new Latino immigrants, but areas having much greater concentrations also in rural districts, towns, and cit- of U.S.-born residents. Many children of ies throughout the state. Rapid growth immigrants in Oregon are U.S. born (Mar- in the Latino population is expected tinez, DeGarmo, and Eddy, 2004), with to continue in the coming years, both the result that most Latino families are of through births and new immigration. mixed legal status. About 90 percent of While the information on this recent Latinos in Oregon trace their family roots influx of new Oregon residents is scant, to the country of Mexico, with most of the there have been a number of recent stud- remainder having origins in Central and South ies conducted with Latino immigrant children and American countries (Martinez and Eddy, 2005; OS- families that help illuminate their experiences and LC-LRT, 2007; OSLC-LRT and FHDC, 2007). their process of adaptation to life in the U.S. Find- Because many Latino immigrants come to the ings from these studies continue to emerge, and this United States from rural areas with limited infra- new information will be important to service pro- structure, their opportunities for education are viders, policymakers, and community leaders alike often limited, and approximately 70 percent re- as Oregon works to ensure positive outcomes for all port being in school up to the ninth grade or less of its residents. In this chapter, we summarize the (Martinez and Eddy, 2005). While U.S. Census data findings from these studies, and discuss their im- from 2004 indicate that 62 percent of the Spanish- plications for the well-being of present and future speaking population in Oregon speaks English Oregon children and families. less than “very well,” data collected by researchers working in conjunction with community-based 58 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON organizations suggest that up to 90 percent of the (OSLC-LRT and FHDC, 2007), and 67 percent of recently immigrated adult population is monolin- Latino participants in a multicommunity health re- gual Spanish speaking (OSLC-LRT, 2007; OSLC- search project stating they lacked insurance cover- LRT and FHDC, 2007). Nationally, about 70 per- age (Cheriel, 2007). cent of Mexican family households include two In addition, for many families, financial strain parents, 21 percent are single-mother households, can often result in limited or uncertain availabil- and 9 percent are single-father households (U.S. ity of nutritionally adequate foods, a circumstance Census Bureau, 2001). More recent data indicate commonly referred to as “food insecurity” (Mar- gheim and Leachman, 2007). Data from earlier in the decade indicate that 45 percent of Oregon Latino adults live in food-insecure households (Oregon Center for Public Policy, 2003). Among those adults, 15 percent said that at least one member of their household experienced hunger in the last year (Or- egon Center for Public Policy, 2003). More recent Oregon studies have found 54 percent of Latino participants living in food-insecure households, with 14 percent of these households including one or more members who experienced hunger in the last year (OSLC-LRT and FHDC, 2007).

Discrimination Despite these challenges, Latino immi- relatively similar proportions for Oregon’s Latino grants in Oregon tend to earn enough that they pay residents, with perhaps a slightly higher percent- more in taxes than they use in public services (Or- age of two-parent families (i.e., 80 percent; Marti- egon Center for Public Policy, 2007). Unfortunately, nez and Eddy, 2005; OSLC-LRT, 2007). stereotypes persist of Latino immigrants as actual (or hopeful) welfare recipients and criminals. An Financial challenges analysis of recent articles on Latinos in The Orego- There are substantial financial stressors faced by nian found that they were often depicted as a drain many Latinos in Oregon, with particular economic on public services and as prominent contributors to hardships endured by recent immigrants. While ap- crime and cultural incompatibility (Padín, 2005). A proximately 85 percent of Latino men and 65 per- recent Multnomah County report cited an upswing cent of Latino women are employed (OSLC-LRT, in xenophobia combined with fears about foreign 2007; Martinez and Eddy, 2005), data from a recent terrorist threats as further contributors to “structur- study of Latino families suggests that there can be al impediments to stability and success” for Latino large per-capita yearly income disparities between immigrants that are “higher than they have been in Latino ($4,200) and non–Latino ($13,500) families over fifty years” (Holcomb, 2006). (Martinez and Eddy, 2005). As expected, low in- In a political climate that has been characterized comes in the Latino population are often accompa- by increasingly hostile attitudes toward Latinos nied by a lack of health insurance and an inability (Pew Hispanic Center, 2007), it is unsurprising that to afford health care. A Multnomah County (Port- many Latino Oregonians have experienced discrim- land) report revealed that one-third of Latinos in ination. Besides the numerous and well-established the county were uninsured, and that many Latinos negative psychological impacts of discrimination faced significant health risks (Multnomah County, (e.g., Landrine et al., 2006; Finch, Kolody, and 2000). Other studies have documented much high- Vega, 2000), a number of studies show positive as- er rates of uninsured, with 72 percent of Latino sociations between perceptions of racial or ethnic farm workers living in Salem and Independence discrimination as a type of stressful life experience LATINO IMMIGRANT CHILDREN AND FAMILIES: DEMOGRAPHICS, CHALLENGES, AND PROMISE • 59 and negative health outcomes, including increased with long histories of immigrant settlement, in- disease risk, and other racial and ethnic health dis- cluding Florida, California, New York, Illinois, parities (Williams, Neighbors, and Jackson, 2003; New Jersey, and Texas, show that risk for poor out- Ryan, Gee, and Laflamme, 2006; Dressler, Oths, comes tends to increase with higher levels of expo- and Gravlee, 2005). A recent study conducted with sure to life in the U.S. (Amaro, Whitaker, Coffman, Latinos living in Independence and Salem found and Heeren, 1990; Gil and Vazquez, 1996; Ortega, that approximately 30 percent of participants felt Rosenheck, Alegria, and Desai, 2000). Oregon re- stress due to negative comments directed at them searchers also have shown that greater accultura- about the language they speak, their hair, their skin tion is related to increased risk, for instance, of color, or their social status (OSLC-LRT and FHDC, smoking, particularly among immigrant women 2007). These findings mirror those of other studies, from Latin America (Maher et al., 2005). However, including a research project currently underway studies in Oregon increasingly suggest that families with Oregon Latino farm workers (Farquhar, et al, living outside sites of traditional immigrant settle- 2006), and other studies of Mexican agricultural ment face a different set of risks and that the rela- workers in the broader Pacific Northwest region tionship between acculturation and outcomes can (Andrews, Ybarra, and Miramontes, 2002; García be quite complex. An example of this was revealed and García, 2005; Dash and Hawkinson, 2001; Fish- in a recent examination of “language brokering”— er et al., 2004; Northwest Federation, 2006; Rosales when children assist their parents by translating Castañeda, 2006; Stephen, 2007). Similarly, studies and interpreting—within immigrant Latino fami- with Latino adolescents have found that up to 50 lies in Lane County. percent of youths have experienced discrimination Typically, as immigrant families adapt to life in school (Martinez et al., 2004). in the U.S., monolingual immigrant parents rely on their children (as well as on other more acculturat- Acculturation ed members of their social networks) to help them Some immigrants attempt to deal with discrimina- function effectively (Santisteban, Muir-Malcolm, tion by eagerly embracing life in the U.S.; others Mitrani, and Szapocznik, 2002; Tse, 1995). Children may actively resist cultural accommodations. Re- in these families often become the intermediaries gardless, most adults tend to adapt slowly (Gonza- between the cultural and linguistic divides that les, Knight, Morgan-Lopez, Saenz, and Sirolli, 2002; separate their families from the host culture. These Martinez, 2006; Szapocznik, Kurtines, and Fernan- children, often referred to as language brokers, may dez, 1980). In contrast, children tend to adopt char- translate and interpret for their parents in impor- acteristics of the new culture in which they live tant social situations, such as health care visits (Co- relatively quickly, such as learning English and hen, Moran-Ellis, and Smaje, 1999), parent-teacher displaying popular tastes in clothing, music, and conferences (Orellana, Dorner, and Pulido, 2003), technology. With increasing time in residence in and bank transactions (McQuillan and Tse, 1995). the U.S., the difference in cultural adaptation be- In many situations, child language brokers bear pri- tween parents and children, referred to as an “ac- mary responsibility for facilitating their family’s acculturation gap,” tends to widen. While few stud- cess to valuable services, information, or material ies have closely examined how acculturation gaps resources. Although some studies have documented impact child and family outcomes, initial Oregon positive effects of language brokering for children, studies suggest that such gaps make it more dif- including the development of strong linguistic and ficult to utilize effective parenting practices. Spe- interpersonal skills (Halgunseth, 2003; Malakoff cifically, for unacculturated parents, one common and Hakuta, 1991; Valdés, 2003), increased confi- response to the significant frustrations of trying to dence and maturity (McQuillan and Tse, 1995; Wal- parent acculturated children is to reduce support, inchowski, 2001), academic curiosity and desire to communication, and monitoring with their teens. learn (Buriel et al., 1998), and pride at being able to Unfortunately, this response greatly increases the help out their families (DeMent and Buriel, 1999; susceptibility of their children to negative peer Tse, 1995; 1996; Valdés, Chavez, and Angelelli, influences and can be the genesis of problem be- 2003), in other instances, parents begin to assert haviors (Kurtines and Szapocznik, 1996; Martinez, less influence over their children as a result of the 2006; Pantin et al., 2003). brokering process. When family relations become More generally, research conducted in states strained due to role reversals between adults and 60 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON children who broker (Umaña-Taylor, 2003), paren- positive involvement and general monitoring of tal authority and influence may diminish. Parental their children’s activities. These fathers also report- disempowerment, especially when combined with ed less appropriate discipline, homework engage- children’s negative experiences of language broker- ment, and monitoring of their adolescent’s school- ing (DeMent and Buriel, 1999; Love, 2003; McQuil- work than did fathers in low-language-brokering lan and Tse, 1995; Umaña-Taylor, 2003; Valenzuela, contexts. Interestingly, mothers rarely differed with 1999; Weisskirch and Alva, 2002) may in turn in- regard to language brokering demand. It is unclear crease risk for poor outcomes among children. whether language brokering raises particular chal- The Lane County study compared families lenges to gender role expectations that fathers will with monolingual Spanish-speaking parents and protect and lead the family (Santisteban et al., 2002). a bilingual adolescent in which there was a rela- If this proves to be true, fathers’ risk for negative tively high demand for brokering to families where outcomes perhaps could be related to parent-child at least one parent was bilingual with a bilingual role reversals that can result from language broker- youth in which brokering demand was relatively ing and from subsequent challenges to respeto, or low (Martinez, McClure, and Eddy, 2007). These the unquestioned respect for parental authority, a high- versus low-brokering-demand families dif- core value in many Latino families. fered in other important ways as well, making it These findings in no way suggest that families clear that brokering cannot be perceived apart from with high demands for children’s language broker- other vital aspects of acculturation, including time ing are deficient or to blame for these outcomes. in residency, the extent to which individuals em- Instead, parents’ dependence on their children to brace “American” activities, values, and behaviors, translate and interpret is a sensible response to so- and changes in socioeconomic status over time. cial, cultural, and linguistic barriers and, in fact, A regard for language brokering as an indicator of language brokering is a common experience among these broader acculturative processes revealed key immigrant families throughout the U.S. Unfortu- areas of increased vulnerability, especially for those nately, at least in some locales in Oregon, the conse- families in which children were bilingual with two quences of these barriers, and of parents’ reliance on monolingual Spanish-speaking parents. their children for brokering, may generate increased Latino immigrant parents in families in which risks to mental health, academic achievement, and language brokering demand was high reported other negative outcomes for parents and children. more paternal depression and family stress, and less parental monitoring, appropriate discipline, Academics skill encouragement, schoolwork monitoring, Several Oregon-based studies have also paid par- homework engagement, and paternal positive in- ticular attention to academic outcomes for children volvement than families in which children were of immigrant parents. One key area of work in this bilingual but also had at least one bilingual parent. regard has focused on academic achievement. Given Similarly, adolescents in high-brokering-demand the significant growth in the Latino population at contexts had more negative outcomes than those large, it is not surprising that the population of La- in low-brokering-demand contexts, with parents tino children in public schools has grown by more reporting diminished homework quality, lower than 200 percent in the last ten years (Oregon Depart- school performance in language arts, and increased ment of Education, 2006). As a result, many schools anxiety or depression, and adolescents predicting a that historically have educated only monolingual likelihood of future substance use. Adolescents in English-speaking children are now contending with high-brokering-demand contexts also accounted for the implications of institutional barriers for the suc- the majority of the cases in which a middle school cess of their newest Latino students, some of whom adolescent in the sample was found to have used are nonnative English speakers. A study of middle- tobacco, alcohol, or another potentially addictive school students enrolled in English as a Second Lan- substance. guage (ESL) programs in Oregon documented high Findings provided some evidence that fathers levels of anxiety; alienation from school counselors, may be particularly vulnerable to the harmful ef- teachers and classmates (especially from European fects of high-language-brokering-demand environ- American and more acculturated Latino students); ments. Fathers in high-language-brokering contexts and a lack of procedures for the identification of reported increased levels of depression and lower gifted and talented students enrolled in ESL pro- LATINO IMMIGRANT CHILDREN AND FAMILIES: DEMOGRAPHICS, CHALLENGES, AND PROMISE • 61 grams (Clemente and Collison, 2000). Salir Adelan- nately, appears to be a pervasive experience among te, a Multnomah County report prepared in 2000, Latino youngsters throughout Oregon (Gonzales- documented a similar lack of integration within the Berry, Mendoza, and Plaza, 2006). Significantly, public schools and a dearth of programs available to social support buffered effects of discrimination on help Latino youths (Busse, 2001). academic well-being, and parental support was the Oregon studies of ethnic and racial disparities greatest predictor of adolescents’ academic success in student achievement have been largely moti- (DeGarmo and Martinez, 2006). In addition, com- vated by an alarming Latino school-dropout rate, bined sources of social support from peers, teachers which is 2.5 times that of non–Latino Whites in Or- and other school staff members, as well as parents, egon (Oregon Department of Educa- tion, 2006). These disparities are particularly alarming in light of research demonstrating that school success is among the most important correlates of overall physical, mental, and social well-being for school-age youngsters (Martinez et al., 2004). Indeed, low academic functioning is correlated with a host of other negative behaviors including substance use, delinquency, and associations with deviant peers (Hawkins, Catalano, and Miller, 1992; Loeber and Dishion, 1983). Recognizing these academic disparities in Oregon, researchers have sought to iden- were shown to be more important than any one tify those factors that predict poor school perfor- source alone (DeGarmo and Martinez, 2006). These mance among Latino youths. One example of such findings were echoed in interviews with Mexican- work occurred in Lane County in 1999, when a origin college students, who attributed their early team of researchers worked with Latino high school academic challenges not only to racism, but also to and college students to conduct the Latino Youth the lack of critical mentorship provided by school Survey (LYS). The LYS was an intensive commu- teachers, principals, and counselors whom Latino nity effort to explore the factors that promoted and youths perceived as key influences on their devel- hindered school success for Latino youths in Lane oping self-esteem and self-confidence (Gonzales- County and throughout the state. It was embedded Berry, Mendoza, and Plaza, 2006). as part of a larger Latino youth-mentoring project To identify the factors that would predict La- (Martinez et al., 2004). LYS data consisted of Latino tino student success, researchers closely examined and non–Latino students’ and parents’ quantitative the relationships between student acculturation, evaluations of their experiences within the school institutional barriers, academic encouragement environment. (particularly by parents), and student success. They Latino students and parents reported experi- discovered that the likelihood of Latino students’ encing more barriers to their participation at school successful grades and projected likelihood of stay- (e.g., low access to staff resources) than did non– ing in school was diminished by higher levels of Latino students and parents. Although Latino stu- academic and institutional barriers (measured by dents did not indicate they were particularly likely discriminatory experiences), dissatisfaction with to drop out of school, they did report being more school resources, and feeling unwelcome at school. likely to do so than their non–Latino peers. As re- On the other hand, academic encouragement by ported earlier, half of the students reported having parents and extracurricular encouragement by experienced discrimination for being Latino or ob- school staff members served as key protective fac- served this discrimination occurring to someone tors promoting school success for Latino youths. else (Martinez et al., 2004). This type of unique en- In the face of difficult life circumstances, such as vironmental stressor for Latino youths was shown low socioeconomic status, these data showed that to contribute to academic problems and, unfortu- parents and family played a particularly important 62 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON role in protecting Latino youngsters, affirming the and to prioritize the fulfillment of responsibilities findings of other Oregon-based studies (Gonzales- and obligations to immediate family members and Berry et al., 2006). For example, students complet- other kin, including godparents. Families who as- ed their homework more often when they had their cribe to values of familism often live in close prox- parents’ academic encouragement and were able to imity or share the same dwelling with extended talk with their parents about important life issues. family members. In keeping with family obligations Contrary to many findings in the literature that and respect for elders, adult children may supple- greater levels of acculturation result in adverse ad- ment their parents’ income. Though familism may justment outcomes, the LYS study demonstrated more accurately be regarded as encompassing a opposite effects: higher levels of acculturation— range of values and behaviors that reflect cultural measured in English proficiency and more years in ideals, recent Latino immigrant families may hold the U.S.—predicted better school outcomes (Marti- to these values and practice these behaviors with nez et al., 2004). Significantly, these findings may much greater consistency than U.S.-born families. provide as much insight into the educational school For Latinos invested in familism, family members system in Oregon as they do into factors that con- are expected to help and support their members to tribute to Latino student success. It is only within a degree far beyond that found in more individu- the context of a system that is not flexible enough to alistically oriented European American families (Ingoldsby, 1991). Other components of familism are expectations that adolescents comply with parental rules and supervi- sion regarding dating and practicing abstinence from sexual intercourse before marriage. Some studies have shown that familism reinforces adolescents’ development of a greater concern for others. When asked to rank the characteristics of an ideal person of the opposite sex, adolescents from the U.S. gave accommodate a pluralistic and culturally heteroge- higher rankings to such traits as having money and neous student population that students must learn being fun, popular, and sexy. Teens from Mexico to assimilate quickly to the demands of the system and Guatemala were more collectivistic in describ- in order to succeed. ing many of the above traits as unimportant and As an alternative, LYS data suggest the criti- preferring someone who is honest, kind, helpful, cal importance of family, community, and school and likes children (Gibbons, 2000; Stiles, Gibbons, efforts that foster social skills and problem-solving and de la Garza Schnellmann, 1990; Stiles, Gib- styles, network building, role modeling, advocacy, bons, de la Garza Schnellmann, and Morales-Hi- and mobilization of resources across multiple sites dalgo, 1990). (Stanton-Salazar, Vasquez, and Mehan, 2000). While When familism (reflected in family cohesion, school systems clearly need to change by address- frequent direct interaction, reciprocity, pride, and ing structural barriers for Latino students and their respect) is mirrored in school curricula and rein- parents, a quicker, more direct boost for Latino stu- forced through staff interactions, schools work co- dent success may result from support for familism, operatively with Latino parents to reinforce chil- a powerful protective force for many Latino children’s connection with a fundamental source of dren (Vega, 1990; Harwood, Leyendecker, Carlson, nurturance, guidance, and support (Vega, 1990; Asencio, and Miller, 2002). The tenets of familism Stanton-Salazar, 2001; Sabogal, Marin, Otero-Sab- are to place the family ahead of individual interests ogal, Marin, and Perez-Stable, 1987). LATINO IMMIGRANT CHILDREN AND FAMILIES: DEMOGRAPHICS, CHALLENGES, AND PROMISE • 63

Promise The training also aims to positively influence fam- As discussed earlier, some geographic locales in Or- ily environments by providing parents with more egon have historic Latino enclaves, such as Wood- tools to ease their own adjustment to life in the burn, St. Paul, Nyssa, and Independence, and in U.S., address issues of acculturative stress, bridge and around Portland, Salem, and Medford. These acculturation gaps between parents and children, enclaves are home to established bilingual and and mediate parent-to-parent conflict. Through multicultural civic, political, and business institu- providing support for parenting practices, Nuestras tions, and are sites of vibrant Latino community life Familias has been shown to improve parenting ef- and social networks where maintenance of one’s fectiveness and reduce the frequency and extent of language and culture of origin is possible and func- youth problem behaviors in a variety of domains tional (Stephen, 2007). Also within these enclaves, (Martinez and Eddy, 2005). Latino-serving community-based organizations Specifically, as a result of this intervention, have partnered with researchers to gain new insight parents reported improvements in their general into Oregon Latinos’ social capital and community parenting practices and greater encouragement of involvement, particularly in relation to health pre- their children’s skill development. Middle-school- vention and intervention (McCauley, Beltran, Phil- aged youths in families who received the Nuestras lips, Lasarev, and Sticker, 2001; Rogers and Gal- Familias intervention also showed improvements legos, 2007; Glass, Hernandez, Bloom, Yragui, and in aggressive behavior and a reduced likelihood of Hernandez-Valdovinos, 2007), such as in the Poder using drugs compared to those who did not receive Es Salud (Power for Health) project conducted in the intervention. Notably, the results also showed Multnomah County (Farquhar, Michael, and Wig- that youth nativity status had an impact on the in- gins, 2005). This study and others in Oregon have tervention effects, with the strongest positive ef- documented the importance of shared religious fects occurring for families with U.S.-born youths. and cultural traditions within Latino communities. Parenting in families with youths who are U.S. One way these are relayed is through storytelling citizens versus those who are immigrants is unique (Mulcahy, 2005), a process that can strengthen fam- in many ways, and navigating parent-youth accul- ily ties (Farquhar and Michael, 2004) and instill turation gaps can be very different within these two cultural and familial pride (Holcolm, 2006). Shared contexts (Santisteban, Muir-Malcolm, Mitrani, and pride in cultural traditions, close interpersonal ties, Szapocznik, 2002; Szapocznik and Kurtines, 1993). and families’ fierce determination to succeed in the Also, Latino youths born in the U.S. experience U.S. have been recognized as protective factors that different types of cultural adaptation challenges, can increase family literacy (e.g., through the In- especially in Oregon, where compared to Latino dependence-based Libros y Familias or Books and immigrant youths, their different experiences may Families program; Keis, 2006), build community expose them to unique vulnerabilities. (McCook, 2001), strengthen youths’ relationships Interestingly, improvements in youth depres- with peers and adults (Northwest Film Center and sion from pre-intervention to post-intervention the Oregon Council for Hispanic Advancement, were seen only among U.S.-born youths, indicating 2003), and reduce youths’ likelihood of using drugs important differences among families depending or alcohol (Martinez, Eddy, and DeGarmo, 2003; on youth nativity. In general, foreign-born youths Gil, Wagner, and Vega, 2000; Holcolm, 2006). did not appear to benefit from their parents’ in- Other recent work in Oregon has focused on de- volvement in the intervention as much as U.S.-born veloping preventive interventions specifically for youths, indicating that families experience differ- Latino children and families. For example, to capi- ential rates of acculturation and may require dif- talize on Latino family and community assets, a cul- ferent types of support for greater family cohesion. turally adapted parent support intervention called Even small improvements in boosting parenting ef- Nuestras Familias: Andando Entre Culturas (Our fectiveness and deterring incipient youth behavior- Families: Moving Between Cultures) was recently al problems, however, can be critical in preventing developed in Oregon to support positive parenting more serious harmful outcomes for Latino youths practices (Martinez and Eddy, 2005). Specifically, who may already be at risk due to the stress that the intervention encourages the development of comes with navigating competing demands with- parental skills to provide encouragement and effec- in their families, schools, and larger social worlds tive monitoring, discipline, and problem solving. (Martinez and Eddy, 2005). Nuestras Familias was 64 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON recently highlighted as an “efficacious preventive in Oregon are scant, existing research shows that intervention” for Latino adolescents in a publica- institutional and social barriers that challenge im- tion by the Center for Substance Abuse Treatment migrant parents’ emotional, physical, and econom- (Amaro and Cortes, 2007). ic well-being simultaneously affect their children’s ability to develop this strong foundation, which Looking to the future is so vital to their development into successful Future demographic changes in Oregon have impor- adults. In the face of these challenges, many im- tant implications for current policies and practices migrant parents attempt to protect their children in relation to Latino immigrant families. Available through reinforcing family values that emphasize data indicate that Oregon’s Latino population will respect, interdependence, and self-reliance, while grow to a minimum of 430,000 by 2025, an antici- working to secure their children’s access to educa- pated growth rate of 184 percent (U. S. Census Bu- tional and life opportunities that will prepare them reau, 1996). Though state figures are not available, to be active civic participants as adults. Practices national data suggest that over the next twenty-five that support the well-being of immigrant families years, the number of second-generation Latinos in in Oregon, such as the few that were highlighted in U.S. schools will double, with nearly one-fourth of this chapter, will ultimately further the leadership all labor force growth from children of Latino immi- development, educational achievement, and com- grants (Suro and Passel, 2003). Children of Latino munity engagement of children of immigrants, and immigrants will be moving into the workforce just should be central components of local, regional, as the huge Baby Boom generation of non–Latinos is and state policies. Clearly, much work remains to moving out. In Oregon, the proportion of the state’s be done in terms of developing such practices. As population aged sixty-five years and older (defined this and other chapters in this volume have noted, by the Census as “elderly”) is expected to increase there are tremendous Latino immigrant community from 13 percent in 2000 to 18 percent by 2030. Re- assets in Oregon. Policies and programs that sup- lated to this projection that one in five Oregonians port and build upon these assets will contribute to will be of retirement age by 2030, according to 2004 the positive life chances for the children of immi- Census estimates, there were 512,000 non–Latino grants, a group of young people that all of us in Or- Oregonians between the ages of forty-five and fifty- egon, and in the U.S. as a whole, are relying upon four (boomers heading toward retirement), but only to succeed. 406,000 who were nine years or younger to replace We must better understand the challenges that them. The gap will be filled by more than 100,000 immigrant Latino families face in adapting to life in children aged nine or younger in Oregon, at least Oregon and must work together to deliver services 75 percent of whom are Latino (U.S. Census Bureau and interventions that diminish these challenges News, 2004). Latinos, especially the children of im- and promote families’ strengths. Individual fami- migrants, will play key roles supplying the labor lies within communities are often the best source market and then supporting a very large elderly, of information about these challenges but, too of- and primarily non–Latino, population (Pew His- ten, these voices are not accessed sufficiently as panic Center, 2005). Simultaneously, this genera- social policies are developed and enacted. Further, tion of Latinos may become increasingly involved community-based best practices have emerged over in civic participation by engaging in local, state, generations as Latino families have navigated ad- and federal social and political processes. aptation challenges that come with life in Oregon, The future success of present-day children of yet such best practices are often set aside because immigrants will depend largely upon the ability they are not viewed as evidence-based. While the of their parents and other adults to support them shift toward evidence-based practices is important in developing a strong foundation of knowledge, in ensuring dissemination of high-quality and ef- skills, and self-confidence, along with cultivating fective services, our communities will benefit from strong ties to their families and to their larger com- enhancing support for research efforts that allow munity. Though data on Latino immigrant families for validation of these essential community-based practices. LATINO IMMIGRANT CHILDREN AND FAMILIES: DEMOGRAPHICS, CHALLENGES, AND PROMISE • 65

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Sabogal, F., Marin, G., Otero-Sabogal, R., Marin, B. V., and Perez-Stable, U.S. Census Bureau (1996). Texas, Florida, California, Georgia, and E. J. (1987). Hispanic familism and acculturation: What changes and what North Carolina are top population gainers by year 2000, Census Bureau doesn’t? Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, 9, 397–412. Reports [Electronic Version]. Retrieved 4 January 2008 from www.census. Santisteban, D. A., Muir-Malcolm, J. A., Mitrani, V. B., and Szapocznik, J. gov/Press-Release/cb96-176.html. (2002). Integrating the study of ethnic culture and family psychology in- U.S. Census Bureau (2001). The Hispanic Population: Census 2000 tervention science. In H. A. Liddle, D. A. Santisteban, R. F. Levant, and J. H. Brief. Washington D.C.: U.S. Census Bureau. Family psychology: Science-based interventions Bray (eds.), (pp. 331–351). U.S. Census Bureau (2006). Sex by age (Hispanic or Latino)— Washington, D.C.: American Psychological Association. universe: Hispanic or Latino population. factfinder.census.gov/servlet/ Stanton-Salazar, R. D. (2001). Manufacturing hope and despair: The DTTable?_bm=yand-context=dtand-ds_name=ACS_2006_EST_G00_ school and kin support networks of U.S.-Mexican youth. New York: Teach- and-mt_name=ACS_2006_EST_G2000_B01001Iand-CONTEXT=dtand- ers College Press. tree_id=306and-geo_id=04000US41and-search_results=01000USand- Stanton-Salazar, R. D., Vasquez, O., and Mehan, H. (2000). Reengi- format=and-_lang=en. neering success through institutional support. In S. T. Gregory (ed.), The U.S. Census Bureau News (2004). Census Bureau projects tripling of academic achievement of minority students: Comparative perspectives, Hispanic and Asian populations in 50 years; Non-Hispanic Whites may practices, and prescriptions (pp. 213–247). Lanham, Md.: University Press drop to half of total population [Electronic Version]. Retrieved 4 January of America. 2008 from www.census Stephen, L. (2007). Transborder lives: Indigenous Oaxacans in Mexico, .gov/Press-Release/www/releases/archives/population/001720.html. California, and Oregon. Durham and London: Duke University Press. Umaña-Taylor, A. J. (ed.). (2003). Language brokering as a stressor for Stiles, D. A., Gibbons, J. L., and de la Garza Schnellmann, J. (1990). immigrant children and their families. Los Angeles, Calif.: Roxbury. Opposite-sex ideal in the U.S.A. and Mexico as perceived by young adoles- Valdés, G. (2003). Expanding definitions of giftedness: The case of young cents. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 21(2), 180–199. interpreters from immigrant countries. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum. Stiles, D. A., Gibbons, J. L., de la Garza Schnellmann, J., and Morales- Valdés, G., Chavez, C., and Angelelli, C. (2003). A performance team: Hidalgo, I. (1990). Images of work, gender, and social commitment Young interpreters and their parents. In G. Valdés (ed.), Expanding defini- among Guatemalan adolescents. The Journal of Early Adolescence, 10(1), tions of giftedness: The case of young interpreters from immigrant countries. 89–103. Mahwah, N.J.: Erlbaum. Suro, R., and Passel, J. S. (2003). The rise of the second generation: Valenzuela, A. (1999). Gender roles and settlement activities among Changing patterns in Hispanic population growth. Washington, D.C.: Pew children and their immigrant families. American Behavioral Scientist, 42(4), Hispanic Center. 720–742. Szapocznik, J., and Kurtines, W. M. (1993). Family psychology and cul- Vega, W. A. (1990). Hispanic families in the 1980’s: A decade of tural diversity: Opportunities for theory, research and application. American research. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 52, 1015–1024. Psychologist, 48 (4), 400–407. Walinchowski, M. (2001). Language brokering: Laying the foundation Szapocznik, J., Kurtines, W. M., and Fernandez, T. (1980). Bicultural for success and bilingualism. Paper presented at the Annual Education involvement and adjustment in Hispanic-American youths. International Research Exchange Symposium, College Station, Texas. Journal of Intercultural Relations, 4 , 353–365. Weisskirch, R. S., and Alva, S. A. (2002). Language brokering and the Tse, L. (1995). Language brokering among Latino adolescents: Preva- acculturation of Latino children. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences, lence, attitudes, and school performance. Hispanic Journal of Behavioral 24, 369–378. Sciences, 17 (2), 180–193. Williams, D. R., Neighbors, H. W., and Jackson, J. S. (2003). Racial/eth- Tse, L. (1996). Language brokering in linguistic minority communi- nic discrimination and health: Findings from community studies. American ties: The case of Chinese- and Vietnamese-American students. Bilingual Journal of Public Health, 93(2), 200–208. Research Journal, 20(3–4), 485–498. by Michael Aguilera, Bob Bussel, and Lara Skinner1

Chapter 6 Work and Employment for Immigrants in Oregon

lthough immigrants leave their countries lifting themselves economically but also learn the of origin for many reasons, they most customs and mores of their new culture, gain social often cite seeking greater economic and and civic skills, and establish themselves as pro- social opportunity for themselves and ductive, contributing members of society. However, their families as a primary impetus for legal status, language and cultural barriers, low theirA migration. This search for a better life has co- skill and educational levels, and lack of knowledge incided with the availability of employment else- about their legal rights can limit the workplace ad- where, creating the circumstances that have fueled vancement of immigrant workers. Discrimination increased immigration to both the United States and exploitation can also be part of the immigrant and to Oregon over the work experience when last two decades. None- “. . . what motivated us to move to“. .. employers attempt to theless, the aspirations take advantage of an of immigrants for bet- another country [was] love for our often-vulnerable pop- ter pay and benefits can ulation. Work, then, clash with the desire of children, for the hope that they could has multiple mean- employers to keep labor .”have a better future.” ings for immigrants, costs low, and for some and the purpose of elements of the public, “Lucia” and “Eduardo,” 2006 this chapter is to as- immigrant workers, es- sess how the foreign pecially those who are unauthorized, are seen as born are faring as workers in Oregon. In addition, undermining hard-won wage and living standards. we offer some qualitative analysis of the immigrant Indeed, rising immigration has occurred concur- workplace experience, focusing on occupational rently with major shifts in the state’s economy that safety and health concerns, working conditions, have profoundly affected the kinds of work done and efforts to improve the skills of immigrant work- by Oregonians, their standard of living, and their ers and enhance their employment prospects. We sense of personal security. As a result, it is no ac- conclude with some recommendations for further cident that the role of immigrants in the workplace research and suggestions for improving the work has attracted considerable public attention and at and employment experience for Oregon’s immi- times generated social controversy. grant workers. Through their experiences in the workplace, The importance of immigrants to Oregon’s immigrants not only begin the arduous task of up- economy can be shown in a variety of ways. Ac- 70 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON cording to the Migration Policy Institute, in 2005, evidence underscore the significant presence of im- more than 194,000 participants in the Oregon migrants in the Oregon labor force.3 work force were foreign-born, and it is estimated Our analysis of the labor market experiences of that 70,000–88,000 of working immigrants in Or- immigrants in Oregon is based on the 2000 Census egon are unauthorized. Immigrants total 11.3 per- and supplemented by qualitative data taken from cent of working Oregonians, up from 5.4 percent other sources. The census data come from the 5 in 1990. In Oregon’s $325 million dairy and cattle percent sample for the state of Oregon. Although milk production industry, its $778 million nursery the Census Bureau has released subsequent reports, and greenhouse industry, and their sample size for Oregon its nearly $380 million fruit is small, and the 2000 data re- and nut industry, immigrants “What is the most common” main the most complete, com- represent the vast majority of abuse that causes immigrant prehensive source of informa- workers. One major residen- tion about immigrants’ labor tial construction company ?workers to complain? market experiences since ar- reports that most of its work riving in the United States. force is Latino, along with 20 .”Wages, wages, wages.” The data are compelling for percent of its subcontractors. D. Michael Dale, Northwest several reasons. They are rep- One-third of a Portland barge Workers Justice Project resentative of the entire state, and rail car manufacturer’s enable us to compare the la- employees are Russian, Asian, bor market experiences of or Latino, and in 2005, Oregon employers sought to immigrants with those of natives, and illuminate bring in 6,000 skilled workers from abroad under the work and employment experiences of different temporary visas, mostly to work in high-technology groups of immigrants. industries.2 There are several terms that will be used Growing numbers of immigrants are starting throughout our analysis that we wish to define their own businesses, including more than 400 here. We define “immigrants” as individuals who Slavic entrepreneurs in the Portland area in 2005 list their place of birth as somewhere other than and approximately 6,000 Latino-owned businesses the United States or a U.S. territory. “Natives” are by the end of the 1990s. Immigrant workers also people born within a U.S. state or territory. We de- appear prominently in service occupations such fine “unemployment” based on a question from as landscaping, cleaning, home health care, restau- the census that asked whether or not the respon- rants, and to a lesser extent in certain kinds of pro- dent was employed. Similarly, our analysis of the fessional employment. Although precise figures are term “laid off” reflects a census question asking re- not available, both quantitative data and anecdotal spondents if they had been released or separated

Table 1 Labor market outcomes of the ten largest immigrant groups in Oregon

Mexico Canada Germany Vietnam Japan Phillipines England China Korea Ukraine Unemployed 12% 5% 4% 6% 6% 4% 4% 4% 6% 10% Weekly hours worked 40 38 38 39 39 40 38 39 41 36 Laid off 13% 2% 4% 11% 1% 2% 1% 0% 3% 5%

Annual income $15,918 $32,170 $31,398 $25,243 $37,372 $28,391 $37,022 $29,147 $30,752 $18,683

Professional 6% 37% 37% 21% 44% 29% 40% 39% 34% 40% Service 27% 13% 15% 17% 20% 23% 16% 30% 19% 16% Sales 8% 26% 27% 16% 21% 24% 25% 11% 27% 25% Farm 20% 1% 1% 0% 1% 0% 1% 1% 2% 1% Construction 10% 9% 7% 6% 4% 4% 5% 3% 4% 5% Production 28% 14% 12% 40% 10% 19% 13% 15% 15% 13% WORK AND EMPLOYMENT FOR IMMIGRANTS IN OREGON • 71 from their job. The information on Figure 1 Percent unemployed for all immigrants, “hours worked” was collected for Mexican immigrants, and natives by sex the year of 1999. We divided the to- 20 tal hours worked in 1999 by 52 to 19 Male Female obtain an estimate of weekly hours 18 worked. “English fluency” is determined by immigrants’ assessment 16 of their proficiency in speaking English. Those who indicated that 14 they spoke English poorly or not at 12 all are not considered proficient at English. Our measure of “income” 10 10 is based on the yearly earnings of 9 the respondents reported for 1999. 8 Although the data offer an over- 7 7 6 view of the labor market experienc- 6 es of all immigrants, we also focus special attention on Mexican im- 4 migrants. They are by far the largest immigrant group in Oregon, ac- 2 counting for 43 percent of the total 4 number of foreign born. We also Immigrant Mexican Native provide explanations as to why some immigrants and immigrant groups do better than others in the labor market. Labor force participation These explanations revolve around the “human Table 1 (page 70) provides the labor market capital model,” one of the most widely used con- outcomes for the ten largest immigrant groups in structs to explain economic success, which sug- Oregon in order of their size in the population. gests that immigrants with more skills, higher lev- This table demonstrates considerable variation in els of education, and language fluency are able to the work and employment experience of the for- maneuver more effectively within the labor market. eign born in Oregon. One noticeable difference We also rely on the “assimilation theory,” which is that three groups in particular, Mexicans, Viet- finds that immigrants who over time become more namese, and Ukrainians, tend to be faring less well socially and culturally similar to natives have bet- than other groups of immigrants. They have high- ter labor market outcomes. This process does not er-than-average unemployment rates and lower in- mean that immigrants must relinquish their identi- comes. In the case of Mexicans and Vietnamese, ty, traditions, and customs but that over time, their few work in professional-class occupations. These ability to acquire certain tools and skills valued by results stem from their more recent immigration, their new culture will enhance their opportunities lower skill and educational levels, and for Mexi- for economic success. can immigrants in particular, the greater likelihood that they are unauthorized. Other groups such as Labor market experiences of immigrants in Oregon the Japanese and English are participating more This section offers a statistical profile of the labor successfully in the Oregon labor market, earning market experiences of immigrants in Oregon. The higher-than-average salaries, working in professional- figures shown below provide different measures of class occupations, and experiencing little unem- labor market outcomes for all immigrants and also ployment. Their performance is most likely attrib- compare the experiences of immigrants and native- utable to the human capital resources they bring born Oregonians. Since Mexicans are by far the larg- and their longer residency. est immigrant group in Oregon, their labor market Figure 1 (above) shows the percentages of im- experiences are highlighted. The section is broken migrants and natives in Oregon who were unem- into three categories: labor force participation, oc- ployed in 2000. The table also provides the same cupational distribution, and income attainment. information for Mexicans. Although the unemploy- 72 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON ment rate for immigrant and native-born men is when compared to the native born, Mexican men comparable, we see a 4 percent difference between were more than twice as likely to experience layoffs immigrant and native-born women. For Mexicans, while Mexican women were laid off six times as we see higher rates of unemployment and in the much as their native-born counterparts. case of Mexican women, an unemployment rate that Figure 3 (below) displays the average hours is almost double the average for all immigrants. worked per week for men and women. We find that Figure 2 (below) shows the percent of the un- male and female immigrants work as many hours as employed who reported being laid off their jobs. It their native-born counterparts. However, on aver- reveals that immigrants are more likely to be laid age men work more hours than women, regardless off than native-born workers. Nine percent of im- of immigrant status. migrant men who were unemployed were laid off Figures 1, 2, and 3 suggest that immigrant labor compared to 6 percent of natives. The percentage is force participation rates are comparable to those somewhat smaller for immigrant women. However, of natives. Although immigrants’ employment is more precarious than that of the na- Figure 2 Percent laid off for all immigrants, tive born, their high participation Mexican immigrants, and natives by sex rate underscores the strong commitment to work that immigrants have 16 15 Male Female historically displayed. We specu- late that the higher unemployment 14 rates among women may reflect 12 the strong cultural value many im- 12 migrant groups place on family

10 obligations and the prominent role 9 women play in this arena. As we

8 shall see, both male and female immigrants also tend to be employed 6 6 in industries and occupations that 5 are more seasonal or subject to vola- 4 tility, another factor that may affect the steadiness of their employment. 2 2 Occupational distribution

Immigrant Mexican Native Figure 4 (page 73) focuses on the occupational distribution of all immigrants, natives, and Mexicans. Figure 3 Weekly hours worked for all immigrants, Mexican immigrants are well rep- Mexican immigrants, and natives by sex resented in service and production occupations, with fewer Mexican 44 Male Female immigrants entering the white- 42 42 42 42 collar sales or professional fields. In farming and agricultural occupa- 40 tions, Mexicans are more heavily represented as compared to natives, 38 although these remain occupations 37 where the immigrant presence as a 36 36 35 whole well exceeds that of natives. It should also be noted that more 34 immigrants have begun to enter professional-class occupations, al- 32 though to a lesser extent than the native born. Immigrant Mexican Native Earlier data from 1990 do sug- WORK AND EMPLOYMENT FOR IMMIGRANTS IN OREGON • 73 gest the emergence of greater Figure 4 Occupational distribution for all occupational mobility for immigrants, Mexican immigrants, and natives Latinos in Oregon. The com- 35 parison must be qualified, All immigrants Mexican immigrants Native however, because the 1990 30 30 28 figures are not broken down 27 27 between native-born and for- 25 23 22 eign-born Latinos nor do they 21 20 distinguish Mexicans from 20 other Latinos. Nonetheless, 17 17 15 in 1990, nearly 30 percent of 15 all Latinos were employed in Percent of population 10 10 farming, forestry, and fishery 10 888 as compared to 20 percent 6 5 in 2000. The percent of Lati- 2 nos in sales was 8 percent in 2000 but only 1.2 percent in Professional Service Sales Farm Construction Production 1990. The other notable difference is in service occupations, with 8 percent more La- Figure 5 Occupational distribution tinos employed there in 2000. for all immigrants by English fluency These comparisons must be 35 approached with caution but 31 Speaks English poorly Speaks English well 30 do suggest the emergence of 30 29 some measure of occupational mobility for Mexican im- 25 migrants, even though their 21 20 20 19 earnings still lag behind those 18 of natives.5 Figure 5 (right) tracks the 15

relationship between Eng- Percent of immigrants lish fluency and occupations 10 8 7 7 for all immigrants in Oregon. 6 4 Not surprisingly, English flu- 5 ency is an important measure of assimilation. We see that Professional Service Sales Farm Construction Production English fluency powerfully determines access to higher skilled, better paying jobs such as those in profes- occupation, immigrants who have been naturalized sional occupations, where more than 30 percent of earn significantly more than those who are not U.S. immigrants employed in these positions indicate citizens. U.S. citizenship, a form of structural as- they speak English well as compared to only 6 per- similation by which immigrants are incorporated cent of those who speak English poorly. Those who into key social and economic institutions, serves speak English poorly are more heavily represented as a clear pathway to increased economic success. in service, production, and farming occupations, More recent 2005 data confirm this connection, which tend to be lower skilled, less remunerative, finding a 29.3 percent poverty rate for noncitizens and less likely to be unionized. that falls to 11.6 percent for those who are naturalized.6 As research on immigrants who gained Income attainment legal status following passage of the Immigration Figure 6 (page 74) shows the relationship be- and Reform Control Act of 1986 suggests, newly tween citizenship and yearly income for all immi- legalized immigrants became more occupationally grants in Oregon. The findings show that in each mobile, sought more educational and training op- 74 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON portunities, and improved their earnings. Clearly, Figure 7 (below) illustrates the relationship there is a positive correlation between legalization between education, a form of human capital, and or naturalization and a greater sense of security, yearly income for the five largest immigrant groups permanency, and personal confidence that leads to in Oregon. The groups are listed in order of their enhanced labor market achievements.7 size within the immigrant population, with Mexi- cans ranking first and Japa- Figure 6 Annual income of all immigrants by citizenship nese fifth. For each group, it is clear that higher levels $50,000 of education are rewarded Not citizen Naturalized citizen within the labor market with $45,000 higher pay. The results vary

$40,000 at each educational level, however, with some groups

$35,000 receiving higher returns than others for their investments $30,000 in human capital. In particular, Mexicans receive the $25,000 lowest return for their education at each level. This lower $20,000 return could result from lack of legal status or discrimina- $15,000 tion, but further research is needed before a more precise $10,000 explanation of this disparity can be offered. 91 $5,000 81 1,1 3,027 8,302 2,719 9,1 9,953 6,244 Figure 8 (page 75) shows $1 $25,726 $1 $1 $2 $30,939 $1 $24,685 $41,835 $49,054 $1 $1 the relationship between Professional Service Sales Farm Construction Production English fluency and annual income, suggesting that Eng- Figure 7 Annual income by educational attainment lish fluency is highly - cor for five largest national origin groups related with annual income. Immigrants who speak Eng- $50,000 lish poorly earned nearly Mexican Canadian German Vietnamese Japanese $15,000 in 1999, while those $45,000 who spoke English well

$40,000 earned nearly twice as much. Although increased earnings

$35,000 for Mexicans fluent in Eng- lish are less dramatic, they $30,000 still fare markedly better than their counterparts who speak $25,000 English poorly. Figure 9 (page 75) illus- $20,000 trates the relationship between education and annual $15,000 income for all immigrants in Oregon. The figure also dis- $10,000 tinguishes between men and women. The principal finding $5,000

8,662 is that with increases in edu- $14,764 $17,254 $21,138 $19,146 $15,150 $17,235 $23,174 $20,708 $18,255 $20,501 $1 $27,579 $28,592 $25,232 $30,330 $25,758 $49,011 $45,531 $42,922 $49,775 cation, annual incomes rise Less than high school High school Some college Bachelor’s degree for both immigrant men and or more WORK AND EMPLOYMENT FOR IMMIGRANTS IN OREGON • 75 women. However, immigrant women’s incomes are Figure 8 Annual income by English fluency significantly lower than immigrant men’s incomes at for all immigrants and Mexican immigrants each educational level, with the gap being greatest for those with college and especially for those with $35,000 a bachelor’s degree or more. This gender gap mirrors Speaks English poorly Speaks English well differences among the native born, although in the $30,000 case of Mexicans, it is lower, because Mexican men and women both tend to be clustered in lower pay- $25,000 ing occupations. Figure 10 (below) tracks the relationship be- $20,000 tween years in the U.S. and yearly income for immigrants in Oregon. With increased time in the $15,000 U.S., all immigrants earn higher incomes. Time in $10,000 the U.S. is associated with enhanced social confidence, increased English fluency, and greater $5,000 3,631 8,690 acculturation as immigrants grow more familiar 4,929 $1 with American customs, practices, and mores. $29,409 $1 $1 This review of labor market data Immigrants Mexicans illustrates how important the attainment of human capital (e.g., education, English fluency) is for immi- Figure 9 Annual income by educational attainment for grant workers in Oregon. Immigrants all immigrants, Mexican immigrants, and natives by sex with higher levels of human capital $60,000 generally do better within the labor Less than high school High school degree market. This is true for all groups, $50,000 but the returns are clearly lower for Some college Bachelor’s degree or more some groups, such as women. We $40,000 find clear evidence that assimilation is occurring and that this assimila- $30,000 tion is associated with improved labor market performance. We also see $20,000 that English fluency and citizenship $10,000 are especially important factors that 1 10 7,843 8,646 2, 5,966 9,677 6,542 0,294 0,943 4,709 9,895

improve labor market outcomes for $1 $1 $1 $31,923 $1 $1 $30,324 $57,635 $1 $1 $1 $23,047 $1 $1 $20,982 $27,434 immigrants. Female immigrant Male immigrant Female Mexican Male Mexican

Working conditions for immigrants In addition to the challenges immi- Figure 10 Annual income by time in the United States grants face within the labor market, for all immigrants and Mexican immigrants they often encounter substandard $40,000 working conditions and lack im- All immigrants Mexicans portant workplace protections. Oc- $30,000 cupational safety and health is one major area of concern. Foreign-born $20,000 workers tend to be employed in in- 1 dustries—construction, agriculture, $10,000 4,047 5,877 7,792 1,963 $20,531 forestry, manufacturing, materi- $1 $1 $20,305 $1 $22,459 $1 $24,979 $19,668 $29,55 als handling, and transportation— 0–4 years 5–9 years 10–14 years 15–19 years 20+ years where injury and accident rates are particularly high. Due to language barriers, unfamiliarity with their 76 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON legal rights, lack of training, and fear of reprisal, cent in 2006. Latinos comprised 8.6 percent of the immigrants are less likely to report workplace ac- Oregon labor force in 2004, so it appears as if state cidents or injuries to employers or government data mirror national findings about Latinos being agencies. Also, immigrants are disproportionately disproportionately killed on the job. Moreover, of employed in nonstandard and informal work ar- the fourteen Latinos who died, twelve were foreign rangements (e.g., day labor, temporary and part- born, confirming that immigrant workers constitut- time work, and contracted employment) that are ed the vast majority of job-related fatalities.10 marked by high turnover, thereby decreasing the Interviews with immigrant workers and advo- likelihood they will report or protest unsafe or cacy groups that work on their behalf also reveal dangerous working conditions.8 other abuses, especially among the more vulnerable Published articles in 2004 and Congressional unauthorized population. Not surprisingly, immi- hearings in 2006 revealed the prevalence of such grant workers tend to cluster in industries where conditions among refor- wage and hour violations estation workers in Ore- occur most frequently, a gon and other parts of the “The feeling [among immigrants] finding confirmed in nu- northwest, many of whom that this is the land of opportunity merous studies. One of were employed by con- the most frequent abuses tractors. The risk for ac- still runs pretty deep.” encountered is nonpay- cident and injury in slip- ment of wages. State Merced Flores, former associate superintendent, pery and wet conditions agencies in Oregon do not is high, contractors under Oregon Department of Education keep wage-and-hour data pressure to cut costs often on the basis of immigrant fail to provide safety training or protective gear, and status, so the extent of violations is impossible to federal oversight of working conditions has been ascertain. However, a 2002 survey of more than sporadic. A June 2007 Immigration and Customs seventy-five Latino workers in the greater Portland Enforcement (ICE) raid on a Portland produce plant area found numerous examples of workers in ser- further illustrates the potential hazards of such cir- vice occupations who reported not being paid for cumstances. The company used a staffing agency to work they had performed. Day laborers who take secure its workers, and the onerous conditions of short-term jobs have expressed similar concerns, work led to high turnover rates. Workers described and in the produce factory raid described earlier, numerous examples of unsafe conditions, includ- some workers alleged nonpayment of wages or ing extremely cold temperatures, limited provi- working for pay at below the minimum wage. The sion of protective gear, no safety training, and the entry of immigrant workers into the construction presence of electrical cords submerged in water in industry has dovetailed with more elaborate levels production areas. Indeed, several years earlier, the of subcontracting and labor recruitment, resulting Bureau of Labor and Industries found that work- in a diffusion of responsibility and the rise of ex- ers at this plant were unlawfully discharged by the ploitative practices similar to those seen in agricul- staffing agency after they complained about these ture and reforestation. Workers do have the option hazardous conditions. These workers eventually of pursuing wage claims through appropriate state received $400,000 in a settlement agreement.9 agencies, but language barriers, fear of reprisal, and Although we lack data on precisely how wide- impatience with the pace of litigation often deter spread these conditions are in Oregon or on acci- them from taking such action.11 dent and injury rates for immigrants, we do have Historically, labor unions have been a vital some specific evidence suggesting that Latino source of protection for immigrant workers against workers face greater risks in the workplace. Fol- the kinds of abuses outlined above. We lack specific lowing news reports that Latinos were over repre- data on the number of immigrants who are union sented in on-the-job fatalities, the Oregon Workers members in Oregon, but national estimates show Compensation Division began in 2004 to compile that as of 2003, 10 percent of all union members statistics on compensable fatalities (those covered were foreign born. The union movement’s approach by workers compensation) by race and ethnicity. toward immigrant workers both nationally and in They found that in 2004, 13 percent of these fatali- Oregon has been evolving. Some unions remain ties were Latinos, 9.7 percent in 2005, and 13.5 per- deeply concerned that immigrant workers are be- WORK AND EMPLOYMENT FOR IMMIGRANTS IN OREGON • 77 ing used by employers to undercut collectively bar- special training to their immigrant work force. Kai- gained standards and favor stricter enforcement of ser Permanente and Mt. Hood Community College immigration laws while other unions have actively collaborated in the late 1990s on a program to train sought to recruit immigrant workers into their ranks. immigrant workers for health care jobs, and the There is a growing immigrant presence within Or- service employees union has sponsored training egon unions, most notably among home health care for immigrants who have joined the union’s grow- and child care workers. The carpenters and laboring ranks of home health care workers. A fuller as- ers unions have been reaching out to immigrants in sessment of these efforts is a task for subsequent the construction industry, and efforts are underway research, but even this cursory review underscores to develop cooperative relations between building the need for key stakeholders such as employers, trades unions and day laborers in Portland. The ser- unions, community organizations, and educational vice employees union has been especially active in institutions to pursue collaborations that can assist seeking to organize immigrants employed in build- immigrant workers in developing their labor mar- ing service and maintenance, and for nearly three ket potential. decades, immigrant workers have benefited from the efforts of Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del No- Implications and recommendations roeste (PCUN), a capable and energetic union that Additional research. Our initial review of labor has worked on behalf of agricultural workers in market data for immigrant workers in Oregon raises both the workplace and community arenas.12 several key issues that warrant further examina- Of course, there are large obstacles to organiz- tion: the gender gap in earnings among immigrant ing, especially in the private sector where legal workers; differential outcomes based on education- protections for the right to organize are weak, and al attainment, especially for Mexicans; the extent to immigrants, especially those who are unauthor- which discriminatory practices affect labor market ized, are understandably fearful. Yet the advantages outcomes; and the need to delineate more carefully of unionization for immigrants in the labor market the factors that foster occupational mobility. We are clear. One example is the provision of health also propose to analyze data on entrepreneurship insurance, which for most American workers is and business ownership among immigrants and to received through their employers. A 2004 Oregon develop more Oregon-specific data on working con- survey found that almost 44 percent of Latinos in ditions and job training opportunities. Oregon were uninsured. This survey did not distinguish between U.S.- and foreign-born Latinos, but Policy recommendations. Given that education and we do know from national data that approximately other forms of human capital such as English attain- 60 percent of foreign-born Latinos were uninsured. ment are so important in determining labor market In part, this lack of insurance is attributable to be- experiences for immigrants, it is clear that policy- ing employed in low-wage industries that are often makers should address inequities that inhibit the nonunion and where wages and benefits are not sub- ability of immigrants to obtain needed educational ject to negotiation. Greater representation by unions services. Policies that increase educational access could begin to address this need, along with provid- for immigrants will not only improve their labor ing immigrant workers with wider access to train- market experiences but also enhance their ability ing and opportunities for advancement that could to achieve social integration and participate more improve their prospects in the labor market.13 effectively in community and civic affairs. Another means of improving labor market out- Assimilation has long been viewed as the comes for immigrant workers would be through job pathway to economic success for immigrants. As- training and career development, especially in the similation could be encouraged through increasing case of immigrants who arrive without English flu- access to English language training, which would ency and with limited education. Although it is be- help immigrants surmount a critical barrier to their yond the scope of this study to evaluate the extent advancement within the labor market. Although and effectiveness of job training for immigrants in working to improve language fluency and integrat- Oregon, there are numerous examples of initiatives ing immigrants into U. S. society will increase as- and programs that suggest the linkage between job similation, the hostility immigrants may encounter training and improved labor market outcomes. Some in the receiving communities must be addressed. companies have begun to offer language classes and Our study supports the importance of providing 78 • UNDERSTANDING THE IMMIGRANT EXPERIENCE IN OREGON immigrants with a pathway to citizenship. Current- olmisj/ArticleReader?itemid=00005027, accessed 12 December 2007, Jeff Manning, “Made in Oregon . . . with plenty of help from Mexico,” The ly, there are an estimated 12 million unauthorized Oregonian, June 17, 2007. immigrants in the United States and approximately 3. Susan W. Hardwick and James E. Meacham, “Heterolocalism, 125,000–175,000 in Oregon. Their labor market ex- Networks of Ethnicity, and Refugee Communities in the Pacific Northwest: periences are powerfully influenced by their legal The Portland Story,” The Professional Geographer, 57 (4): 551, Malcolm Boswell, “Hispanic-owned Businesses in Oregon,” Oregon Employment status, and legislation that would provide a path- Department, November 22, 2004, www.qualityinfo.org/olmisj, accessed 8 way to citizenship would result in improved labor December 2004, Art Ayre, “Unauthorized Immigrants Working in Oregon,” market experiences. Oregon Employment Department, April 28, 2006. Oregon should follow the lead of other states 4. Migration Policy Institute (hereafter MPI), “Fact Sheet on the Foreign Born: Demographic and Social Characteristics, Oregon,” www.migrationin- and convene a task force of key stakeholders to de- formation.org/datahub/state.cfm?ID=OR, accessed 19 December 2007. velop an overall strategy aimed at helping immi- 5. Oregon Employment Department, “Hispanics in Oregon’s Workforce, grant workers to become more economically suc- 1998, www.cascadeseast.org/pdf/oedhispanic.pdf, accessed 9 September cessful and socially integrated.14 2007, The 1990 figures are taken from the Current Population Survey and the Bureau of Labor Statistics and use a different methodology from the Legislation that would provide stronger pro- Census Bureau. However, they do use the same occupational categories tections for workers in contingent employment and allow us to make some inferences about Latino occupational mobility. relationships should be considered. Although not 6. MPI, “Fact Sheet on the Foreign Born: Workforce Characteristics, www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/state.cfm?ID=OR, accessed 19 exclusively aimed at immigrants, such legislation December 2007. would address some of the abuses growing out of 7. Michael Bernabe Aguilera, “The Effect of Legalization on the Labor employment relationships that allow employers to Markets of Latin American Immigrants: A Gendered Comparison,” Socio- avoid responsibility and liability for their actions. logical Focus, Vol. 37, No. 4, November 2004, 358–365. Public policies that strengthen labor laws and 8. AFL-CIO, “Immigrant Workers at Risk: The Urgent Need for Improved Workplace Safety and Health Policies and Programs,” August 2005. support the right of workers to organize unions 9. “Prepared Statement of Cassandra Moseley, Ph.D., Ecosystem should be encouraged. Workforce Program, Institute for a Sustainable Environment, University of Over the past two decades, immigrant workers Oregon, Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Public Lands and Forests have become an integral force in Oregon’s economy, of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources, United States Senate, March 1, 2006,” Tom Knudson and Hector Arnezcua, “Hidden Hazards,” and demographic projections indicate that their im- Sacramento Bee, November 14, 2004, Brent Hunsberger and Gosia portance will increase in the twenty-first century. Wozniacka, “Work Complaints Hang Over Plant,” The Oregonian, June 14, In addition to their economic contributions, history 2007, 1, 10, Brent Hunsberger, “Del Monte, Ex-Workers Secure Settle- ment Deal,” The Oregonian, August 10, 2006, www.blog.oregonlive.com/ suggests that work has been a major influence in oregonianextra/2007/06/past_coverage_d. . . , accessed 3 December, helping immigrants achieve civic integration and 2007. social acceptance. Obviously, complex challenges 10. Oregon Workers Compensation Division, “Oregon Compensable Fa- talities Statistics,” 2004, 2005, 2006, Pat O’Connor, “Occupations by Race lie ahead as Oregonians determine the values and in Oregon,” OLMIS, May 24, 2006, www.qualityinfo.org/olmis. priorities that will guide their decisions about 11. “A Survey of Literature Estimating the Prevalence of Employment work, employment, and the direction of the state’s and Labor Law Violations in the U.S.,” compiled by Siobhan McGrath, economy. Immigrants will doubtless seek to have Brennan Center for Justice, April 15, 2005, accessed from www.progres- sivestates.org, accessed 12 December 2007, D. Michael Dale, “The State their needs and interests considered in this process of Access to Justice in Oregon,” March 31, 2000, author’s mano a mano and ensure that their contributions as workers are interview with Levi Herrera, February 18, 2005, and Alice Gates and Lynn- both recognized and rewarded. Marie Crider, “Immigrant Participation in the Oregon Work Force: A Qualita- tive Study of the Work Experience of Latino Immigrants in the Portland Metropolitan Area,” 2001, www.morsechair.uoregon.edu/aflcio_report.pdf, Notes accessed 14 April 2005. 1. Authors are listed in alphabetical order. 12. MPI, “Immigrant Facts,” May 2004. 2. Dallas Fridley and Myers, “Oregon Dairy Industry Moov- 13. Office of Oregon Health Policy and Research, “Profile of Oregon’s ing Forward,” December 20, 2007, www.qualityinfo.org/olmisj/ Uninsured, 2004,” March 2006, 18, Ricardo Alonso-Saldivar, “Uninsured ArticleReader?itemid=00005732, accessed 8 January 2008, Oregon immigrant numbers up,” The Register-Guard, June 14, 2005. Association of Nurseries website, www.oan.org, Oregon Department of 14. For an example of such a task force, see Miguel A. Carranza and Agriculture website, “Oregon Agriculture: Facts and Figures,” oregon.gov/ Lourdes Gouveia, “The Integration of the Hispanic/Latino Immigrant ODA/docs/pdf/pubs/ff.pdf, accessed 18 January 2008, Pamela Fer- Workforce: Final Project Report, submitted to State of Nebraska Mexican rara, “Oregon Businesses Seek Skilled Workers from Foreign Countries,” American Commission and Task Force on the Productive Integration of the Oregon Employment Department, July 27, 2006, www.qualityinfo.org/ Immigrant Workforce Population, May 31, 2002, www.neappleseed.org/ docs, accessed 12 May 2007.

Conclusion Understanding the Immigrant Experience in Oregon

s we have seen, ambivalent or conflicted owners, community activists, churchgoers, and feelings about immigration are nothing neighbors allows us to transcend viewing them as new for either Oregonians or Americans. abstractions and better appreciate their needs, aspi- With the failure of congressional efforts rations, and social contributions. to pass comprehensive immigration re- Ultimately, both immigrants and native Or- formA legislation, both Oregonians and Americans egonians will have to negotiate the terms of their have been left to their own devices, and the debate relationship and reach some form of accommo- over what to do about immigration continues at the dation. Given the state’s historical difficulties in state and local level. dealing with difference and diversity, this negotia- In the course of the often-heated rhetoric that tion promises to be complicated and challenging. characterizes this discussion, historical and social Nonetheless, it is a negotiation worth having, for context is frequently lacking. Moreover, the expe- its outcome will determine the kind of society Or- rience of immigrants themselves tends to be ob- egon wishes to be during the twenty-first century. scured or neglected. We have tried to address this We hope that this report will inspire additional oversight and focus on the actual experience of im- research, spark more intensive discussion, and en- migrants as they navigate the complex process of courage more individuals and organizations to en- adapting to a new environment. Indeed, recogniz- ter this conversation, one that is long overdue and ing that immigrants are workers, students, business that we postpone to our detriment.