Tactical Nuclear Weapons

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Tactical Nuclear Weapons The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR—an intergovernmental organization within the United Nations—conducts research on disarmament and security. UNIDIR is based in Geneva, Switzerland, the centre for bilateral and multilateral disarmament and non- proliferation negotiations, and home of the Conference on Disarmament. The Institute explores current issues pertaining to the variety of existing and future armaments, as well as global diplomacy and local entrenched tensions and conflicts. Working with researchers, diplomats, Government officials, NGOs and other institutions since 1980, UNIDIR acts as a bridge between the research community and Governments. UNIDIR’s activities are funded by contributions from Governments and donors foundations. The Institute’s web site can be found at URL: http://www.unidir.org Cover page: designed by Diego Oyarzún-Reyes (UNCTAD) UNIDIR/2002/11 Tactical Nuclear Weapons Time for Control Taina Susiluoto Editor UNIDIR United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research Geneva, Switzerland NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations Secretariat. UNIDIR/2002/11 Copyright © United Nations, 2002 All rights reserved UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. GV.E.02.0.7 ISBN 92-9045-143-2 CONTENTS Page Preface by Patricia Lewis . v Statement by Former President Mikhail Gorbachev . ix Workshop Report. xiii Part I – The 1991 Declaration and the Evolving Security Framework 1 Chapter 1 Advantages and Disadvantages of Unilateral Arms Control Policy Rose Gottemoeller . 3 Chapter 2 An Update on Efforts to Reduce Tactical Nuclear Weapons William C. Potter . 7 Chapter 3 Tactical Nuclear Weapons and Terrorism Pavel Podvig. 15 Chapter 4 Fuel for the Fire: Tactical Nuclear Weapons and Terrorism Alistair Millar . 19 Chapter 5 Security of Nuclear Materials and Pakistan’s Nuclear Weapons Frank von Hippel . 25 iii iv Page Part II – Strengthening the 1991 Declarations 35 Chapter 6 Tactical Nuclear Arms Control? Alexander A. Pikayev . 37 Chapter 7 A Realistic Strategy for Controlling Tactical Nuclear Weapons Jack Spencer. 47 Chapter 8 The Challenged Regime on Tactical Nuclear Weapons: Debate on Legal Aspects Taina Susiluoto. 53 Chapter 9 Tactical Nuclear Weapons Regime: Is It Legally Binding? Sergey Radchenko . 75 Chapter 10 Strengthening the 1991 Declarations: Verification and Transparency Components Nikolai Sokov . 93 Chapter 11 The September 1991 Presidential Nuclear Initiatives and the Elimination, Storing and Security Aspects of TNWs Joshua Handler. 107 Part III – Nuclear Weapons Development and Testing 133 Chapter 12 New Nuclear Weapons Development and Testing Rebecca Johnson . 135 Chapter 13 Nuclear Testing and New Strategic Frameworks: The Need for a Strategic Nuclear Framework Responsive to Terrorist Threats Charles Meade . 143 Recent UNIDIR Publications 147 PREFACE To mark the tenth anniversary of the 1991 Bush-Gorbachev unilateral declarations on tactical nuclear weapons, UNIDIR and its collaborating partners held a meeting in September 2001 at the United Nations in New York. The meeting took place days after the terrible attacks against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon on the 11th September. At the UNIDIR meeting and many times since that fateful day, the issue of terrorist attacks using weapons of mass destruction and, in particular, fissile materials has been raised. The continuing lack of control over tactical nuclear weapons means that there is a clear and present danger that tactical nuclear weapons may have been, or may be in the future, stolen or sold to those with an intent to use them for the purposes of terrorism. Tactical nuclear weapons are a particularly dangerous category of nuclear weapons. They are portable, often integrated into conventional force structures and, in some cases, less well guarded than their strategic counterparts. Despite the 1991 Presidential Nuclear Initiatives, there has never been any formal agreement on the removal and elimination of tactical nuclear weapons. Despite periodic updates on progress, data were never agreed, only proportions of numbers to be eliminated or stored were declared. Still today a great deal of uncertainty exists over the implementation of the 1991 unilateral declarations. Perhaps more worrying, there seems to be a renewed interest in this category of nuclear weapons. Post September 11, in addition to the concerns over the terrorist use of nuclear weapons and nuclear materials, there have been discussions and debates, in public and in private, on the potential use by States of small, low yield nuclear weapons to attack underground hideouts of terrorist leaders or terrorists’ weapons manufacturing facilities. In addition the use of nuclear weapons as a response to chemical and biological weapons attacks is also being debated. None of these debates has led to official policy changes, but with the increasing concerns over the long-term adherence to the comprehensive nuclear test ban treaty, it is not beyond the realm of possibility that new small, short-range and “useable” nuclear weapons could be on the horizon. v vi In response to these developments, and with the support of the United Nations Secretary General’s Advisory Board on Disarmament Matters, UNIDIR continued a study began in 1999 on the situation regarding tactical nuclear weapons. UNIDIR hosted a first workshop in Geneva in March 2000 at which papers analysing such issues as the current situation, numbers and definitions, and regional approaches were presented. In September 2001 the second workshop in New York, looked at issues of transparency, verification, control, legislation, terrorism, potential development of TNWs and the link to concerns over nuclear testing. There is sustained and increasing interest over these aspects of tactical nuclear weapons. It is indeed time to control this class of weapons. Perhaps it may already be too late to prevent these weapons getting into the hands of those with the intent to use them or the materials contained therein, so as to cause injury and mayhem to targeted civilian populations. But we must start from here and at least bring under control those weapons that are covered by the 1991 Initiatives. Ten years is late enough. Let’s hope that it is not too late. This volume is a collection of the papers that were presented at the New York seminar. Not all the papers presented in New York have been published in this volume and some of the papers have been updated to take account of political developments. A collection of some of these papers was circulated in draft form at the 2002 Preparatory Committee for the 2005 Review Conference of the Non-Proliferation Treaty. UNIDIR’s collaborating partners for this meeting were the Monterey Institute Center for Nonproliferation Studies, the Peace Research Institute Frankfurt, Green Cross International and Global Green USA. Many thanks go to them for their support and practical contributions throughout the planning and execution of this project. Sincere gratitude goes to the generosity of our financial sponsors for the meeting and the publication the Governments of Finland, Norway, the Netherlands, Germany and New Zealand. I should particularly like to thank the authors of the papers: President Mikhail Gorbachev, the former President of the USSR, William C. Potter and Nikolai Sokov of the Center for Nonproliferation Studies, Monterey Institute of International Studies, Rose Gottemoeller of the Carnegie vii Endowment for International Peace, Pavel Podvig of the Moscow Institute of Physics and Technology, Alistair Miller of the Fourth Freedom Forum, Frank von Hippel and Josh Handler of Princeton University, Alexander Pikayev of the Carnegie Endowment in Moscow, Jack Spencer of the Heritage Foundation, Taina Susiluoto of UNIDIR, Sergey Radchenko of UNIDIR and the London School of Economics, Rebecca Johnson of the Acronym Institute, Ambassador Miguel Marin Bosch of the Government of Mexico and Charles Mead of RAND. Thanks also to Terence Taylor of the International Institute of Strategic Studies and Robert Nelson of Princeton University for the presentations they made at the conference, despite great difficulties. Most of all, it must be said that the meeting and the publication would never have taken place without the unfailing efforts of Taina Susiluoto and her team at UNIDIR. Taina worked with Nicolas Florquin on loan from the Monterey Institute and the Department for Disarmament Affairs and Sergey Radchenko from the London School of Economics in the planning of the meeting and collection of the papers. Isabelle Roger and Jackie Seck provided administrative support; the publication was edited by Steve Tulliu and brought to press by Anita Blétry. I am very grateful for all the hard work and support that went into this work. Now, however, the hard work must not go to waste and urgent political and practical action needs to be taken to control tactical nuclear weapons. Patricia Lewis Director UNIDIR Geneva STATEMENT BY FORMER PRESIDENT MIKHAIL GORBACHEV1 Dear friends, I am sorry I could not join you today for this important gathering to discuss the 10th anniversary
Recommended publications
  • What Should Be Done About Tactical Nuclear Weapons?
    THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL OF THE UNITED STATES What Should Be Done About Tactical Nuclear Weapons? GEORGE LEWIS & ANDREA GABBITAS WITH ADDITIONAL COMMENTARY BY: EDWARD ROWNY & JOHN WOODWORTH OCCASIONAL PAPER What Should Be Done About Tactical Nuclear Weapons? George Lewis & Andrea Gabbitas With Additional Commentary By: Edward Rowny & John Woodworth MARCH 1999 OCCASIONAL PAPER For further information about the Atlantic Council of the United States and/or its Program on International Security, please call (202) 778-4968. Information on Atlantic Council programs and publications is available on the world wide web at http://www.acus.org Requests or comments may be sent to the Atlantic Council via Internet at [email protected] THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL OF THE UNITED STATES 10TH FLOOR, 910 17TH STREET, N.W. WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006 CONTENTS Foreword by David C. Acheson……..…….………………………………………….…iv Executive Summary………………………………………………………………….. vi Problems of Definition……………………………………………………………. 1 History of Tactical Nuclear Weapons……………..……….………….………….... 4 The Current State of Tactical Nuclear Weapons…………………………….…….. 6 United States………..………………………………………………………... 6 Russia………………………………….…………………………………...… 7 Other Countries……………….………………………………………………8 Recent Discussions and Proposals on TNWs……….………………………….…... 8 Synthesis…………………..……………………………………………….…….. 11 Why Keep TNWs?……………………………………………………..…….. 11 Why Limit TNWs?…………………………………………………………….15 Why Now?……...……………………………………………………………17 A Specific Proposal………………………………………………………………..18 Phase 1.……………………………………………………………………21 Phase
    [Show full text]
  • A Captive Island Kaliningrad Between MOSCOW and the EU
    41 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KAlInIngRAD bETWEEn MOSCOW AnD ThE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska NUMBER 41 WARSAW JULY 2012 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KALININGRAD BETWEEN MOSCOW AND THE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITORS Katarzyna Kazimierska, Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Ilona Duchnowicz CO-OPERATION Jim Todd GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH CHARTS, MAP, PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Wojciech Mańkowski DTP GroupMedia PuBLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978–83–62936–13–7 Contents KEY POINTS /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. KALININGRAD OBLAST: A SUBJECT OR AN OBJECT OF THE F EDERATION? /9 1. THE AMBER ISLAND: Kaliningrad today /9 1.1. Kaliningrad in the legal, political and economic space of the Russian Federation /9 1.2. Current political situation /13 1.3. The current economic situation /17 1.4. The social situation /24 1.5. Characteristics of the Kaliningrad residents /27 1.6. The ecological situation /32 2. AN AREA UNDER SPECIAL SURVEILLANCE: Moscow’s policy towards the region /34 2.1. The policy of compensating for Kaliningrad’s location as an exclave /34 2.2. The policy of reinforcing social ties with the rest of Russia /43 2.3. The policy of restricted access for foreign partners to the region /45 2.4. The policy of controlling the region’s co-operation with other countries /47 3.
    [Show full text]
  • The Euro-Atlantic Integration and the Future of Kaliningrad Oblast
    NATO EURO-ATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP COUNCIL INDIVIDUAL RESEARCH FELLOWSHIPS 2000 - 2002 PROGRAMME THE EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION AND THE FUTURE OF KALININGRAD OBLAST by Česlovas Laurinavičius Vilnius - 2002 1 CONTENT Abstract 3 Aim of the Research 4 Methodology 8 1. Main tendencies of Russia’s foreign policy after the collapse of the Soviet Union 9 2. NATO enlargement and Kaliningrad 11 2.1. Military transit of the Russian Federation through the territory of the Republic of 13 Lithuania: historic and political science profile 2.2. Circumstances of the Soviet military withdrawal from the Republic of Lithuania: 15 Negotiations Process 2.3. 1994-1995 negotiations between Vilnius and Moscow over military transit 18 agreement 2.4. Regulation of the military transit of the Russian Federation through the territory of 27 Lithuania and its practical execution 2.5. Intermediate conclusion 29 3. The impact assessment of the EU enlargement on the Kaliningrad oblast 30 3.1. Relations between Moscow and Kaliningrad 30 3.2. The trends of the social, economical and political development in the Kaliningrad 35 oblast of the Russian Federation 3.3. The EU acquis communautaire, the applicant countries and Kaliningrad: issue 37 areas 3.4. Perspectives of the crisis prevention 45 Conclusions 50 2 ABSTRACT The collapse of the Soviet Union has given impetus to the debate about the future of the Kaliningrad Oblast (KO) of the Russian Federation. The main cause for this is the fact that concrete exclave of the Russian Federation – which is the country’s westernmost outpost – has been left cut off from Russia by Lithuania and Poland and surrounded by countries that are orienting themselves toward the European Union and NATO.
    [Show full text]
  • Report- Non Strategic Nuclear Weapons
    Federation of American Scientists Special Report No 3 May 2012 Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons By HANS M. KRISTENSEN 1 Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons May 2012 Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons By HANS M. KRISTENSEN Federation of American Scientists www.FAS.org 2 Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons May 2012 Acknowledgments e following people provided valuable input and edits: Katie Colten, Mary-Kate Cunningham, Robert Nurick, Stephen Pifer, Nathan Pollard, and other reviewers who wish to remain anonymous. is report was made possible by generous support from the Ploughshares Fund. Analysis of satellite imagery was done with support from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. Image: personnel of the 31st Fighter Wing at Aviano Air Base in Italy load a B61 nuclear bomb trainer onto a F-16 fighter-bomber (Image: U.S. Air Force). 3 Federation of American Scientists www.FAS.org Non-Strategic Nuclear Weapons May 2012 About FAS Founded in 1945 by many of the scientists who built the first atomic bombs, the Federation of American Scientists (FAS) is devoted to the belief that scientists, engineers, and other technically trained people have the ethical obligation to ensure that the technological fruits of their intellect and labor are applied to the benefit of humankind. e founding mission was to prevent nuclear war. While nuclear security remains a major objective of FAS today, the organization has expanded its critical work to issues at the intersection of science and security. FAS publications are produced to increase the understanding of policymakers, the public, and the press about urgent issues in science and security policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Strategy in the New Era of Tactical Nuclear Weapons
    STRATEGIC STUDIES QUARTERLY - PERSPECTIVE Strategy in the New Era of Tactical Nuclear Weapons COL JOSEPH D. BECKER, USA Abstract Post–Cold War strategic discourse, primarily among Russian strate- gists, has challenged the precept that nuclear weapons are not useful tools of warfare or statecraft. To reduce the likelihood that such ideas will ever be tested in practice, the US must openly address hard-case scenarios and develop a coherent strategy sufficient to give adversaries pause. This article posits that the key to successfully deterring the use of tactical nuclear weapons lies not in winning an arms race but in the clear articulation of a purpose and intent that directs all aspects of US policy toward the preven- tion of nuclear war and leaves no exploitable openings for opportunistic challengers. Further, an ideal strategy would be crafted to reduce—not increase—the salience of nuclear weapons in geopolitics. The article con- siders three possible approaches to a strategy for tactical nuclear weapons, but the most desirable and effective will be a “strategy of non-use” based upon credible and well- prepared alternatives to a nuclear response. ***** he end of the Cold War ushered in a new era suggesting the pos- sibility that nuclear weapons could become a relic of the past. Prominent leaders, including US president Barack Obama, cam- paigned vociferously for measures to abolish the world’s nuclear stock- T1 piles. However, instead of moving toward a world of “nuclear zero,” the US and Russia have proceeded with nuclear modernization and capability development, and even China is quietly expanding its nuclear arsenal.
    [Show full text]
  • A New European Union Policy for Kaliningrad Occasional Papers
    Occasional Papers March 2002 n°33 Sander Huisman A new European Union policy for Kaliningrad published by the European Union Institute for Security Studies 43 avenue du Président Wilson F-75775 Paris cedex 16 phone: + 33 (0) 1 56 89 19 30 fax: + 33 (0) 1 56 89 79 31 e-mail: [email protected] www.iss-eu.org In January 2002 the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) became a Paris-based autonomous agency of the European Union. Following an EU Council Joint Action of 20 July 2001, it is now an integral part of the new structures that will support the further development of the CFSP/ESDP. The Institute’s core mission is to provide analyses and recommendations that can be of use and relevance to the formulation of EU policies. In carrying out that mission, it also acts as an interface between experts and decision-makers at all levels. The ISS-EU is the successor to the WEU Institute for Security Studies, set up in 1990 by the WEU Council to foster and stimulate a wider discussion across Europe. Occasional Papers are essays or reports that the Institute considers should be made avail- able as a contribution to the debate on topical issues relevant to European security. They may be based on work carried out by researchers granted awards by the ISS, on contribu- tions prepared by external experts, and on collective research projects or other activities organised by (or with the support of) the Institute. They reflect the views of their authors, not those of the Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • Cross-Border Co-Operation Between the Kaliningrad Oblast and Poland in the Context of Polish-Russian Relations in 2004–2011
    11 CROSS-BORDER CO-OPERATION BETWEEN THE KALININGRAD OBLAST AND POLAND IN THE CONTEXT OF POLISh-RuSSIAN RELATIONS IN 2004–2011 Miłosz J. Zieliński* Abstract The article analyses the main aspects of relations between Poland and the Kaliningrad Oblast of the Russian Federation in 2004–2011. It takes into account both interstate and regional circumstances and concentrates on 1) Poland’s attitude towards Kaliningrad right after the 2004 EU enlargement; 2) ideas/proposals how to improve trans-border co-operation under new (i.e. Poland being an EU member) circumstances; 3) austerities of bilateral conta- cts (at both the interstate and regional scale); 4) process of negotiating, signing and ratifying the Local Border Traffic Regime; 5) prospects of future co-operation. The article relies on diversified data such as expert analyses, legal documents, press articles, and data collected from various institutions. Its aim is to give a brief picture of eight years of Polish-Kaliningrad relations after Poland joined the European Union. The article goes beyond the aforementio- ned scope of time only in regard to the process of implementing the LBTR. Introduction The period of 2004–2011 brought a new quality to the bilateral relations of Poland and Russia. There were a few major factors that constituted this process, both at the interstate and regional scale. Poland, the largest new European Union member, contributed to redefining the EU’s eastern policy, in which Kaliningrad had always played a visible role. As a matter of fact, one might argue that the enlargement was even more important for Russia’s westernmost region, which became a semi-exclave surrounded by EU member states Poland and Lithuania, than for Russia as a whole.
    [Show full text]
  • Kaliningrad Anniversary: the First Steps of Georgy Boos 123 KALININGRAD ANNIVERSARY: the FIRST STEPS of GEORGY BOOS*
    Kaliningrad Anniversary: the First Steps of Georgy Boos 123 KALININGRAD ANNIVERSARY: THE FIRST STEPS OF GEORGY BOOS* Raimundas Lopata Introduction The origin and originality of the problem often referred to as- theKalin ingrad puzzle are geopolitical. Their concise description could be as follows. The part of Prussia taken by the Soviet Union after the Second World War was transformed into a gigantic Soviet military base. It performed the func- tions of the exclave against the West and of the barrier which helped the USSR to ensure the dependence of the Eastern Baltics and domination in Poland. After the Cold War, the territory of 15,100 square kilometres with a population of almost a million, owned by Russia and located the farthest to the West, although on the Baltic Sea, ashore became isolated from the motherland and turned into an exclave. Gradually that exclave found itself at the crossroads of different security structures and later – surrounded by one of them. Changes in the situation gave rise to the so-called Kaliningrad dis- course, i.e. political decisions influenced by international policies in Central and Eastern Europe and academic discussion and studies of the role of this Russian-owned exclave in the relations of the East and the West. The academic literature reveals quite a broad panorama of interpretations of this topic. It should be pointed out that the issues which appeared atop of the research – how the collapse of the USSR affected the situation of the Ka- liningrad Oblast, what it would be in the future, what role would be played by the motherland and the neighbours, what influence it would experience from the Euro-Atlantic development to the East, how the international community should help the Oblast to adapt to the changing environment, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • 1. Nuclear Weapons
    1. Nuclear weapons Prepared by the Nuclear Weapons Databook staff, Washington, DC' I. Introduction It is difficult to characterize 1989. It was a year during which the entire foundation of the cold war seemed to crumble and the most fundamental assumptions about East-West relations and military strategy required a complete reappraisal. Even a narrow assessment of the nuclear weapon developments of 1989 must take into account the extraordinary political changes in Eastern Europe, the overwhelming economic and political pressures to reduce military expenditure and forces, and the unprecedented level of co-operation between the USA and the USSR. It appears that these developments may permit a fundamental change in the nuclear postures and practices of the nuclear weapon states. Against this backdrop, future historians may see 1989 as the year in which the post-World War IT era ended and a new era began. Even without this new situation the defence budgets of the five nuclear weapon nations in general and the budgets for nuclear weapons in particular are becoming severely constrained. For the fifth year in a row the US military budget declined, as measured in constant dollars. The Soviet Government stated, and the US Government apparently agrees, that Soviet military spending was less in 1989 than it was in 1988. France is now feel- ing the effect of its economic constraints, especially visible in the nuclear weapon programme. Nevertheless, nuclear weapon modernization continued in all five of the acknowledged nuclear weapon states: the USA, the USSR, the UK, France and China. In the USA there was a decrease in the strategic arsenal because of bomb and submarine retirements.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military Role of the Kaliningrad Region in Security Concepts of the USSR and the Russian Federation
    Andrzej Paradowski Military University of Technology, Warsaw, Poland The Military Role of the Kaliningrad Region in Security Concepts of the USSR and the Russian Federation Summary Vladimir Putin’s Russia is a country with strong aspirations to rebuild its super‑ power position in the world. In this process, the Kaliningrad Region and its military strength play a significant role. At the same time, this region is an important element of the foreign policy and security of the Russian Federation, and due to its geographical location, it is a key element of Russia’s political and military influence on the Western countries. The region also plays an important economic role, and the Russian Baltic Fleet oftenarried out activities sup‑ porting the economic development of the region and the country. After the takeover of power by Vladimir Putin, the significance of Kaliningrad increased even more, and the area itself plays an important role in the New Defense Doctrine of the Russian Federation. A tendency visible for years, relating to the region, is to increase the military position of the Kaliningrad Region together with increasing aspirations of imperial power by the Kremlin. Keywords: Kaliningrad, Central ‑Eastern Europe, European security, Western policy of the Russian Federation Russia has been directly controlling the largest part of the World for sev‑ eral hundred years. Its enormous expanses and potential for wealth, as well as the way in which authority uses these strengths, is very important in today’s glo‑ balizing world. Interest in the Russian Federation is particularly stimulating the changes that have been made in the political scene in recent years, especially now after the annexation of Crimea, the Donbas War, as well as engaging in conflicts in the Middle East.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Tactical Nuclear Weapons
    NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA CHINESE TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS by Gregory B. Owens June, 1996 Thesis Advisor: Peter Lavoy Thesis Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. 09615 ni IHLEY KNOX LIBRARY ^POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL SoNTEREY CA 83943-5101 REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Fomi Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20S03. 1 . AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3 . REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 1996 Master's Thesis 5. FUNDING NUMBERS 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE: CHINESE TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS 6. AUTHOR(S) Gregory B. Owens 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER 9. SPONSORTNG/MONTTORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 1 1 . SUPPLEMENTARY NOTES The views expressed in this thesis are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defense or the U.S. Government. 12a. DISTRIBUTION/AVAILABILrrY STATEMENT 12b. DISTRIBUTION CODE Approved for public release; distribution is urilimited.
    [Show full text]
  • Baltic Sea Policy Briefing
    BALTIC SEA POLICY BRIEFING 1 /2013 Bo Österlund Mare Balticum - Mare Nostrum from Mare Clausum via Mare Sovieticum to Mare Liberum -The process of security policy in the Baltic Mare Balticum - Mare Nostrum from Mare Clausum via Mare Sovieticum to Mare Liberum -The process of security policy in the Baltic Bo Österlund ISSN 2323-4989 Bo Österlund Commodore (Ret) Flag Officer One Star Admiral Since the early 1980s, Commodore (flag officer, one star admiral, ret) Bo Österlund has studied closely the changes in the Baltic security policy and the pertinent research on the subject during his operative duties in the Finnish Naval Forces, as CO of the Gulf of Finland Naval Command. As military Attaché in Stockholm, and as Commander of the Military Command of Turku and Pori. His study “The Changing Baltic” was published in collaboration with Professor Mikko Viitasalo: he has also written several articles on the issue, and participated in planning the preparative security measures concerning sea traffic and the Finnish harbours. In recent years, a particular interest has been focused on the security of energy and maintenance activities and sea traffic in the Baltic region. Centrum Balticum is not responsible for the opinions expressed in the article. Baltic Sea Policy Briefing 1 / 2013 22.1.2013 1 The challenges of security policy have throughout our stormy history been characteristic of the Baltic region where the sea has always served as a traffic route, a centre of trade, a theatre of war, a seat of partitioning states, a seat of creating spheres of influence as regards security or defence policy.
    [Show full text]