Chronicle 233 US politicians. The "party boss" governed without rivals from a strong power base using good organisational skills. But "boss" leaders tended to have low levels of activism and low levels of innovation in policy terms. In a sense, their leadership was a holding operation. The Goss Labor Government: Structured Underachievement or Progressive EARC's New Electoral Redistribution for the Conservatism? Legislative Assembly The Goss Labor government began 1991 in firm The Electoral and Administrative Review control of the political agenda and with a high Commission announced its new electoral level of confidence. By the end of the year they redistribution on 30 August for the eighty-nine were showing considerable strain as a Legislative Assembly seats. Five electoral parliamentary rorts scandal claimed the scalps districts of over 100,000 square kilometres of two ministers. A growing nervousness (Charters Towers, Cook, Mount Isa, Gregory, characterised the state government and signs of and Warrego) were given a weightage policy inertia and indecision were apparent. The advantage ranging from 3,906 notional voters to government moved into damage control, 7,193 voters, whereas the other eighty-four actively battening down the hatches even electorates were expected to have a quota of though they were still twelve months away from 23,128 by 1995. By contrast, Warrego, one of the next election. With revived spirits among the larger land mass seats was expected to have the non-Labor parties, the Goss team was only 11,482 electors. This effectively provided relieved to struggle through to the Christmas Warrego voters with a vote worth twice that of break. By December a crisis of political will the eighty-four unweighted electorates. imposed itself over the government's previously With many of the proposed seats involving cavalier style. entirely new boundaries with new names, The overriding philosophy guiding existing politicians immediately began jossling government policy was that Queenslanders were for safe areas to represent. The Labor Party innately conservative and resented any resolved some fifty of its seats in late September significant changes. This confined government and early October, leaving only three sitting action and imposed a fairly limited filter over members to contest local plebiscites (although decision-making according to electoral damage. at one time both the Environment Minister, Pat Where the electorate appeared not to care or to Comben, and new boy Rod Welford, were be uninterested in issues, this gave the contesting the seat of Kedron). In the National government room to manoeuvre, but where Party the then leader appeared electorally sensitive issues emerged the left out when received government ducked for cover. Thus, Goss backing for the seat of Western Downs strenuously opposed the decriminalisation of (covering Roma, Chinchilla and Dalby). Cooper prostitution, pornography remained restricted, had to opt for Crows Nest — a similarly safe and the government performed a backflip over seat and one much closer to than his the contentious issue of daylight saving because old seat of Roma — but one which was some of rural opposition. Government ministers and 350 kilometres from his property. As a face- advisers, who tended to regard themselves as saving ploy the Nationals announced that smart operators, were prepared to show a little Cooper had "chosen" the Crows Nest electorate structured underachievement and slip easily into because it was fitting that the party leader was a style of gradual conservatism. In response, a closer to Brisbane. Other battles ensued over number of pointed jokes circulated in safe conservative seats between sitting members Queensland about nothing changing in in the Liberal and National Parties. The new Queensland. seat of Surfer's Paradise was to be contested by The role of the Premier, , and the sitting Deputy Leader of the Nationals, Rob his style of management was emerging by late Borbidge, and the Liberal's Trevor Coomber 1991. Goss worked at the image of a popular, (then the member for Currumbin), in what ordinary, hard-working leader. He maintained would become a tight contest on the 1989 high credibility in opinion polls, and was by fax figures. the Labor Party's main asset. In leadership The process of reforming the state's electoral terms, though, Goss assumed the role of a seats by EARC was in the end a major typical "party boss" in a similar way to many achievement by the Commission. EARC 234 Chronicle successfully diffused a potentially highly police, and provided for the expansion of charged and contentious political issue of available financial assistance for low income immediate concern to serving politicians and home ownership. The Treasurer also announced their political party machines. The new system slight reductions in land tax rates and payroll was introduced with little fuss, and with a tax. Although the Treasurer kept the promise of measure of broad acceptance. But the issue of "no new taxes", the government announced optional preferential voting was a remaining (contrary to CJC recommendations) that poker "worry" to party organisers in all three major machines would be introduced into Queensland, parties. with an expected revenue to the government of $80-100 million. Following the Budget, teacher The Bjelke-Petersen Perjury Trial numbers were increased by 1,500 in an attempt to absorb the numbers of graduates looking for The trial of Joh Bjelke-Petersen commenced on positions. 24 September with perhaps more media interest Local business generally welcomed the than a royal visit. Although initially charged budget's measures, especially the capital works with three counts of perjury and official programme. The Opposition presented a very corruption, the former premier was tried on only different assessment of the Budget, claiming one charge of perjury. The trial lasted over four that it simply maintained present arrangements, weeks ending on 19 October, and in the end and was not sufficiently directed toward job produced an inconclusive result (thus a not creation and private sector growth. guilty verdict) due to a hung jury. Allegations Clearly, the rural drought impacted on the surfaced after the trial that the jury had been state budget in both reducing some sources of purposely stymied on political grounds (with a revenue from affected industries (and regions), 10-2 split going against the former premier). and in requiring additional state expenditure to The Crown Special Prosecutor decided not to alleviate the effects of the drought on farmers. push for a retrial due in part to the age of the The cost of the drought was calculated by former premier. Treasury to be in the order of $570 million to In the trial the previous state president of the the state's gross domestic product. Moreover, a Nationals, Robert Sparkes, and a number of rescue package of $38 million was also set aside former private secretaries admitted in court that as compensation for the timber industry as a the former premier's thought processes were not consequence of the Fraser Island Inquiry, which methodical, that he was inarticulate and would recommended a stop to logging within six often forget details and names of people he months. knew well. The Crown, fearing that it might not secure a conviction if this evidence was The Public Sector Management Commission unchallenged, countered by suggesting that the former premier was not befuddled but had In its first full year of operations the PSMC cost deliberately lied to the . But $3.6 million (1990-91) and employed fifty-three the evidence presented by the Crown was not full time staff plus casual staff and assistance sufficient to convince the jury thus implying seconded from agencies under review. During that the former premier's defence was accepted. the last six months of 1991 the review area The man Bjelke-Petersen appointed as his completed its programme of first-round police commissioner was less fortunate. In management reviews into departments. Reviews August 1991 Terry Lewis was gaoled for of Education, DEVETIR, and Tourism Sport fourteen years for corruption. The former police and Racing were completed by September, commissioner was found guilty on fifteen while reviews into the last departments of counts of corruption spanning over a decade and Family Services and Aboriginal and Islander began his sentence the day before crime bosses Affairs, Transport, Resource Industries and Geraldo Bellino and Vittorio Conte were also Housing and Local Government, were gaoled for seven years for bribery. completed by the year's end. With these completed the review area was to be scaled A "Helping Hand" Budget down with its future role being to oversee implementation and conduct smaller functional The state Budget was described by the Treasurer reviews. as "a helping hand" but responsible budget for In the PSMC's work plan for the latter part of Queensland. It included a modest growth in 1991 they developed principles for capital works (up to $3 billion), in education regionalisation some time after many agencies funding, health and nursing, national parks, had actually regionalised. The Commission Chronicle 235 supervised the introduction of the Senior Aboriginal adviser to the government, Marcia Executive Service from 1 July 1991 (involving Langton, also resigned at this time because of around 300 senior public officials). SES officers racist remarks from staff in the Premier's thus became a new elite, employed on a form of Department. performance contract, with tenure retained at levels below present appointment. With much of The Lure of "New Federalism" its work accomplished, the PSMC began to consider its own downsizing, reducing its Queensland, like other states, became drawn functions possibly to a skeleton HRM and into the debates to reform federal state relations grievance commission. Some downsizing through special premiers' conferences. The occurred sooner than expected when one of the Hawke government's initiative in promoting a three commissioners resigned and his position reassessment of federal relations (supposedly was left unfilled. toward greater devolution) was something of a swansong for Bob Hawke's leadership. The The Social Reform Agenda earlier conferences had essentially extracted commitments from state premiers to coordinate One of the criticisms of the Goss government in areas of policy or regulation relating to micro- its first two years was that it concentrated on economic reform, without much exchange of social reform and tended to neglect strategies vertical powers. The proposed November for economic growth. While there is some basis conference was intended to debate new tax for this criticism, it is also true that the sharing arrangements, including allowing states government approached social reform most more taxing powers. The Queensland cautiously. The government slowed its social government was interested in securing reform agenda, delaying making policy additional federal funding or powers but not decisions, and watering down the implications interested in handing over areas of state of other reforms. Anti-discrimination legislation responsibility which made more sense for the was proposed, but the government's bill in many federal government to provide (such as all post- ways legitimated existing discrimination. school education and training, including TAFE). Indeed, the government went to inordinate Once nailed the process of lengths to ensure that its proposals would not devolution and opposed any major reduction in offend any sectional interests (in many cases federal powers, the Hawke initiatives were precisely those sectional interests that buried. Labor's federal caucus revolted against discriminated most). Similarly, freedom of Hawke twice in late 1991; the first time to information legislation was introduced which, in prevent any major realignment of taxing a now familiar pattern, appeared on closer powers, the second, to remove him from the inspection to resemble freedom from position of prime minister. information (perhaps showing that the Media parochialism also jumped on the new Queensland government were not about to federalism bandwaggon in 1991. Local news repeat the political folly of the Victorian Labor outlets, especially the Courier-Mail, began a government which had introduced fairly open beat up campaign on the absence of a legislation much to its own cost). Queenslander in the Hawke federal cabinet Further damage was done to the (which had existed since 1988). Queensland was government's social reforming image by supposed to miss out on all sorts of benefits injudicious and reprehensible comments in because of this "snub". Even Professor Ken Parliament by the government's Parliamentary Wiltshire ventured that "the federal system Whip, Bill Prest, member for Port Curtis risked imbalance without fair representation of (Gladstone). Prest abused the former National the states in cabinet" (Courier-Mail, 19 July Party minister Bob Katter (Flinders) for being a 1991). "gin jockey", and later apologising to the "dark girls" for the slur. Despite widespread calls for The Liberal Leadership Change his resignation as Whip, and some for his resignation from Parliament, the Goss had entered Parliament via a by- government attempted to sit out the crisis. The election in 1988. Although she supported some non-decision taken by the government (to do of the government's social legislation (notably nothing) because Prest was significant in the decriminalising homosexuality), she initially Premier's right faction, showed that many on the achieved prominence only when she expressed government benches had a lot to learn about her outrage over the circulation of "dumb what "new accountability" meant. A senior blonde" jokes. The incident was treated as a 236 Chronicle light-hearted diversion from the main events. and improper behaviour seemed to have been But shortly after this episode Joan Sheldon the norm in the previous Parliament. But, in a issued a press statement criticising her own strange twist of the plot, the CJC did not party's low stocks in opinion polls and urging provide the names of those accused of misusing action to rectify the situation. It appeared at the funds. Coming in the aftermath of a number of time as an embarrassing slip by a political very public trials of former Queensland novice. ministers for rorting their ministerial expense However, in the back rooms of the party allowances, this seemed an odd application of other assessments of the Liberal leadership were logic. However, in what proved to be a taking place. , the party leader, deliberate strategy, the CJC gave the exact was known as an avid supporter of the federal number of offenders, and listed detailed consumption tax policy and as a fierce advocate examples of abuse and provided thirteen case of the party remaining independent and studies illustrating their findings. This in effect challenging the Nationals in safe conservative challenged the media and those politicians not seats. Numbers were already being counted for involved to ferret out the culprits and expose a leadership spill in the parliamentary party, them across the front pages of the newspapers. with some assistance from the party's Trial by media outrage and the politicisation of organisational wing under Paul Everingham, the the CJC were both inevitable. former Northern Territory Chief Minister. Initially it appeared as though the "rorters" While there was some agreement to remove would get off scott free, because each political Beanland, who was a competent politician but party had offenders with some still senior in the formulaic and lacking in that intangible hierarchy. But with many National and Liberal ingredient "charisma", there ws no obvious parliamentarians swept from their seats at the successor. 1989 election, the current political fallout Although two more senior contenders, David impacted predominantly on the newly Watson and , lobbied for the job, accountable Goss Labor government. Although and despite her inexperience, the party machine the Goss team was beginning to squirm, they threw its weight behind Joan Sheldon and on believed that their trump card was that the Monday, 11 November, her challenge present Opposition leader Russell Cooper was succeeded. Apparently the challenge was also one of those involved in the rorts. motivated by concerns about the Party's image, Yet in a shock move, Russell Cooper about having to harness themselves with admitted he was "member 1" in the CJC list, unsaleable policies, about the direction in which and announced his intention to stand down from the party appeared to be heading under the National party leadership. The government Beanland, and the consequences for future was thrown into disarray, and the Premier could arrangements. offer no more than to urge MPs to pay back the necessary funds. The Cooper resignation and The Parliamentary Rorts Affair and the CJC public strategies by the Liberals to name senior government members, resulted in many of the In early December the Criminal Justice CJC's list becoming public. A number of Commission handed down a report into the ministers had been named and speculation at misuse of parliamentary travel entitlements by one stage included up to fourteen out of a members of the previous Parliament (from Cabinet of eighteen when parliamentary bowls 1986-89). The report found that over forty competitions and other non-documented cases members had misused funds costing taxpayers were added to the CJC's list. The Premier, after around $3 million. For the most part, reviewing relevant information on travel parliamentarians had rorted the system by misuse, accepted the resignations of two senior taking family holidays (often over Easter, ministers, (from Police) and Christmas or the school holidays) while Ken McElligott (Health), and the Deputy claiming to be on parliamentary business. Trips Speaker of the House, Clem Campbell. were taken to snow resorts in winter, to New Both ministers believed they had done Zealand for summer vacations, to casinos for nothing wrong and that they were simply the relaxation, to Queensland's tropical islands, to victims of some strange moral judgements from national parks, and around Australia on the CJC and media. They went kicking and extended motoring holidays. screaming. McElligott claimed that the CJC was Of fifty-four MPs investigated only two a "kangaroo court", while Mackenroth implied were found to be exceptions to the widespread that the CJC had conducted a political vendetta abuse of the system. Indeed, a culture of abuse to get him. It was later revealed that Mackenroth Chronicle 237 had written to the Commisioner of Police step in. Nevertheless, elevation of claiming that the Police chief had been to the leadership of the National Party presented incompetent, had not pursued the reform agenda the government with a more agressive and fully and had himself taken holidays at pugnacious opponent in Parliament and in the taxpayers expense. Given that Mackenroth was media. the minister responsible for overseeing the Shortly before Christmas the Nationals and Police, this was a somewhat short-sighted attack Liberals announced that they would formally on the Commissioner. But this attack led to a enter an electoral agreement which would further investigation of Noel Newnham, the become a coalition agreement after tne next Police Commissioner. election. Borbidge was especially concerned Thus, after celebrating two successful years about the likelihood of his own Gold Coast seat in office, the political crisis for the Goss falling to a credible Liberal candidate. Hence, in government was a severe blow to their clean part the agreement was designed to alleviate the image and and their political management of the Nationals from bitter inter-conservative post-Fitzgerald agenda. Two senior and struggles. It also brought the Liberals in from competent ministers were sacrificed to preserve the wilderness and gave them some cause for the government's credibility. Moreover, the optimism. Joan Sheldon appeared less agressive crisis was not concluded by the year's end and in challenging sitting Nationals than had further fallout continued into 1992. Beanland earlier. Yet, whether this coalition- For the CJC, the report and its reception type agreement was a sign of consensual highlighted the awkward relationship emerging leadership between the two new party leaders, between the commission and the government. or an opportunistic ploy remained to be seen. The crisis left the CJC (and especially its head But the agreement indicated that the two non- Max Bingham) more politicised and more Labor parties were becoming more realistic distrusted by the executive and Labor caucus. about their prospects of forming government But, while the CJC could have handled the crisis under EARC's fairer electoral system. with less drama, the rorts scandal indicated that governments are only too happy to see J.W. independent commissions investigating the sins of others, but loath to accept them snooping into their own affairs. In the end, all parties seemed to acknowledge that good government requires not only that ministers behave competently, but that they behave accountably and accept the fmdings of independent parliamentary bodies.

The National Party Leadership and Refloating the Idea of a Coalition Significantly, the rorting incident allowed the Opposition and Liberal parties to run the political agenda for the first time since 1989. For the first time in the two years of the Goss government, the non-Labor parties had the government reeling. A new injection of confidence emerged in both parties; a particularly crucial factor with the state election due in under twelve months. With the surprise resignation of Russell Cooper as Opposition leader, the Nationals turned to the deputy leader, Rob Borbidge, who had only months previously failed to dislodge Cooper from the position in a botched challenge. The Nationals' decision was complicated because Borbidge did not represent a rural seat (although he claimed something of a rural past). But there was no one else with sufficient credibility or sufficiently articulate to