Wik Decision and the Government's Proposed Amendments to the Native Title Act 1993
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National Policy Implementation in Queensland
National Policy Implementation in Queensland: the Politics of National Competition Policy in the 1990s. Thesis re-submitted by Brett Heyward in July 2004 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Political Science Discipline School of Humanities James Cook University i STATEMENT OF ACCESS I, the undersigned, author of this work, understand that James Cook University will make this thesis available for use within the University Library and, via the Australian Digital Theses network, for use elsewhere. I understand that, as an unpublished work, a thesis has significant protection under the Copyright Act and; I do not wish to place any further restriction on access to this work. _________________________ ______________ Signature Date ELECTRONIC COPY I, the undersigned, the author of this work, declare that the electronic copy of this thesis provided to the James Cook University Library is an accurate copy of the print thesis submitted, within the limits of the technology available. _________________________ ______________ Signature Date Declaration I declare that this thesis is my own work and has not been submitted in any form for another degree or diploma at any university or other institution of tertiary education. In formation derived from the published work of others has been acknowledged in the text and a list of references given. …………………………………… ……………… (Date) x Table of Contents Page Abstract iv List of Tables vi List of Figures vii Abbreviations viii Chapter One - Introduction 1 Chapter Two – The Policy Environment 64 Chapter Three – The changing context of NCP Implementation in 117 Queensland Chapter Four – The National Competition Council and the 169 implementation of NCP Chapter Five – Case Study Examples 218 Chapter Six – Key Findings and Conclusion 296 Bibliography 332 Appendices Appendix 1 – Analysis of arguments presented by John 345 Quiggin ii Abstract This is a thesis that focuses on the implementation of a national policy platform – the National Competition Policy – by the Queensland Government. -
Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001
Abolition of the Upper House Community Engagement – Updated 27 March 2001 THE ABOLITION OF THE UPPER HOUSE IN QUEENSLAND INTRODUCTION Unicameral legislatures, or legislatures with only one chamber, are uncommon in democracies. It is usually considered that two chambers are necessary for government, and this is the case for the United Kingdom, Canada (at the Federal level) and the United States (Federally, and for all states except Nebraska.) However, some countries, usually small ones, are unicameral. Israel, Denmark, Finland, Luxembourg, Sweden, and Greece have only one chamber. All the Canadian Provinces, all the Malaysian States and some of the Indian ones, including Assam, are unicameral. Other single-chambered legislatures in the Commonwealth include New Zealand, Ghana, Cyprus, Sierra Leone, Tanzania, Uganda, Malta, Malawi, Zambia, Gambia, Guyana, Singapore, Botswana, Zimbabwe and (Western) Samoa. In Australia, the Federal Government has two chambers, as do the governments of all the states, except Queensland. At its separation from New South Wales in 1859, Queensland had two houses of Parliament, the Legislative Assembly and the Legislative Council. But in a move unique in Australian history, the Legislative Council abolished itself. EARLY DAYS OF THE LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL, 1860-1890 Queensland, separated from New South Wales in 1859, was the only colony to have a Parliament from its inception. When the Parliament of Queensland was first promulgated in 1860, there were two houses of Parliament. The first members of the Upper House, the Legislative Council, were appointed for five years by the Governor of New South Wales, so that Queensland would not be left permanently with nominees from the Governor of another colony. -
Koala Protection Act Sent to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull
23 May 2016 Australian Press Release: Koala Protection Act sent to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull Koala Foundation The Australian Koala Foundation (AKF) has written to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, Opposition Leader Bill Shorten, Nationals Leader Barnaby Joyce and Greens Leader Richard A.C.N. 010 922 102 Di Natale today to request their support for a Koala Protection Act. The Koala Protection Act is a piece of national legislation that has been formulated by the AKF in consultation with legal teams in Australia and overseas focusing on protecting Koala habitat. Current legislation focuses on the Koala itself but not their habitat. A draft of the Act was enclosed, along with a Statutory Declaration for all leaders to sign prior to the election that states that they will seek to support the Koala via this legislation should they be re-elected. CEO of the AKF Deborah Tabart OAM said that the Act is based on the USA’s Bald Eagle Act that brought the Bald Eagle back from the brink of extinction. She said as Australia’s national icon, the Koala needs the same strength of purpose. “It is not our intention to offend the leaders by requesting they sign a Statutory Declaration, but rather a determination borne of frustration over the AKF’s 30-year experience,” said Ms Tabart. “Since 1988 when I was appointed as CEO of the AKF I have had conversations and correspondence with the who’s who of Australian politics; Environment Ministers at the Federal level and Premiers at the State level."[see notes below] Ms Tabart said the number of Environment Ministers in each State and the Mayors of the 320 Councils in Koala Habitat that she has also corresponded with is too high to remember. -
Legislative Assembly Hansard 1985
Queensland Parliamentary Debates [Hansard] Legislative Assembly TUESDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1985 Electronic reproduction of original hardcopy 2196 5 November 1985 Reply to Motion of Condolence TUESDAY, 5 NOVEMBER 1985 Mr SPEAKER (Hon. J. H. Waraer, Toowoomba South) read prayers and took the chair at 11 a.m. ASSENT TO BILLS Assent to the following Bills reported by Mr Speaker— Australia Acts (Request) Bill; Rural Lands Protection Bill; Small Claims Tribunals and Dividing Fences Acts Amendment Bill; Private Employment Agencies Act Amendment BUl; Gas Act Amendment Bill; Electricity Supply Industry Employees' Superannuation Restoration Bill; Penalty Units Bill; Police Act Amendment Bill (No. 2); Police (Photographs) Act Amendment Bill. PAPER PRINTED DURING RECESS Mr SPEAKER: I have to report that the following paper was ordered to be printed and circulated during the recess— Report of the Auditor-General on the books and accounts of the Brisbane City CouncU 1984-85. REPORT OF THE PARLIAMENTARY COMMISSIONER FOR ADMINISTRATIVE INVESTIGATIONS Mr SPEAKER announced the receipt from the Parliamentary Commissioner for Administrative Investigations of his 1984-85 report. Ordered to be printed. REPLY TO MOTION OF CONDOLENCE Death of Mr E. J. Beardmore, MBE Mr SPEAKER: I have to inform the House that I have received the following letter- 'Rosehill' Station St. George, Q. 4487 20 October, 1985. The Speaker of the Parliament, Hon. J. H. Warner, M.L.A., Parliament House, George Street, BRISBANE, 4000 Dear Mr. Speaker, Would you please convey to the Members of the Parliament our deep appreciation for the Motion of Condolence passed by the Legislative Assembly, Papers 5 November 1985 2197 on the death of our father, Edwin James Beardmore M.B.E. -
Cape Melville Affair Coverage: What Is News? 131
Cape Melville affair coverage: what is news? 131 Cape Melville affair coverage: what is news? David Conley and Geoff Turner Many observers saw coverage of the so-called Cape Melville affair as a post-Fitzgerald litmus test of the Brisbane media’s watchdog duties with a government regarded as popular and competent. But who was watching the watchdogs? Conflicting news judgments could easily be detected on the importance of allega- tions embroiling two of the Premier’s closest confi- dantes. The state Opposition sensed a scandal but a Criminal Justice Commission (CJC) inquiry cleared the Premier’s staff of any wrongdoing. In media circles the story created special interest because those who dis- tributed the “chook feed” were coming under direct public scrutiny by “the chooks”. An examination of the coverage raises questions about the symbiotic relation- ship between government and the media which was canvassed in the 1993 Electoral and Administrative Re- view Commission (EARC) report. N examination of media coverage on a specific issue or controversy often will demonstrate wide variance in Anews values. Sometimes an interpretation of what is newsworthy pivots upon such vagaries as editorial space, staff availability and a plethora of significant public occurrences on a given day. The force of public circumstance makes what is news- worthy one day not newsworthy the next and vice versa. As White (1991, p.21) notes, “news is a creature of infinite variety. Its value changes, according to its audience, its time, its place, its actors and its competition”. When such imponderable effects are 132 Australian Studies in Journalism added as subjectivity, deadlines, defamation concerns, perceived public interest and the interplay of influential personalities in and outside the newsroom, clinical objectivity can become more theory than reality. -
UEENSLAND Polit EFORM GROUP
t Submission No: . L8. UEENSLAND POLiT EFORM GROUP hOUSESTANDINGOF p[p~(( ‘~x~..~; ~, 0738162120 Noel Turner LJ~GA±ANDAPPAJRSCONS P0 Box 563 Booval 4304 Submission ofcorrespondence copies as evidence of activity relating to: •:~ The shredding of the Heiner documents by the authority of the Queensland Government Executive on 23.3.1990, and the following cover-up to date ~• The Lindeberg Grievance submitted by the late MrRobert Greenwood QC This material is circulated to: •~ The H.ouse ofRepresentatives Standing Committee on Legal and Constitutional Afairs; “Crime in the Community” (Secretary Gillian Gould •~ The Australian Senate Select Committee on the Lindeberg Grievance (Secretary Alistair Sands ~• Professor Bruce Grundy, Department ofJournalism and Communications, University of Queensland, St Lucia, Brisbane. This material is organised in six (6) small folios covering the period from March 1996 (1993) to 1998. Each folio covers an initiative by us ( members of the Queensland Political Reform Group QPRG), and related responses to our initiatives, also supporting extracts of publications and public statements. The OPRG has as its objective , sound and just to all parties resolution of the events leading to the shredding of the Ileiner Inquiry Documents in Queensland on 23 -03 — 1990, and the following and continuing cover-up, and to have this conducted as a lawful and constitutional exercise by Queensland and AustralianPublic Institutions. ) Arrangement ofthe documents, and what they reveal 1. The first folio, docs 1 — 4 , show that OPRG was stating/supporting our view that only a specifically constituted Commission of Inquiry could competently examine the circumstances of the shredding of the Heiner Inquiry Documents, the following cover-up and political denials. -
Hansard 8 Sep 2000
8 Sep 2000 Legislative Assembly 3197 FRIDAY, 8 SEPTEMBER 2000 Queensland's export earnings. But it is an Aussie company that took the risk and the initiative in the first place and I want to congratulate Bindaree Beef, its Chairman John Mr SPEAKER (Hon. R. K. Hollis, Redcliffe) MacDonald and the board of directors for read prayers and took the chair at 9.30 a.m. putting their faith—and their money—in this project. I met with them; they are very decent Australians. I would particularly single out PETITIONS Leigh Belbeck, the human resources The Clerk announced the receipt of the manager, who has invested a great deal of following petitions— time and effort to make today possible. Bindaree has assured us the minimum work force will initially comprise 230 people, with Water (Allocation and Management) Bill plans to expand capacity over the next four From Mr Malone (62 petitioners) years and so create more jobs. requesting the House to delay the passage of In supporting this venture through active the Water (Allocation and Management) Bill and constructive Government assistance, my until an assessment of the impacts are Government is fulfilling two key policy investigated and not until industry is consulted priorities—job creation in sustainable export as to these impacts. industries and rebuilding regional Queensland. In the last year export revenue from the meat industry increased to over $1.3 billion. This Synergy Industrial Park makes it the State's second largest export From Dr Watson (2,554 petitioners) after coal, contributing about half of Australia's requesting the House to abandon the total export earnings from the meat industry. -
Mark Lauchs Thesis
‘Rational Avoidance of Accountability by Queensland Governments’ Mark Adam Lauchs LL.B., BA (Hons.) School of Justice Law Faculty QUT PhD Thesis 2006 Keywords: Queensland History, Public Sector Ethics, Accountability, Public Service, Anthony Downs, Public Choice Theory, Public Service Reform, Freedom of Information, Whistleblowers, Integrity Commissioner, Criminal Justice Commission, Electoral and Administrative Review Commission, Public Service Commissioner. Abstract: Anthony Downs public choice theory proposes that every rational person would try to meet their own desires in preference to those of others, and that such rational persons would attempt to obtain these desires in the most efficient manner possible. This thesis submits that the application of this theory would mean that public servants and politicians would perform acts of corruption and maladministration in order to efficiently meet their desires. As such action is unavoidable, political parties must appear to meet the public demand for accountability systems, but must not make these systems viable lest they expose the corruption and maladministration that would threaten the government’s chance or re-election. The thesis demonstrates this hypothesis through a study of the history of the public sector in Queensland. It shows that all governments have displayed a commitment for accountability whilst simultaneously ensuring the systems would not be able to interfere with government control or expose its flaws. Table of Contents: Chapter 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Background: the -
The History of the Queensland Parliament, 1957–1989
14 . The demise of the Coalition and the Nationals governing alone, 1981–1983 In 1980, backroom plans had been already entertained for a stand-alone National Party government supplemented by a few Liberal ‘ministerialists’— opportunists who would cross over and side with whatever the next ministry turned out to be in order to remain part of the next government. Historically, ‘ministerialists’ were typically senior parliamentarians who, forgoing party loyalties, decided to collaborate as individuals in the formulation of a new government. After the 1980 election, however, any such musing was put on hold as the two conservative parties lapsed back into coalition. This time, the Nationals clearly imposed their dominance, taking the prime portfolios and consigning the ‘leftovers’ to the Liberals. Labor began to refer to the junior partners as ‘Dr Edwards and his shattered Liberal team’—the losers who were ‘now completely the captive of the National Party’ (QPD 1981:vol. 283, p. 7). Despite his vitriolic attacks against the Premier and the National-led government, Llew Edwards retained his position as Deputy Premier and Treasurer—positions he would keep until he was deposed by Terry White on the eve of the Coalition collapse in August 1983, although there was an unsuccessful attempt by dissident Liberals to remove Edwards in November 1981. When the Premier learned about the dissident Liberal plan to topple Edwards, with Angus Innes taking the lead, he declared Innes an ‘anti-coalitionist’ and someone with whom he would not work. Instead, Bjelke-Petersen began hatching plans to form a minority government with whomsoever among the Liberals who would give him support; and then to govern alone until mid-1982. -
QUEENSLAND January to June 2001
552 Political Chronicles QUEENSLAND January to June 2001 JOHN WANNA and TRACEY ARKLAY School of Politics and Public Policy, Griffith University Playing Smart Politics with a Divided Opposition On 23 January, after embarking on a three week "listening tour" around the state's shopping centres, jumping on public transport and swimming with sharks, the Premier Peter Beattie called an early election for 17 February 2001 — with six months of his first term remaining. The campaign ran for 26 days, the shortest permissible under the Electoral Act. The catalyst for the snap poll was the damage to Beattie's government caused by the "electoral rorts" scandal involving mainly the powerful Australian Workers' Union faction. While the initial allegations of electoral fraud had involved pre-selection battles in two Townsville seats, the repercussions were much wider engulfing the entire party and bringing down the Deputy Premier Jim Elder and two backbenchers, Grant Musgrove and Mike Kaiser. However, Beattie's political opponents were divided and Labor benefitted from a four-way split among the conservative side of politics and some other conservative independents. From the outset of the campaign, Beattie attempted to present his team as "clean" and free of rorters. He argued that the evidence to the Shepherdson inquiry (see previous Queensland Political Chronicle) demonstrated that the rorters were "just a tiny cell of people acting alone, and they have resigned or been expelled, and I don't believe anyone else is involved" (Courier-Mail, 17 January 2001). As the campaign commenced, it became clear that Labor's campaign was not just organised around the Premier; Beattie was Labor's campaign. -
Hansard 30 Oct 1996
30 Oct 1996 Papers 3629 WEDNESDAY, 30 OCTOBER 1996 DISTINGUISHED VISITOR Mr F. Turner Mr SPEAKER: Order! As Speaker, one Mr SPEAKER (Hon. N. J. Turner, Nicklin) acknowledges visiting dignitaries and members of Parliament in the public gallery. read prayers and took the chair at 9.30 a.m. Today, I believe I create a part of history in welcoming the most important dignitary whom PRIVILEGE I will ever welcome in the Speaker's Gallery—my 97 year old father. Resignation of Mr K. Carruthers, QC Honourable members: Hear, hear! Mr BEATTIE (Brisbane Central—Leader Mr Mackenroth: May you live as long, of the Opposition) (9.31 a.m.): I rise on a Mr Speaker. matter of privilege. Yesterday saw the forced resignation of former Supreme Court Judge Mr Mr SPEAKER: If I take it easy and do Kenneth Carruthers, QC, as head of an inquiry not work very hard like he did, I am sure that I into a secret deal involving the Premier and will live to his age. the Police Minister. I rise to inform Parliament that this PETITIONS morning I delivered a letter to the Premier The Clerk announced the receipt of the pointing out the seriousness of this matter and following petitions— indicating that, unfortunately, unless the Government moves within the next 24 hours to amend the terms of reference or the Gun Control Laws enabling legislation to allow the Carruthers From Mr Littleproud (269 signatories) inquiry to continue without any outside requesting the House to explain why it interference then, regrettably, we have no considers that the nation's law-makers have a alternative but to move a motion of no clear and urgent duty to legislate against the confidence in this Government in an attempt lawful owners of firearms in Queensland in to restore integrity and honesty to the order to fulfil an obligation to the Federal Government of Queensland. -
Queensland July to December 1999
Political Chronicles 237 Queensland July to December 1999 JOHN WANNA Politics and Public Policy, Griffith University Gambling on Pulling Through Although the Beattie government was approaching mid-term, political events in the latter half of 1999 were anything but dull. The Labor government gradually began to establish its own direction and policy agenda but was simultaneously confronted with a series of difficulties and political scandals — embroiling ministers and backbenchers. Commencing the year as a majority government, Beattie ended the year sliding back into minority government with the added uncertainty of facing two by-elections in Labor seats. Although the government appeared confident, it was often spooked by events — some admittedly beyond their control but others certainly of their own making. Every political issue was perceived as a risk with the potential to bring down the government — and there were many constant reminders of the slenderness of their grip on power. While a potent mixture of gambling and sex scandals marred Labor's credibility, the oppositional parties fared little better, with the Nationals engaged in internal discord, the Liberals unable to impress, and the remnants of One Nation thrown to the four winds. Leadership speculation would continue to dog both Coalition parties with some members making their dissatisfaction apparent over the lack of effectiveness against the Labor government. The year overall would be remembered as a testing time for all in Queensland politics. Despite the occasional gaffe, overall support for the Labor government remained strong. Polls generally put Labor ahead of the combined Coalition and One Nation vote on a two-party preferred basis — but with the fragmentation of the vote at the 1998 election such figures were treated by all sides with caution.