The Impact of Redistricting in YOUR Community
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STATE APPORTIONMENT of CORPORATE INCOME (Formulas for Tax Year 2021 -- As of January 1, 2021)
STATE APPORTIONMENT OF CORPORATE INCOME (Formulas for tax year 2021 -- as of January 1, 2021) ALABAMA * Double wtd Sales MONTANA * 3 Factor ALASKA* 3 Factor NEBRASKA Sales ARIZONA * Sales/Double wtd Sales NEVADA No State Income Tax ARKANSAS * Sales NEW HAMPSHIRE Double wtd Sales CALIFORNIA * Sales NEW JERSEY Sales COLORADO * Sales NEW MEXICO * 3 Factor/Sales CONNECTICUT Sales NEW YORK Sales DELAWARE Sales NORTH CAROLINA * Sales FLORIDA Double wtd Sales NORTH DAKOTA * 3 Factor/Sales GEORGIA Sales OHIO N/A (2) HAWAII * 3 Factor OKLAHOMA 3 Factor IDAHO * Double wtd Sales OREGON Sales ILLINOIS * Sales PENNSYLVANIA Sales INDIANA Sales RHODE ISLAND Sales IOWA Sales SOUTH CAROLINA Sales KANSAS * 3 Factor SOUTH DAKOTA No State Income Tax KENTUCKY * Sales TENNESSEE Triple wtd Sales LOUISIANA Sales TEXAS Sales MAINE * Sales UTAH Sales MARYLAND (3) 75.0% Sales, 12.5% Property VERMONT Double wtd Sales & Payroll VIRGINIA Double wtd Sales/Sales MASSACHUSETTS Sales/Double wtd Sales WASHINGTON No State Income Tax MICHIGAN Sales WEST VIRGINIA * Double wtd Sales MINNESOTA Sales WISCONSIN * Sales MISSISSIPPI Sales/Other (1) WYOMING No State Income Tax MISSOURI * Sales DIST. OF COLUMBIA Sales Source: Compiled by FTA from state sources. Notes: The formulas listed are for general manufacturing businesses. Some industries have a special formula different from the one shown. * State has adopted substantial portions of the UDITPA (Uniform Division of Income Tax Purposes Act). Slash (/) separating two formulas indicates taxpayer option or specified by state rules. 3 Factor = sales, property, and payroll equally weighted. Double wtd Sales = 3 factors with sales double-weighted Sales = single sales factor (1) Mississippi provides different apportionment formulas based on specific type of business. -
Local Election Act;
1 AN ACT 2 RELATING TO ELECTIONS; ENACTING THE LOCAL ELECTION ACT; 3 PROVIDING FOR A SINGLE ELECTION DAY AND UNIFORM PROCESSES FOR 4 CERTAIN LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS; PROVIDING THAT CERTAIN 5 BALLOT MEASURE ELECTIONS THAT ARE HELD AT TIMES OTHER THAN 6 WITH REGULAR LOCAL ELECTIONS ONLY BE CONDUCTED BY MAILED 7 BALLOT; REQUIRING SPECIAL STATEWIDE BALLOT QUESTION ELECTIONS 8 TO BE CONDUCTED BY MAILED BALLOT; PROHIBITING ADVISORY 9 QUESTIONS ON THE BALLOT; UPDATING CIRCUMSTANCES CAUSING A 10 VACANCY IN LOCAL OFFICE; NAMING CHAPTER 1, ARTICLE 24 NMSA 11 1978 THE "SPECIAL ELECTION ACT"; CHANGING THE LIMITS ON SOIL 12 AND WATER CONSERVATION LEVIES; REPEALING THE SCHOOL ELECTION 13 LAW, THE MAIL BALLOT ELECTION ACT, THE MUNICIPAL ELECTION 14 CODE AND OTHER PROVISIONS OF LAW IN CONFLICT WITH THE LOCAL 15 ELECTION ACT; MAKING CONFORMING AMENDMENTS TO OTHER SECTIONS 16 OF LAW; MAKING AN APPROPRIATION. 17 18 BE IT ENACTED BY THE LEGISLATURE OF THE STATE OF NEW MEXICO: 19 SECTION 1. Section 1-1-19 NMSA 1978 (being Laws 1969, 20 Chapter 240, Section 19, as amended) is amended to read: 21 "1-1-19. ELECTIONS COVERED BY CODE.-- 22 A. The Election Code applies to the following: 23 (1) general elections; 24 (2) primary elections; 25 (3) special elections; HLELC/HB 98 Page 1 1 (4) elections to fill vacancies in the 2 office of United States representative; 3 (5) local elections included in the Local 4 Election Act; and 5 (6) recall elections of county officers, 6 school board members or applicable municipal officers. 7 B. -
The 2004 Venezuelan Presidential Recall Referendum
Statistical Science 2011, Vol. 26, No. 4, 517–527 DOI: 10.1214/09-STS295 c Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 2011 The 2004 Venezuelan Presidential Recall Referendum: Discrepancies Between Two Exit Polls and Official Results Raquel Prado and Bruno Sans´o Abstract. We present a simulation-based study in which the results of two major exit polls conducted during the recall referendum that took place in Venezuela on August 15, 2004, are compared to the of- ficial results of the Venezuelan National Electoral Council “Consejo Nacional Electoral” (CNE). The two exit polls considered here were conducted independently by S´umate, a nongovernmental organization, and Primero Justicia, a political party. We find significant discrepan- cies between the exit poll data and the official CNE results in about 60% of the voting centers that were sampled in these polls. We show that discrepancies between exit polls and official results are not due to a biased selection of the voting centers or to problems related to the size of the samples taken at each center. We found discrepancies in all the states where the polls were conducted. We do not have enough information on the exit poll data to determine whether the observed discrepancies are the consequence of systematic biases in the selection of the people interviewed by the pollsters around the country. Neither do we have information to study the possibility of a high number of false or nonrespondents. We have limited data suggesting that the dis- crepancies are not due to a drastic change in the voting patterns that occurred after the exit polls were conducted. -
The Truth About Voter Fraud 7 Clerical Or Typographical Errors 7 Bad “Matching” 8 Jumping to Conclusions 9 Voter Mistakes 11 VI
Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law is a non-partisan public policy and law institute that focuses on fundamental issues of democracy and justice. Our work ranges from voting rights to redistricting reform, from access to the courts to presidential power in the fight against terrorism. A sin- gular institution—part think tank, part public interest law firm, part advocacy group—the Brennan Center combines scholarship, legislative and legal advocacy, and communications to win meaningful, measurable change in the public sector. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S VOTING RIGHTS AND ELECTIONS PROJECT The Voting Rights and Elections Project works to expand the franchise, to make it as simple as possible for every eligible American to vote, and to ensure that every vote cast is accurately recorded and counted. The Center’s staff provides top-flight legal and policy assistance on a broad range of election administration issues, including voter registration systems, voting technology, voter identification, statewide voter registration list maintenance, and provisional ballots. © 2007. This paper is covered by the Creative Commons “Attribution-No Derivs-NonCommercial” license (see http://creativecommons.org). It may be reproduced in its entirety as long as the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is credited, a link to the Center’s web page is provided, and no charge is imposed. The paper may not be reproduced in part or in altered form, or if a fee is charged, without the Center’s permission. -
2021 Regular Local Election Candidate Guide Here
2021 Regular Local Election Candidate Guide Version 2.0 – Published August 4, 2021 2021 Candidate Information Guide Revision History Version Updates Editor Date 1.1 Updates to list of Alexis Levy 5.25.2021 municipalities participating in RLE 2.0 Updates to list of Lauren Hutchison, Lee Ann 8.4.2021 Municipalities Lopez, Charles Romero participating in RLE; minor text, spelling and grammar updates 2 About This Guide This publication, prepared by the Office of the New Mexico Secretary of State, Bureau of Elections, serves as an easy-to-use reference for candidates seeking office in the 2021 Regular Local Election, and for anyone interested in the election process in New Mexico. Please note, this guide is intended merely as a reference, not as a legal authority. This guide does not supersede federal or state laws or rules, and it does not have the force of law. Please always consult the local government’s specific governing statute, charter, or ordinance for the specific requirements to hold elected office. Copies of the New Mexico Election Code and other applicable laws are available in the 2021 Election Handbook of the State of New Mexico, published on our website www.sos.state.nm.us. If you have any questions about this guide’s information or if you have questions regarding elections that are not provided for in this guide, please feel free to call the Bureau of Elections at 1 -800-477-3632 or (505) 827-3600, or email [email protected]. 3 Table of Contents 2021 Candidate Information Guide ............................................................................................................. 2 Revision History ........................................................................................................................................ -
Would You Let This Man Drive Your Daughter Home? Public Sector Focus, August/September, August 30Th, Pp.14-17
Dorling, D. (2019) Would you let this man drive your daughter home? Public Sector Focus, August/September, August 30th, pp.14-17. https://flickread.com/edition/html/index.php?pdf=5d67acffb3d60#17 Would you let this man drive your daughter home? Danny Dorling In the early hours of July 19th 1969, a few days before the first man stepped on the moon; a car swerved on a bridge in Chappaquiddick, Massachusetts. Ted Kennedy, the 37-year-old younger brother of the President of the United States of America was at the wheel. The car plunged into the water. Ted managed to swim free. He left Mary Jo Kopechne, his 28-year- old passenger to die in the vehicle. At some point, as it slowly submerged, she drowned. Ted notified the police of the accident ten hours later. Another man had recovered the vehicle and found Jo’s body. Jo was very pretty, a secretary, a typist, a loyal political activist and a dedicated Democrat. She died just over a week before her 29th birthday. It was at first seen as a joke when Lord Ashcroft asked the question ‘Would you rather allow Jeremey Hunt or Boris Johnson to babysit your children’.1 The Daily Telegraph newspaper reported that ‘in a curious little snippet from the weekend. According to a poll by Lord Ashcroft, only 10 per cent of voters would let Boris Johnson babysit their children.’2 However, it was more than curious, some 52% of all voters said they would not allow either of the two candidates vying for the leadership of the Conservative party such access to their children. -
Candidate's Guide to Local Elections in B.C
CANDIDATE’S GUIDE TO LOCAL ELECTIONS IN B.C. 2018 Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Data Main entry under title: Candidate’s Guide to Local Elections in B.C. Available also on the internet. Running title: Local elections candidate’s guide. Previously published: Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing, 2018 ISBN 0-7726-5431-X 1. Local elections - British Columbia. 2. Election law - British Columbia. 3. Campaign funds - Law and legislation - British Columbia. 4. Political campaigns - Law and legislation - British Columbia. I. British Columbia. Ministry of Municipal Affairs. II. Title: Local election candidate’s guide KEB478.5.E43C36 2005 324.711’07 C2005-960198-1 KF4483.E4C36 2005 Table of Contents Key Contacts iii Conflict of Interest and Other Ministry of Municipal Affairs and Housing iii Ethical Standards 11 Elections BC iii Disclosure of Conflict 11 Ministry of Education iii Inside Influence 12 Enquiry BC iv Outside Influence 12 Municipal and Regional Accepting Gifts 12 District Information iv Disclosure of Contracts 12 Use of Insider Information 12 Other Resources v Voting for an Illegal Expenditure 12 BC Laws v Consequences 12 Elections Legislation v Confidentiality 12 Educational Materials v Elected Officials and Local Disclaimer vi Government Staff 14 New Elections Legislation – Shared Roles Qualifications 15 and Responsibilities 1 Who May Run for Office 15 Local Government Employees 15 Introduction 3 Local Government Contractors 15 Local Elections Generally 5 B.C. Public Service Employees 15 Voting Opportunities -
Chapter 4 Split-Ticket Voting in Multi-Level Electoral Competition: European, National and Regional Concurrent Elections in Spain
Chapter 4 Split-Ticket Voting in Multi-Level Electoral Competition: European, National and Regional Concurrent Elections in Spain Alberto Sanz Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Spain Abstract This paper is intended to shed new light on the causes of split-ticket voting in concurrent multi-level European, national and regional elections. Up to now, differences in electoral outcomes shown in Spanish concurrent regional elections have been understood as being a product of higher levels of tactical voting associated with second-order elections. Evidence against this interpretation is presented and alternative explanations drawn from international literature are then tested. Preliminary evidence shows that Spanish ticket-splitters weight their European, regional and local electoral choices in a different manner: while they are particularly noticeable for basing their local vote on personal interests (egotropic vote), they are also outstanding in the regional arena for using regional interests as criteria for 102 Alberto Sanz voting. Finally, in European elections – in the absence of real executive power – ticket-splitters tend to vote on the basis of their ideological preferences more often than do the rest of the electorate. As a whole, the evidence reviewed in this paper suggests the possible existence of a gradient in the impact that ideology has in concurrent electoral choice. Understanding ideology as being a heuristic, the closer the elector is to the focus of election, the less relevant the ideological shortcut appears to be; the further the focus of election is from the voter, the more useful the ideological shortcut. Introduction The appearance of new political entities such as the European Union or the Spanish Estado de las Autonomías, offers a challenge to some classical theories of electoral behaviour, since these new institutional settings allow new behaviours – such as split-ticket voting – for which those theories can not account. -
Exit Poll 25Th May, 2018
Thirty-sixth Amendment to the Constitution Exit Poll 25th May, 2018 RTÉ & Behaviour & Attitudes Exit Poll Prepared by Ian McShane, Behaviour & Attitudes J.9097 Technical Appendix Sample Size Fieldwork Location The sample was spread Interviews were conducted throughout all forty Dáil face-to-face with randomly The results of this opinion constituencies and undertaken selected individuals – poll are based upon a at 175 polling stations. representative sample of throughout the hours of 3779 eligible Irish voters polling from 7am to 10pm in aged 18 years +. accordance with the 1992 Electoral Act. 2 Technical Appendix Informational Reporting Accuracy Coverage Guidelines Extracts from the report may The margin of error is Three questionnaire versions be quoted or published on estimated to be plus or minus were fielded. Each version condition that due 1.6 percentage points on the included five common acknowledgement is given to five common questions and questions, along with six to RTÉ and Behaviour & plus or minus 2.8 percentage eight questions unique to Attitudes. points on the questions that particular version. unique to each of the three questionnaire versions. 3 Research Methodology ● A face-to-face Exit Poll was conducted among voters immediately after leaving polling stations on Referendum Day, 25th May, 2018. ● An effective sample of 3779 voters was interviewed. ● The Poll was undertaken in all forty Dáil constituencies. ● 175 polling stations were sampled, distributed proportionate to the Referendum Electorate in each constituency. ● A list of the electoral divisions at which surveying was conducted is included in Appendix A. ● The questionnaires used are included in Appendix B. -
Initiative and Referendum Process in Nebraska
This guidance document is advisory in nature but is binding on an agency until amended by such agency. A guidance document does not include internal procedural documents that only affect the internal operations of the agency and does not impose additional requirements or penalties on regulated parties or include confidential information or rules and regulations made in accordance with the Administrative Procedure Act. If you believe that this guidance document imposes additional requirements or penalties on regulated parties, you may request a review of the document. HOW TO USE THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM PROCESS IN NEBRASKA SECRETARY OF STATE JOHN GALE This publication is provided free of charge and may be reproduced in part or in whole. This pamphlet is intended for general informational purposes only and is not intended as a substitute for statutory provisions. Contributions to this publication from the Nebraska Accountability and Disclosure Commission (Part III) and review and suggestions from individuals familiar with the initiative and referendum process are greatly appreciated. (Revised August 2015) Dear Citizens of Nebraska, The initiative and referendum process in Nebraska has a long and rich history. Established first in 1912, the process has addressed a myriad of issues such as soldiers’ bonuses, bottle laws, budget limitations and seat belts to name a few. The power of the citizens to use this process is established within our state constitution. Many suggest that it plays a more important role in Nebraska than other states because of our unique unicameral legislature. It has been said that the people of Nebraska, through their use of the initiative and referendum, comprise the second legislative house within our state. -
Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy
0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy In Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy, Erik J. Engstrom offers an important, historically grounded perspective on the stakes of congressional redistricting by evaluating the impact of gerrymandering on elections and on party control of the U.S. national government from 1789 through the reapportionment revolution of the 1960s. In this era before the courts supervised redistricting, state parties enjoyed wide discretion with regard to the timing and structure of their districting choices. Although Congress occasionally added language to federal- apportionment acts requiring equally populous districts, there is little evidence this legislation was enforced. Essentially, states could redistrict largely whenever and however they wanted, and so, not surpris- ingly, political considerations dominated the process. Engstrom employs the abundant cross- sectional and temporal varia- tion in redistricting plans and their electoral results from all the states— throughout U.S. history— in order to investigate the causes and con- sequences of partisan redistricting. His analysis -
Districting Principles for 2010 and Beyond (In Addition to Population Equality and the Voting Rights Act)
April 18, 2019 Districting Principles for 2010 and Beyond (In addition to Population Equality and the Voting Rights Act) This webpage compares districting principles, or criteria, used by each state as it redrew legislative and congressional districts following the 2010 Census. It also includes new principles adopted by Colorado, Michigan, Missouri, New York, Ohio, and Utah for the 2020 cycle. The webpage begins with a summary table, in which readers can see at a glance what principles have been used by each state. The table is followed by relevant constitutional, statutory, and other excerpts for each state that determine the principles it uses. For more information, contact Wendy Underhill. Preserve House Preserve Preserve Cores of Avoid Not Nested in Political Communities Prior Pairing Not Favor Favor Senate or Contiguous Compact Subdivisions of Interest Districts Incumbents Incumbent Party Competitive Congress All States 50 40 44 26 11 12 16 16 5 19 Alabama C, L C, L L C, L C, L Alaska L L L L L Arkansas L L L L L L Arizona C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L California C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L Colorado C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L Connecticut L L Delaware L L L Florida C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L Georgia C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L April 18, 2019 Preserve House Preserve Preserve Cores of Avoid Not Nested in Political Communities Prior Pairing Not Favor Favor Senate or Contiguous Compact Subdivisions of Interest Districts Incumbents Incumbent Party Competitive Congress Hawaii C, L C, L C, L C, L C, L L Idaho C, L C, L C, L C, L