China's Gambit for Total Information Dominance: a US-Australia
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SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína
SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína Souhrnná teritoriální informace Čína Zpracováno a aktualizováno zastupitelským úřadem ČR v Pekingu (Čína) ke dni 13. 8. 2020 3:17 Seznam kapitol souhrnné teritoriální informace: 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled (s.2) 2. Zahraniční obchod a investice (s.15) 3. Vztahy země s EU (s.28) 4. Obchodní a ekonomická spolupráce s ČR (s.30) 5. Mapa oborových příležitostí - perspektivní položky českého exportu (s.39) 6. Základní podmínky pro uplatnění českého zboží na trhu (s.46) 7. Kontakty (s.81) 1/86 http://www.businessinfo.cz/cina © Zastupitelský úřad ČR v Pekingu (Čína) SOUHRNNÁ TERITORIÁLNÍ INFORMACE Čína 1. Základní charakteristika teritoria, ekonomický přehled Podkapitoly: 1.1. Oficiální název státu, složení vlády 1.2. Demografické tendence: Počet obyvatel, průměrný roční přírůstek, demografické složení (vč. národnosti, náboženských skupin) 1.3. Základní makroekonomické ukazatele za posledních 5 let (nominální HDP/obyv., vývoj objemu HDP, míra inflace, míra nezaměstnanosti). Očekávaný vývoj v teritoriu s akcentem na ekonomickou sféru. 1.4. Veřejné finance, státní rozpočet - příjmy, výdaje, saldo za posledních 5 let 1.5. Platební bilance (běžný, kapitálový, finanční účet), devizové rezervy (za posledních 5 let), veřejný dluh vůči HDP, zahraniční zadluženost, dluhová služba 1.6. Bankovní systém (hlavní banky a pojišťovny) 1.7. Daňový systém 1.1 Oficiální název státu, složení vlády Čínská lidová republika (Zhonghua Renmin Gongheguo; zkráceně Zhongguo) Úřední jazyk čínština (Putonghua, standardní čínština založená na pekingském dialektu), dále jsou oficiálními jazyky kantonština v provincii Guangdong, mongolština v AO Vnitřní Mongolsko, ujgurština a kyrgyzština v AO Xinjiang, tibetština v AO Xizang (Tibet). Složení vlády • Prezident: Xi Jinping (v úřadu od 14. -
Retweeting Through the Great Firewall a Persistent and Undeterred Threat Actor
Retweeting through the great firewall A persistent and undeterred threat actor Dr Jake Wallis, Tom Uren, Elise Thomas, Albert Zhang, Dr Samantha Hoffman, Lin Li, Alex Pascoe and Danielle Cave Policy Brief Report No. 33/2020 About the authors Dr Jacob Wallis is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Tom Uren is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Elise Thomas is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Albert Zhang is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Dr Samanthan Hoffman is an Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Lin Li is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Alex Pascoe is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Danielle Cave is Deputy Director of the International Cyber Policy Centre. Acknowledgements ASPI would like to thank Twitter for advanced access to the takedown dataset that formed a significant component of this investigation. The authors would also like to thank ASPI colleagues who worked on this report. What is ASPI? The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber and emerging technologies and their impact on broader strategic policy. -
LE 19Ème CONGRÈS DU PARTI COMMUNISTE CHINOIS
PROGRAMME ASIE LE 19ème CONGRÈS DU PARTI COMMUNISTE CHINOIS : CLÔTURE SUR L’ANCIEN RÉGIME ET OUVERTURE DE LA CHINE DE XI JINPING Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL POUR LE CONSEIL CANADIEN DE RECHERCHES EN SCIENCES HUMAINES CHERCHEUR À L’IRIS JUIN 2017 ASIA FOCUS #46 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #46 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2017 e 19e Congrès qui s’ouvrira en octobre prochain, soit quelques semaines avant la visite de Donald Trump en Chine, promet de consolider la position de Xi Jinping dans l’arène politique. Travaillant d’arrache-pied depuis 2013 à se débarrasser L principalement des alliés de Jiang Zemin, l’alliance Xi-Wang a enfin réussi à purger le Parti-État afin de positionner ses alliés. Ce faisant, la transition qui aura vraiment lieu cet automne n’est pas la transition Hu Jintao- Xi Jinping, celle-ci date déjà de 2012. La transition de 2017 est celle de la Chine des années 1990 à la Chine des années 2010, soitde la Chine de Jiang Zemin à celle de Xi Jinping. Ce sera également le début de l’ère des enfants de la révolution culturelle, des « zhiqing » [知青] (jeunesses envoyées en campagne), qui formeront une majorité au sein du Politburo et qui remanieront la Chine à leur manière. Avec les départs annoncés, Xi pourra enfin former son « bandi » [班底] – garde rapprochée – au sein du Politburo et effectivement mettre en place un agenda de politiques et non pas simplement des mesures visant à faire le ménage au cœur du Parti-État. Des 24 individus restants, entre 12 et 16 devront partir; 121 sièges (si l’on compte le siège rendu vacant de Sun Zhengcai) et 16 si Xi Jinping décide d’appliquer plus « sévèrement » la limite d’âge maintenant à 68 ans. -
Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China by Peter Wood
Volume 17, Issue 8 June 9, 2017 In a Fortnight: Xi Jinping and the 'Other' China By Peter Wood Xi Jinping Promotes Protégés to Top Positions in Run-Up to 19th Party Congress By Willy Lam The Southern Theater Command and China’s Maritime Strategy By Nan Li Recent Developments in the Chinese Army’s Helicopter Force By Dennis J. Blasko Waiting in the Wings: PLAAF General Yi Xiaoguang By Kenneth Allen and Jana Allen Xi Jinping and the 'Other' constitutes an important pillar of its domestic le- gitimacy. Not surprisingly, the CCP has launched China a propaganda push in state media to highlight its progress. At the end of May, China held its annual Chi- At the center of much of the attention is the nese Poverty Alleviation International Forum (中 “core” of the Party, Xi Jinping, whose experi- 国扶贫国际论坛), which serves to draw attention ences in the countryside as a young man, and to Chinese achievements in this area (Xinhua, major policies have been offered up as proof of May 26). Poverty alleviation is likely to remain a the Party’s continuing ties to regular people and key theme in state media as China prepares for its commitment to China’s urban and rural poor. the 19th Party Congress later this year. The Chi- nese Communist Party (CCP) has set for itself the Xi Jinping, in particular, is being lauded as a ma- ambitious goal of largely eradicating poverty by jor driver of these efforts. Xi has made sweeping 2020. Its previous success in moving large num- economic reform and the expansion of the bers of Chinese out of poverty—largely due to “moderately prosperous” class ( 小康) core Deng Xiaoping’s Reform and Opening policies— planks of his policies, particularly as embodied ChinaBrief June 9, 2017 in the “Four Comprehensives” (China Brief, Feb- ordinary Chinese, inequality is rising, and the ruary 23). -
Asia Focus #3
PROGRAMME ASIE QUELLE COMPOSITION DU POLITBURO ET DU COMITÉ CENTRAL CHINOIS APRÈS 2017 ? Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL CRSH UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTREAL OCTOBRE 2016 Septembre 2016 ASIA FOCUS #3 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #3 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2016 lors que 2016 se termine et que la campagne anticorruption agressivement menée par la tristement célèbre « jiwei » [纪委] a pris fin, il ne reste que A quelques mois pour finaliser la sélection interne des cadres qui seront appelés à être élus en novembre au Politburo ainsi qu’au Comité central. Cela dit, depuis la fin de 2015, nous avons pu remarquer un certain durcissement, voire même un « repli » de la part de Xi, tant dans son attitude face au pouvoir (p. ex. retour aux idiomes/symboles maoïstes, méfiance ouverte de l’Occident, attitude de plus en plus inflexible en matière de structures internationales, etc.), que dans son attitude envers certains patriarches du Parti, notamment Jiang Zemin (président de la République populaire entre 1993 et 2003) et Hu Jintao (président de 2003 à 2013), ainsi qu’envers les autres forces en présence sur la scène politique chinoise (par exemple la Ligue des jeunesses communistes [共青团]1, la « faction du pétrole » [石油帮]2, la bande Shanghai [ 上海帮], la bande du Jiangxi [江派], etc.). Ce dernier a également resserré son emprise non seulement sur Beijing – par le biais de son proche collaborateur Wang Xiaohong [王 小洪]3-, mais bien aussi sur le pays en entier. Tandis que le temps d’« abattre les tigres » [打虎] et que les déraillements de la jiwei sont encore perceptibles, en particulier dans la province du Hebei4, fort est de constater que l’impact n’est pas celui escompté, sauf dans les cas de Su Shulin [苏树林]5 et Jiang Jiemin [蒋洁敏]6, et qu’il ne sera pas vraiment possible d’évaluer les dégâts de cette campagne avant la formation du Comité central de 2022. -
Les Droits De L'homme En Chine Mai 2017
LES DROITS DE L’HOMME DANS LE MONDE LES DROITS DE L’HOMME EN CHINE N° 117 MAI 2017 LE NOUVEAU HÉRAUT DE LA LUTTE ÉCOLOGIQUE : LE PLUS POLLUEUR ET LE MOINS VÉRIFIABLE La rédaction de ce bulletin s’achève alors que Autre événement d’importance en ce deux événements viennent marquer la vie début de juin : les États-Unis se retirent de internationale. Des discussions s’ouvrent les 1 l’accord sur l’environnement signé à Paris en et 2 juin à Bruxelles entre l’Union européenne décembre 2015 (COP21). Ce « délit contre et la Chine ; elles ont sans doute de l’humanité » (S. Royal) est une véritable l’importance pour les affaires commerciales ou aubaine pour la Chine dans son long combat le climat mais jusqu’à présent n’ont débouché pour défier les États-Unis et se hisser au sur aucun résultat pour le progrès des droits de premier plan mondial. Saisissant l’occasion, l’Homme. Cette absence de résultat est sans Beijing a dénoncé fermement la faute doute regrettable pour l’Europe mais les américaine et s’est déclaré pour l’application de dirigeants chinois ne peuvent que s’en féliciter : l’accord. Les effets bénéfiques ont été quasi ils ont évité une ingérence dans leurs affaires instantanés : la Chine est devenue dans les intérieures ; on les laisse affirmer leur rejet des médias le nouveau leader de la lutte pour la valeurs universelles ; les capitales occidentales planète. Sur France-Inter le 2 juin, le ministre ferment les yeux sur ce déni de leurs valeurs d’État Hulot fait confiance à « nos amis essentielles et elles s’y habituent. -
Translated List of 19Th CC Full Members (204) 乙晓光ding
Translated list of 19th CC Full Members (204) 乙晓光 Ding Xiaoguang 丁来杭 Ding Laihang 丁学东 Ding Xuedong 丁薛祥 Ding Xuexiang 于伟国 Yu Weiguo 于忠福 Yu Zhongfu 万立骏 Wan Lijun 习近平 Xi Jinping 马飚 Ma Biao (Zhuang ethnic group) 马兴瑞 Ma Xingrui 王宁 Wang Ning (Armed Police) 王军 Wang Jun 王勇 Wang Yong 王展 Wang Zhan 王毅 Wang Yi 王小洪 Wang Xiaohong 王玉普 Wang Yupu 王正伟 Wang Zhengwei (Hui ethnic group) 王东明 Wang Dongming 王东峰 Wang Dongfeng 王尔乘 Wang Ercheng 王志民 Wang Zhimin 王志刚 Wang Zhigang 王沪宁 Wang Huning 王国生 Wang Guosheng 王建武 Wang Jianwu 王晓东 Wang Xiaodong 王晓晖 Wang Xiaohui 王家胜 Wang Jiasheng 王蒙微 Wang Mengwei 尤权 You Quan 车俊 Che Jun 君力 Jun Li 巴音朝鲁 Ba Yinchaolu (Mongolian ethnic group) 巴特尔 Ba Teer (Mongolian ethnic group) 艾力更•依明巴海 Ailigeng Yimingbahai (Uighur ethnic group) 石泰峰 Shi Taifeng 布小林 Bu Xiaolin ( Mongolian ethnic group) 卢展工 Lu Zhangong 白春礼 Bai Chunli ( Man ethnic group) 吉炳轩 Ji Bingxuan 毕井泉 Bi jingquan 曲青山 Qu Qingshan 朱生岭 Zhu Shengling 刘奇 Liu Qi 刘雷 Liu Lei 刘鹤 Liu He 刘士余 Liu Shibu 刘万龙 Liu Wanlong 刘奇葆 Liu Qibao 刘国中 Liu Guozhong 刘国治 Liu Guozhi 刘金国 Liu Jinguo 刘结一 Liu Jieyi 刘振立 Liu Zhenli 刘家义 Liu Jiayi 刘赐贵 Liu Cigui 刘粤军 Liu Yuejun 齐扎拉 Qi Zhala (Tibetan ethnic group) 安兆庆 An Zhaoqing (Xibo ethnic group) 许勤 Xu Qin 许又声 Xu Yousheng 许达哲 Xu Dazhe 许其亮 Xu Qiliang 阮成发 Ruan Chengfa 孙志刚 Sun Zhigang 孙金龙 Sun Jinlong 孙绍骋 Sun Shaocheng 孙春兰 Sun Chunlan (Female) 杜家毫 Du Jiahao 李屹 Li Yi 李希 Li Xi 李斌 Li Bin (Female, Government office) 李强 Li Qiang 李干杰 Lin Ganjie 李小鹏 Li Xiaopeng 李凤彪 Li Fengbiao 李玉赋 Li Yufu 李传广 Li Chuanguang 李纪恒 Li Jiheng 李克强 Li Keqiang 李作成 Li Zuocheng 李尚福 Li Shangfu 李国英 Li Guoying 李桥铭 -
Money Changes Everything
INTRODUCTION Money, money, money! Source: Shell zor, Flickr MONEY CHANGES EVERYTHING Jane Golley and Linda Jaivin x xi Money Changes Everything Jane Golley and Linda Jaivin 2017 The Donald Trump Rooster, Shanxi province Source: YouTube CHINA STORY YEARBOOK CHINA STORY Days before the clock ticked over into 2017, and a month before Chinese New Year, a giant statue of a rooster sprang up outside a shopping mall in China’s northern Shanxi province. The statue’s designer reportedly in- tended its egg-shaped body and distinctive golden hair to convey a mes- sage of prosperity. This message was enhanced by the rooster’s unmis- takable likeness to Donald Trump, the newly elected billionaire president of the United States. In what may or may not have been ‘fake news’, CNN reported that the ‘Donald Trump Rooster’ had ‘taken China by storm’. China was well on its way towards prosperity before 2017 began. But Trump’s performance throughout the year — retracting America from its global commitments to free trade, foreign aid, and the environment, emphatically (and in bold type) tweeting that he would ‘MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN’, and ruffling the feathers of even America’s closet allies — was like gifting a golden egg on a golden platter to Chinese President Xi Jinping. And Xi was ready to receive it. Prosperity was a prominent theme in a string of significant speeches delivered by President Xi during 2017. In his January speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos, he called for a doubling of efforts to ‘enable all countries to achieve inter-connected -
Chapter 3 Section 5
SECTION 5: CHINA’S DOMESTIC INFORMATION CONTROLS, GLOBAL MEDIA INFLUENCE, AND CYBER DIPLOMACY Key Findings • China’s current information controls, including the govern- ment’s new social credit initiative, represent a significant es- calation in censorship, surveillance, and invasion of privacy by the authorities. • The Chinese state’s repression of journalists has expanded to target foreign reporters and their local Chinese staff. It is now much more difficult for all journalists to investigate politically sensitive stories. • The investment activities of large, Chinese Communist Par- ty-linked corporations in the U.S. media industry risk under- mining the independence of film studios by forcing them to consider self-censorship in order to gain access to the Chinese market. • China’s overseas influence operations to pressure foreign media have become much more assertive. In some cases, even without direct pressure by Chinese entities, Western media companies now self-censor out of deference to Chinese sensitivity. • Beijing is promoting its concept of “Internet sovereignty” to jus- tify restrictions on freedom of expression in China. These poli- cies act as trade barriers to U.S. companies through both cen- sorship and restrictions on cross-border data transfers, and they are fundamental points of disagreement between Washington and Beijing. • In its participation in international negotiations on global Inter- net governance, norms in cyberspace, and cybersecurity, Beijing seeks to ensure continued control of networks and information in China and to reduce the risk of actions by other countries that are not in its interest. Fearing that international law will be used by other countries against China, Beijing is unwilling to agree on specific applications of international law to cyberspace. -
Xi Jinping's Inner Circle (Part 2: Friends from Xi's Formative Years)
Xi Jinping’s Inner Circle (Part 2: Friends from Xi’s Formative Years) Cheng Li The dominance of Jiang Zemin’s political allies in the current Politburo Standing Committee has enabled Xi Jinping, who is a protégé of Jiang, to pursue an ambitious reform agenda during his first term. The effectiveness of Xi’s policies and the political legacy of his leadership, however, will depend significantly on the political positioning of Xi’s own protégés, both now and during his second term. The second article in this series examines Xi’s longtime friends—the political confidants Xi met during his formative years, and to whom he has remained close over the past several decades. For Xi, these friends are more trustworthy than political allies whose bonds with Xi were built primarily on shared factional association. Some of these confidants will likely play crucial roles in helping Xi handle the daunting challenges of the future (and may already be helping him now). An analysis of Xi’s most trusted associates will not only identify some of the rising stars in the next round of leadership turnover in China, but will also help characterize the political orientation and worldview of the influential figures in Xi’s most trusted inner circle. “Who are our enemies? Who are our friends?” In the early years of the Chinese Communist movement, Mao Zedong considered this “a question of first importance for the revolution.” 1 This question may be even more consequential today, for Xi Jinping, China’s new top leader, than at any other time in the past three decades. -
2009 IEEE International Conference on Automation and Logistics
2009 IEEE International Conference on Automation and Logistics August 5-7, 2009 Shenyang, China Cosponsored by Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc. Shandong University, China IEEE Robotics and Automation Society Technically cosponsored by: Northeastern University The ASME Dynamics Systems & Control division Chinese Mechanical Engineering Society Federation of Logistics and Purchasing of China Chinese University of Hong Kong Logistics Engineering Institute of China 2009 IEEE International Conference on Automation and Logistics August 5 – 7, 2009 Northeastern University, Shenyang, China Conference Program Digest Sponsored by Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc. IEEE Robotics and Automation Society Shandong University Technically Sponsored by Northeastern University The ASME Dynamics Systems & Control division Chinese Mechanical Engineering Society Federation of Logistics and Purchasing of China Chinese University of Hong Kong IEEE ICAL 2009 CD-ROM Proceedings Additional Copies may be ordered from: IEEE Service Center 445 Hoes Lane P.O. Box 1331 Piscataway, NJ 08855-1331 U.S.A. IEEE Catalog Number: CFP09CAL ISBN: 978-1-4244-4795-4 Library of Congress: 2009905379 Copyright and Reprint Permission: Copyright and Reprint Permission: Abstracting is permitted with credit to the source. Libraries are permitted to photocopy beyond the limit of U.S. copyright law for private use of patrons those articles in this volume tha carry a code at the bottom of the first page, provided the per-copy fee indicated in the code is paid through Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. For other copying, reprint or republication permission, write to IEEE Copyrights Manager, IEEE Operations Center, 445 Hoes Lane, P.O.Box 1331, Piscataway, NJ 08855-1331. -
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan / Key Findings
Detecting Digital Fingerprints: Tracing Chinese Disinformation in Taiwan / Key Findings Executive Summary Taiwan is on the frontlines of the Chinese methodological concerns around standards of Communist Party’s (CCP) international influence attribution in information operations (IO), and operations,1 and what happens on the island often use of sensitive technical data in the process of serves as a harbinger for how China will operate analysis and attribution. Independent entities also elsewhere. In 2018, the island’s local elections face difficulties in their assessment of potential were subjected to myriad online disinformation interference by China in the 2018 elections, notably campaigns2 that favored a Beijing-friendly agenda, because the Taiwanese online information space attempted to undermine democratic integrity, is unique and conducting a postmortem without and systematically attacked democratically consistent monitoring and real-time data collection elected politicians whose positions did not align is practically impossible. with China’s strategic interests. However, despite Yet, when asked whether a foreign actor was likely the assertion of Chinese interference by several to target Taiwan’s 2020 Presidential and Legislative intelligence agencies and governments, clear election with disinformation, Wu Jun-deh, Director evidence linking disinformation during the local of the Cyber Warfare and Information Security elections to mainland Chinese actors has not Division at the Institute for National Defense and been publicly shared. Security Research (INDSR), said “Of course, the This is not a unique scenario: governments answer is China.” around the world have discussed foreign In June 2019, with the 2018 local elections as interference campaigns without being able to a point of reference, Graphika, Institute for the share much public evidence to accompany Future’s (IFTF) Digital Intelligence Lab, and the these assessments.