North African Jewish and Non-Jewish Populations Form Distinctive, Orthogonal Clusters
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The Languages of the Jews: a Sociolinguistic History Bernard Spolsky Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-05544-5 - The Languages of the Jews: A Sociolinguistic History Bernard Spolsky Index More information Index Abu El-Haj, Nadia, 178 Alliance Israélite Universelle, 128, 195, 197, Afrikaans, 15, 243 238, 239, 242, 256 learned by Jews, 229 Almohads, 115 Afrikaaners forced conversions, 115 attitude to Jews, 229 Granada, 139 Afro-Asiatic persecution, 115, 135, 138 language family, 23 alphabet Agudath Israel, 252 Hebrew, 30 Yiddish, 209 Alsace, 144 Ahaz, 26, 27 became French, 196 Akkadian, 20, 23, 24, 25, 26, 30, 36, 37, expulsion, 125 39, 52 Alsace and Lorraine borrowings, 60 Jews from East, 196 Aksum, 91 al-Yahūdiyya, 85 al-Andalus, 105, 132, 133 Amarna, 19 emigration, 135 American English Jews a minority, 133 Yiddish influence, 225 Jews’ languages, 133 Amharic, 5, 8, 9, 90, 92 languages, 136 Amoraim, 60 Aleppo, 102 Amsterdam emigration, 225 Jewish publishing, 169 Jewish Diasporas, 243 Jewish settlement, 198 Jewish settlement, 243 multilingualism, 31 Alexander the Great, 46 Anglo-Israelite beliefs, 93 Alexandria, 47, 59, 103 anti-language, 44 Hebrew continuity, 48 Antiochus, 47, 56 Jews, 103 Antipas, 119 Alfonso X, 137 Antwerp Algeria, 115 Anusim, 199 consistories, 236 multilingualism, 199 emigration, 197, 236, 237 Yiddish maintained, 199 French rule, 234 Antwerpian Brabantic, 18 French schools, 236 Anusim, 132, 139, 232 Jews acquire French, 236 Algeria, 115 Vichy policy, 236 Belgium, 199 342 © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-05544-5 - -
The Story Behind an Invisible Community: Arab Jews in the United States Ramzi Brahmi University of Manouba, Tunisia
International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS) ISSN 2356-5926 Vol.1, Issue.3, December, 2014 The story behind an invisible community: Arab Jews in the United States Ramzi Brahmi University of Manouba, Tunisia Abstract: The invisibility of the community of Arab Jews living in the United States, better known as the Mizrahi community is intriguing. Its identity combines two seemingly paradoxical elements and it is assumed that this community is encompassed by two larger ethnic groups: the Jewish American and the Arabic American ones. However, a closer look at this community shows that such assumptions are not corroborated by facts. Little is known about this diaspora, which suffers double alienation from the two larger ethnic groups. This paper attempts to delve into the identity formation of the Mizrahi community in the United States by starting with a bird’s eye view on its immigration and integration patterns in an attempt to understand its distinctiveness and the obstacles that prevent the community from being visible and more influential. This paper also intends to spotlight the way such a community managed to preserve its identity for generations and the way members of the community perceive their Arabic and Jewish identities in an American context which presents both identities as incompatible. Key words: Mizrahi, Jews, Arabs, United States, identity. 1 International Journal of Humanities and Cultural Studies (IJHCS) ISSN 2356-5926 Vol.1, Issue.3, December, 2014 It is not so easy for many Americans to digest the combination of being Arab, Jewish and American at the same time. Being Arab and Jewish at the same time is more complicated by living in the US where media regularly stereotype part of one’s identity and glorify the other. -
Table of Contents
Table of Contents From the Editors 3 From the President 3 From the Executive Director 5 The Sound Issue “Overtures” Music, the “Jew” of Jewish Studies: Updated Readers’ Digest 6 Edwin Seroussi To Hear the World through Jewish Ears 9 Judah M. Cohen “The Sound of Music” The Birth and Demise of Vocal Communities 12 Ruth HaCohen Brass Bands, Jewish Youth, and the Sonorities of a Global Perspective 14 Maureen Jackson How to Get out of Here: Sounding Silence in the Jewish Cabaretesque 20 Philip V. Bohlman Listening Contrapuntally; or What Happened When I Went Bach to the Archives 22 Amy Lynn Wlodarski The Trouble with Jewish Musical Genres: The Orquesta Kef in the Americas 26 Lillian M. Wohl Singing a New Song 28 Joshua Jacobson “Sounds of a Nation” When Josef (Tal) Laughed; Notes on Musical (Mis)representations 34 Assaf Shelleg From “Ha-tikvah” to KISS; or, The Sounds of a Jewish Nation 36 Miryam Segal An Issue in Hebrew Poetic Rhythm: A Cognitive-Structuralist Approach 38 Reuven Tsur Words, Melodies, Hands, and Feet: Musical Sounds of a Kerala Jewish Women’s Dance 42 Barbara C. Johnson Sound and Imagined Border Transgressions in Israel-Palestine 44 Michael Figueroa The Siren’s Song: Sound, Conflict, and the Politics of Public Space in Tel Aviv 46 Abigail Wood “Surround Sound” Sensory History, Deep Listening, and Field Recording 50 Kim Haines-Eitzen Remembering Sound 52 Alanna E. Cooper Some Things I Heard at the Yeshiva 54 Jonathan Boyarin The Questionnaire What are ways that you find most useful to incorporate sound, images, or other nontextual media into your Jewish Studies classrooms? 56 Read AJS Perspectives Online at perspectives.ajsnet.org AJS Perspectives: The Magazine of President Please direct correspondence to: the Association for Jewish Studies Pamela Nadell Association for Jewish Studies From the Editors perspectives.ajsnet.org American University Center for Jewish History 15 West 16th Street Dear Colleagues, Vice President / Program New York, NY 10011 Editors Sounds surround us. -
The Power of Silent Voices: Women in the Syrian Jewish Musical Tradition
© Ashgate Publishing Ltd Chapter 11 The Power of Silent Voices: Women in the Syrian Jewish Musical Tradition Kay Kaufman Shelemay Introduction In much of the Jewish and Islamic Middle East, women have been constrained by religious precept from participating publicly in musical performance. This chapter explores one such case study in detail – the Syrian Jewish paraliturgical hymn tradition known as the pizmonim (sing. pizmon) – and seeks to amplify women’s otherwise ‘silent voices’ in order to achieve awww.ashgate.com fuller understanding of power relations within that tradition.1 While the pizmonim, and the broader world of Syrian Jewish musical and ritual life which these songs anchor, are generally perceived as exclusively male domains, I will argue that women occupy roles vital to the processes of transmission and maintenance of tradition. My approach will draw in part on a theoretical framework forwww.ashgate.com evaluating power relations proposed by James P. Scott, who uses the term ‘public transcript’ as ‘a shorthand way of describing the open interaction between subordinates and those who dominate’ (Scott 1990:2). Alongside a public transcript, Scott suggests that there exists www.ashgate.com This chapter is dedicated to the memory of Adrienne Fried Block, pioneer in the study of women and music, and of Johanna Spector, pioneer of Jewish musical studies. 1 The research process for this project began as a collaborative one with my then graduate students at New York University in the mid-1980s. We worked closely in a team effort with musicians of the Syrian community, almost all amateur aficionados of the pizmon traditionwww.ashgate.com (See Shelemay 1988). -
Italian Jewish Subjectivities and the Jewish Museum of Rome
What is an Italian Jew? Italian Jewish Subjectivities and the Jewish Museum of Rome 1. Introduction The Roman Jewish ghetto is no more. Standing in its place is the Tempio Maggiore, or Great Synagogue, a monumental testament to the emancipation of Roman and Italian Jewry in the late nineteenth century. During that era, the Roman Jewish community, along with city planners, raised most of the old ghetto environs to make way for a less crowded, more hygienic, and overtly modern Jewish quarter.1 Today only one piece of the ghetto wall remains, and the Comunità Ebraica di Roma has dwindled to approximately 15,000 Jews. The ghetto area is home to shops and restaurants that serve a diverse tourist clientele. The Museo Ebraico di Roma, housed, along with the Spanish synagogue, in the basement floor of the Great Synagogue, showcases, with artifacts and art, the long history of Roman Jewry. While visiting, one also notices the video cameras, heavier police presence, and use of security protocol at sites, all of which suggest very real threats to the community and its public spaces. This essay explores how Rome's Jewish Museum and synagogues complex represent Italian Jewish identity. It uses the complex and its guidebook to investigate how the museum displays multiple, complex, and even contradictory subject-effects. These effects are complicated by the non- homogeneity of the audience the museum seeks to address, an audience that includes both Jews and non-Jews. What can this space and its history tell us about how this particular “contact zone” seeks to actualize subjects? How can attention to these matters stimulate a richer, more complex understanding of Italian Jewish subjectivities and their histories? We will ultimately suggest that, as a result of history, the museum is on some level “caught” between a series of contradictions, wanting on the one hand to demonstrate the Comunità Ebraica di Roma’s twentieth-century commitment to Zionism and on the other to be true to the historical legacy of its millennial-long diasporic origins. -
Jewish Law and Litigation in the Secular Courts of the Late Medieval Mediterranean Rena N
Jewish Law and Litigation in the Secular Courts of the Late Medieval Mediterranean Rena N. Lauer* Abstract Although medieval rabbinic law generally forbade Jews from suing their co-religionists in state courts, this practice was widely accepted among some Mediterranean Jewish com- munities. This study focuses on one such community, the Jews of Venetian Crete’s capital city of Candia, during the century following the Black Death (ca. 1350-1450). Court records indicate that Candiote Jews quite often sued each other in Venice’s coloni- al courts. Unlike many other medieval Jewish communities, the rabbinical leadership of Candia took this intra-Jewish litigation as a given. Moreover, these leaders themselves ac- cessed Venetian justice to sue fellow Jews. Among the factors that motivated Jewish use of the Venetian court was a special accommodation given to Cretan Jews: when litigation in the colonial court dealt with Jews’ marriages or divorces, judges were obligated to ad- judicate according to Jewish law. Many Candiote Jews utilized this personal law privilege, and the Venetian court actively implemented it. The Catholic judges of the colonial court in Crete learned about Jewish law mostly from the litigants themselves, and not from a panel of rabbinic experts, giving these Jewish litigants significant agency in shaping not only the outcome of their marriage and divorce cases but also the government’s under- standing of Jewish law. * * * Normative rabbinic consensus in medieval Europe squarely forbade Jews from suing each other in secular or so-called “gentile” courts. Instead of airing intracommunal grievances before state judiciaries, Jews were directed to settle their disputes in their local Jewish court (beit din).1 The responsa2 of the unrivaled Barcelonan legal authority Rabbi Solomon ibn Adret (the Rashba, d. -
The Sephardim of the United States: an Exploratory Study
The Sephardim of the United States: An Exploratory Study by MARC D. ANGEL WESTERN AND LEVANTINE SEPHARDIM • EARLY AMERICAN SETTLEMENT • DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN COMMUNITY • IMMIGRATION FROM LEVANT • JUDEO-SPANISH COMMUNITY • JUDEO-GREEK COMMUNITY • JUDEO-ARABIC COMMUNITY • SURVEY OF AMERICAN SEPHARDIM • BIRTHRATE • ECO- NOMIC STATUS • SECULAR AND RELIGIOUS EDUCATION • HISPANIC CHARACTER • SEPHARDI-ASHKENAZI INTERMARRIAGE • COMPARISON OF FOUR COMMUNITIES INTRODUCTION IN ITS MOST LITERAL SENSE the term Sephardi refers to Jews of Iberian origin. Sepharad is the Hebrew word for Spain. However, the term has generally come to include almost any Jew who is not Ashkenazi, who does not have a German- or Yiddish-language background.1 Although there are wide cultural divergences within the Note: It was necessary to consult many unpublished sources for this pioneering study. I am especially grateful to the Trustees of Congregation Shearith Israel, the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue in New York City, for permitting me to use minutes of meetings, letters, and other unpublished materials. I am also indebted to the Synagogue's Sisterhood for making available its minutes. I wish to express my profound appreciation to Professor Nathan Goldberg of Yeshiva University for his guidance throughout every phase of this study. My special thanks go also to Messrs. Edgar J. Nathan 3rd, Joseph Papo, and Victor Tarry for reading the historical part of this essay and offering valuable suggestions and corrections, and to my wife for her excellent cooperation and assistance. Cecil Roth, "On Sephardi Jewry," Kol Sepharad, September-October 1966, pp. 2-6; Solomon Sassoon, "The Spiritual Heritage of the Sephardim," in Richard Barnett, ed., The Sephardi Heritage (New York, 1971), pp. -
Jews in the Middle East and North Africa
Jews in the Middle East and North Africa AN THE DECADE since the Year Book last surveyed this subject, the Jewish population living in the Arab and Muslim countries of the Middle East and North Africa has continued its gradual decline. Essentially three factors have con- tributed to the diminishing numbers: attrition through death among an aging popu- lation; the lifting of government-imposed barriers to emigration; and the emigration of young adults and their families seeking better educational and economic oppor- tunities abroad. Throughout the region both governmental policies and popular attitudes have been affected by the momentous global and regional developments in the period under review. Most notable are the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the end of the Iraq-Iran War in 1988, the Gulf War that liberated Kuwait from Iraqi occupation early in 1991, and the opening of direct Arab-Israeli peace talks in Madrid in October of that year. These positive developments have led to improvement in the status of the Jewish communities in some Middle Eastern countries and have also aroused hope among some Israeli and Arab leaders that a comprehensive Arab-Israeli peace settlement may eventually usher in a new era of Arab-Jewish coexistence and cooperation in the region. Others warn against premature euphoria, pointing out that most of the regimes in the region remain autocratic and face severe challenges from both radical leftists and increasingly militant Islamic political groups that oppose peace with Israel and improved relations with the democratic West. For the most extreme of these groups, the distinction between Israeli, Zionist, and Jew is often blurred. -
Pardon My French: the Vitality of Judeo-Arabic As a Litmus Test for the State of Jewish Well-Being and Identity
Kedma: Penn's Journal on Jewish Thought, Jewish Culture, and Israel Volume 2 Number 3 Spring 2019 Article 4 2020 Pardon My French: The Vitality of Judeo-Arabic as a Litmus Test for the State of Jewish Well-Being and Identity Josh Kadish University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma Part of the Jewish Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma/vol2/iss3/4 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pardon My French: The Vitality of Judeo-Arabic as a Litmus Test for the State of Jewish Well-Being and Identity Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 License This article is available in Kedma: Penn's Journal on Jewish Thought, Jewish Culture, and Israel: https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma/vol2/iss3/4 Pardon My French: The Vitality of Judeo-Arabic as a Litmus Test for the State of Jewish Well-Being and Identity Josh Kadish “Those who don’t speak Yiddish are not Jews,” Golda Meir, the fourth Prime Minister of the state of Israel, remarked in an epithet that elevated European Jews to superiority and invalidated the existence of non-European Jews on the basis of linguistic tradition.1 History has proven her wrong on the vitality of Yiddish, as demonstrated by the revival of the Hebrew language in the modern state of Israel, but the statement validates the link between Jewish identity and diasporic Jewish languages. -
The Syrian Jewish Community, Then and Now
The Syrian Jewish Community, Then and Now Byline: Gina Doueck This article begins with a brief history of the Syrian Jewish community and their settlement in New York in the twentieth century. As other Arab Jewish immigrants joined, this united group of people has come to be identified as the Sephardic community of Brooklyn. These Jews of Sephardic and Middle Eastern heritage also hail from from Arab lands such as Lebanon, Egypt, Morocco, and Israel, to name a few. The unique characteristics of the Syrian Jewish community in America today are vestiges of the ways these particular Jews lived their lives in Syria, primarily in the cities of Aleppo and Damascus, over a thousand years ago. Their views on education, their societal constructs, their business pursuits, their search for homes in which to raise their families, and their refusal to accept converts are current practices rooted in the ways these Jews lived life in Syria, which were and still are tightly controlled by their communal and rabbinic opinions. The most important values of Syrian Jewish men were to live a life dedicated to learning and practicing Torah and to provide for their families. For women, the top priority was to raise a family in the Syrian Sephardic tradition. For both genders, their goals could only be attained through fealty to the nuclear family and community while being insulated from outside influences. These expectations have largely been maintained through the present day. The Flow of Jews in and out of Syria The proximity of Syria and Israel allowed for the continued movement of Jews between these regions. -
The DNA of Abraham's Children
Page 1 of 3 The DNA of Abraham’s Children Analysis of Jewish genomes refutes the Khazar claim. by Sharon BegleyJune 03, 2010 Menahem Kahana / AFP-Getty Ultra-Orthodox Jewish men in front of the Tomb of the Patriarch, where Old Testament prophet Abraham and his son Isaac are thought to be buried. Jews have historically considered themselves “people of the book” (am hasefer in Hebrew), referring to sacred tomes, but the phrase is turning out to have an equally powerful, if unintended, meaning: scientists are able to read Jewish genomes like a history book. The latest DNA volume weighs in on the controversial, centuries-old (and now revived in a 2008 book) claim that European Jews are all the descendants of Khazars, a Turkic group of the north Caucasus who converted to Judaism in the late eighth and early ninth century. The DNA has spoken: no. In the wake of studies in the 1990s that supported biblically based notions of a priestly caste descended from Aaron, brother of Moses, an ambitious new project to analyze genomes collected from Jewish volunteers has yielded its first discoveries. In a paper with the kind of catchy title you rarely see in science journals—“Abraham’s Children in the Genome Era”— scientists report that the Jews of the Diaspora share a set of telltale genetic markers, supporting the traditional belief that Jews scattered around the world have a common ancestry. But various Diaspora populations have their own distinct genetic signatures, shedding light on their origins and history. In addition to the age-old question of whether Jews are simply people who share a religion or are a distinct population, the scientific verdict is settling on the latter. -
Aleppian Cuisine
Safeguarding Memory: Aleppian Cuisine SEPTEMBER 2017 MICHAEL SHAMAH Aleppian family in Germany gather for lunch: kibbeh. Credit: the Aleppo Project 1 Safeguarding Memory: Aleppian Cuisine SUMMARY Aleppo has been known for centuries for its food. Like many gastronomic centers, the city was blessed with a set of circumstances: a location on key trading routes, a diverse population, a prosperous middle class, and a place amidst the most fertile farms in Syria.1 This created a diverse cuisine that blended ele- ments from its various ethnic and religious groups. Unfortunately, war has put all of this at risk. Much agricultural land is cut off, restaurants are closed, food is in short supply, and destruction has nearly halted food production. With many of its people scattered around the world, there is a risk of the loss of knowledge and skills. Not only is there a need to preserve food ways, but Aleppian cuisine is an import- ant aspect of identity that once bound people together and might do so again. Aleppian food is distinct in many ways. It uses a wider variety of spices than most Levantine cooking, in part because of its long history as a stop on the spice routes between Asia and Europe, the spice trade that was a key source of wealth in the middle Ages when Aleppo was a key entrepôt. Fruits are often combined with savory flavors, as they are in Persian-influenced foods. Aleppo pepper adds a gently spicy note to many dishes while pistachios—known in Arabic as Aleppian nuts (fustok halabi) bring their richness and beautiful bright green color.