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Jrr bí':· 3 1 7 7 5 •Íi3 С?>ц Approved by the Institute of Economics and Social Sciences 11 I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree on Master of International Relations Prof. Dr. Ali Karaosmanoğlu I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree on Master of International Relations Prof.Dr. Duygu Sezer f I certify that I have read this thesis and in my opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree on Master of International Relations Dr. Hasan Ünal 111 ABSTRACT With the advent of a bloody war in ex-Yugoslavia which has by now claimed hundreds of thousands of lives, the Balkans has once again become a focus of interest. Many have concentrated on the study of religion, nationalisms and minorities, admittedly three sources of trouble in the peninsula. It is worth noting that almost all Balkan states have had significant minority populations since their establishment. The very existence of minorities coupled with irredantist and chauvinist features of Balkan nationalisms as well as claims of homogeneity have somewhat turned minorities into potential surrogates of their host-states in which they live. Mother-states, to which minorities look for support have been regarded by their host-states as dangerous neighbors. As a result, enormous amount of mistrust between Balkan states has come about, letting loose a considerable amount of combustible materiel throuGhout the Balkans. To this may be added the third source of trouble, that is the minorities. This work aims to analyze a somewhat peculiar relationship which has three dimensions, namely host-states, mother-states and minorities. It also aims to focus on relevant aspects of Balkan nationalisms. And it concludes that, in spite of a number of a triangular relationships involving these three actors, every case has to be treated on its own merit. IV ÖZET Eski Yugoslavya'daki krizin kanlı bir çatışmaya dönüşmesiyle birlikte, çeşitli azınlıklara evsahipliği yapan Balkan yarımadası bir kez daha ilgi odağı haline Geldi. Bugün dikkatler yarımadadaki sıkıntıların üç kaynağı olarak kabul edilen din, milliyetçilik ve azınlıklar konularına çevrilmiş durumda. Hemen hemen istisnasız bütün Balkan devletleri kuruldukları günden beri kayda değer azınlık cemaatlerine evsahipliği yapagelmiştir. Buna ilaveten, Balkan milliyetçiliğinin yayılmacı ve şövenist özellikleri, azınlıkları içinde yaşadıkları evsahibi devletler (bost States) açısından potansiyel hain konumuna koyabilmiştir. Bu durumda azınlıklar çevreleri tarafından kendilerine Göre gayrı-milli olan bir devlette yabancı olarak yaşayan ve bu nedenle de kendi devletlerini kurma ya da bunlara katılma hayalleri peşinde olmaları muhtemel gruplar olarak değerlendirilmekte, öte yandan kendileri de bu bakış açısını az çok paylaşmakta ve kimi tavırlarıyla da bunu göstermektedirler. Bunun uzantısı olarak evsahibi ülkeler azınlıkların kendilerini yakın hissettikleri ana devletlerine (motber States) karşı dikkatli davranma zorunluluğunu hissetmektedirler. Bunun tabii bir sonucu. Balkanlı devletler arasında - azınlığın da içine dahil olduğu- üçlü bir Güvensizlik ilişkisidir. Bu çalışma, bu ilişkiler ağının ve Balkan milliyetçiliğinin kökenlerinin analizine katkıda bulunma iddiasının yanısıra bu tür üçlü ilişkilerin çeşitli örneklerini inceleyerek her birinin altyapısını oluşturan özgün dinamikleri de ele almaktadır. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This thesis would not have been realized had it not been for the efforts of my supervisor, Dr. Hasan Ünal. His illuminatingly guiding perspective into the Balkans; the inspiring discussions I have had with him during the course of my studies and his sense of academic ethics have, I believe, not only helped me to complete this work but also reinforced my commitments to academic career. I am deeply grateful to the Department of International Relations, above all, the Chair, Professor Karaosmanoglu and as well as all other academic staff. My thanks also Go to Mrs. Müge Keller, for her help to me in finalizinG the computer work. Finally, I would like to extend my Gratitude to my family, and in particular to my mother for her support during the writing-up. And last but not least, my father for his eternal encouragement for learning. VI TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE PRELIMINARIES i CHAPTER I-INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER n- NATIONALISM, RELIGION AND 6 MINORITIES IN THE BALKANS 2.1. BOUNDARIES OF THE PENINSULA 2.2. GEOGRAPHY AND LAND IN THE BALKANS 2.3. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND; THE BALKANS BEFORE 19TH CENTURY 2.4. NATIONALISM IN THE BALKANS 10 2.5. RELIGION IN THE BALKANS 13 2.5.1. Orthodoxy; the Patriarchate and the Balkan 13 Churches under the Ottomans 2.5.2. Islam and the Millet System in the Balkans 15 2.5.3 Catholicism in the Balkans 18 2.5.4. Inter-religious Clashes 19 2.5.5. Evangelism in the Balkans 21 2.5.6. Judaism in the Balkans 21 2.6. RELIGION AND MINORITIES IN THE BALKANS 22 2.7. THE DILEMMA OF MINORITIES 23 Vll CHAPTER Ш- THE BALKAN MINORITIES 25 3.1. THE DEFINING CRITERIA FOR BALKAN MINORITIES 25 3.2. GREECE AND ITS MINORITIES 25 3.2.1. Turks, Pomaks, Roma of Western Thrace 27 3.2.2. The Macedonians 28 3.2.3. TheVlahs 29 3.2.4. The Albanians 29 3.2.5. Less Numerous Minorities 29 3.3. ALBANIA AND ITS MINORITIES 30 3.2.1. Greeks in Albania 30 3.2.2. Other Minorities in Albania 31 3.4. CROATIA AND ITS MINORITIES 31 3.4.1. Serbs in Croatia and the Krajina 31 3.4.2. Italians in Croatia 33 3.4.3. The "YuGoslavs" of Croatia 33 3.4.4. Slavonia, a Microcosm of Central Europe 33 3.5. SLOVENIA AND ITS MINORITIES 34 3.6. MACEDONIA AND ITS MINORITIES 34 3.6.1. Albanians in Macedonia 35 3.6.2. Turks in Macedonia 35 3.6.3. The Muslim Macedonians 36 3.6.4. The Serbs 37 3.6.5. The Roma 37 3.6.6. TheVlahs 38 3.7. BULGARIA AND ITS MINORITIES 38 3.7.1. Turks in Bulgaria 38 Vlll 3.7.2. The Bulgarian Muslims (Pomaks) 39 3.7.3. The Roma 40 3.7.4. The Macedonians 41 3.7.5. Other Minorities in Bulgaria 41 3.8. ROMANIA AND ITS MINORITIES 42 3.8.1. The Magyars, the "Minority" in Romania 42 3.8.2. Germans in Romania 44 3.8.3. The Roma 44 3.8.4. The Muslims (Turks and Tatars) 45 3.8.5. The Other Minorities in Romania 45 3.9. MINORITIES IN THE NEW YUGOSLAV 46 FEDERATION 3.9.1. Serbia and Its Minorities 46 3.9.2. Albanians and the Situation in Kosovo/a 47 3.9.3. The Magyars in Vojvodina and the ethnic make-up 48 of the Region 3.9.4. Muslims in the Sanjak 50 3.9.5. Other Minorities in Serbia (Kosovo/a and 51 the Vojvodina Excluded 3.9.6. Minorities in Montenegro 51 3.9.7. Muslims in Montenegro 51 3.9.8. Albanians in Montenegro 52 3.10. PEOPLES OF BOSNIA-HERZEGOVINA 52 CHAPTER rV- THE SECURITY DIMENSION 56 4.1. A THEORETICAL REVIEW 56 4.2. SECURITY CONCEPT AND THE BALKANS 56 4.3. SECURITY IN THE BALKANS 59 IX 4.4. THE SECURITY TRIANGLE; THE MINORITY, ITS 60 HOST STATE AND ITS MOTHER STATE 4.4.1. Relations Between a Minority and 60 Its Host State 4.4.2. Relations Between a Minority and 62 Its Mother State 4.4.3. The Relations Between the Host and 62 mother States 4.4.4. Minorities without Mother States in 63 Existence 4.4.5. Minorities with Mother States 63 4.5. GREEKS IN ALBANIA 63 4.6. TURKS (AND MUSLIMS) IN GREECE 65 4.7. TURKS (AND MUSLIMS) IN BULGARIA 66 4.8. MAGYARS IN ROMANIA 68 4.9. SERBS IN CROATIA 70 4.10. ALBANIANS IN KOSOVO/A 72 4.11. ALBANIANS IN MACEDONIA 74 CHAPTER V- CONCLUSION 77 NOTES 80 BIBLIOGRAPHY 93 X CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION A Glance at the history of the Balkans will reveal the fact that for much of its past, and also for the present, the issue of reliGion, nationalism and minorities are inseparable from the analytical point of view. DurinG long Ottoman years, as the sociah system of the Empire defined the Imperial subjects on the basis of adherence to reliGious communities (i.e. M ille t^ this turned reliGious identity into an inalienable part of the Balkan heritaGe. In addition,since the Balkan churches -within the framework of the Millet system- were the sole institutions to have survived into the Ottoman system, they initially became a refuGee for the heritaGe, and later (startinG with 19th century) the perpetuators of indiGenous Balkan identities. Thus reliGion had became the dominant, if not the sinGle, social bearinG, by the time nationalism arrived in the peninsula. Nationalism reached the Balkans, followinG the French revolution and in a rather indirect fashion throuGh intermediaries. Central Europe, Greece and the Greek speakinG peoples of the Empire were the stations throuGh which nationalism found favourable terrain in the peninsula.
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