The Indonesian Studies Program Terence Chong
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Chapter I Introduction
CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION 1.1 Background Speech is an action where sounds or marks uttered to share meaning (Searle, 2012). One of the speech act forms is delivering speech in an international conference. The intention to perform the utterance of sound in a public such as conference is to share complete concept or idea, feeling, or story in the speaker’s mind or heart formed shape in different ways depending on the content, the intended audience (Elizabeth, 2003). In a conference, the presenter may select what kind of speech genre that they want to start a from of written or spoken language, for example conversation script, journal, essays, speech, etc. Each speech genre has five characteristic areas: structure, style, content or subject matters, conception of audience, and range of purpose. One of the interesting speech acts presented in a conference is delivered by Agus Harimurti Yudhoyono (in this research then called as AHY). The researcher choose the AHY speech in this study because the figure of AHY was a figure of a young man who had high leadership prospects, his words would have more impact, besides that he also held the control of quite large parties and extraordinary military figures. , then he is also quite fluent in English. in previous research many have been carried out by several researchers, who examined the speeches of President Barac Obama and the inaugural Barac Obama by (Rohmawati, 2016). while for non-english speakers it was done to Xi Jinping's speech by (su, 2016) using Appraisal theory. In this study focus of study AHY speakers. -
And During the (1998-Reformasi Era (1998—2006)
CHAPTER IV OPPORTUNISTIC SUBALTERN’S NEGOTIATIONS DURING THE NEW ORDER ERA (1974-1998) AND DURING THE (1998-REFORMASI ERA (1998—2006) What happened in West Kalimantan from early 1998 to 2006 was a distorted mirror image of what happened in Jakarta from early 1997 to 2004 (the return of the former government party Golkar, or at least its pro-development/anti-poor policies, to national politics). The old power, conveniently setting up scapegoats and places to hide, returned slowly and inconspicuously to the political theater. On the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI, or Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia) anniversary on 5 October 1999, its Supreme Commander General Wiranto, a protégé of former president Suharto, published a book that outlined the new, formal policy of the Armed Forces (entitled “ABRI Abad XXI: Redefinisi, Reposisi, dan Reaktualisasi Peran ABRI dalam Kehidupan Bangsa” or Indonesian Armed Forces 21st Century: Redefinition, Reposition, and Re-actualization of its Role in the Nation’s Life). Two of the most important changes heralded by the book were first, a new commitment by the Armed Forces (changed from ABRI to TNI, or Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Soldier) to detach itself from politics, political parties and general elections and second, the eradication of some suppressive agencies related to civic rules and liberties1. 1 Despite claims of its demise when the Berlin Wall was dismantled in 1989, the Cold War had always been the most influential factor within the Indonesian Armed Forces’ doctrines. At the “end of the Cold War” in 1989, the Indonesia Armed Forces invoked a doctrine related to the kewaspadaan (a rather paranoid sense of danger) to counter the incoming openness (glastnost) in Eastern Europe. -
Social Media in the Constituent Interaction and Mobility (Case Study in the 2017 Jakarta-Indonesia Governor General Election Campaign)
Journal of Theoretical and Applied Information Technology 31st July 2019. Vol.97. No 14 © 2005 – ongoing JATIT & LLS ISSN: 1992-8645 www.jatit.org E-ISSN: 1817-3195 SOCIAL MEDIA IN THE CONSTITUENT INTERACTION AND MOBILITY (CASE STUDY IN THE 2017 JAKARTA-INDONESIA GOVERNOR GENERAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN) 1 YUNILA LARAS ISMAWANI, 2 LA MANI, 3 MUHAMMAD ARAS 1Communication Department, BINUS Graduate Program, Master of Strategic Marketing Communications, Bina Nusantara University Jakarta, Indonesia 11480 2Communication Department, BINUS Graduate Program, Master of Strategic Marketing Communications, Bina Nusantara University Jakarta, Indonesia 11480 3Communication Department, BINUS Graduate Program, Master of Strategic Marketing Communications, Bina Nusantara University Jakarta, Indonesia 11480 E-mail: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] ABSTRACT The use of social media in general election campaign in Indonesia becomes more common but the relationship between social media existence in political campaign and the final vote result still need to be scrutinized. Therefore this study aims to analyze with a systematic and empirical approach of the social media usage (Including Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram) by DKI Jakarta governor candidates for the 2017-2022 period. Based on the observations, we found that each DKI Jakarta governor candidate has had a popular social media account in Indonesia, namely Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram. Such media were used to in conducting political campaigns and interacting with their constituents. Based on in-depth analysis of the empirical data showed that the presence of social media in the political campaigns in Indonesia had a strong relationship with the final results of DKI Jakarta governor election. -
Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario
www.ssoar.info Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Seto, Ario Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Seto, A. (2019). Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing. ASEAS - Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. https://doi.org/10.14764/10.ASEAS-0021 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/deed.de Aktuelle Südostasienforschung Current Research on Southeast Asia Islamist Buzzers: Message Flooding, Offline Outreach, and Astroturfing Ario Seto ► Seto, A. (2019). Islamist buzzers: Message flooding, offline outreach, and astroturfing.Austrian Journal of South-East Asian Studies, 12(2), 187-208. Based on ethnographic research on Islamist buzzers – social media political operators tasked with making particular online conversation subjects trend – in Indonesia, this article details the process of how the proliferation of insensitive message in both the online and offline realms plays a role in mobilizing those sympathetic to religious fundamental- ism. As this research shows, the interviewed buzzers were one of the driving forces behind the massive success of the fundamentalist Islamic Defenders Front (Front Pembela Islam, FPI) as they mobilized people to participate in the organization’s political rallies between 2016 and 2017. Driven by altruistic volunteerism and sense of community, these actors go beyond their duty as click-farmers. -
Sales and Services February 2017
ISSN 0970-7247 CONCEPTTHIRD English Monthly Annual Subscription Rs. 200 Vol. 30 No. 360 FEBRUARY 2017 Rs. 20.00 O Jakarta Gubernatorial Elections 2017 O Moldova’s Geopolitical Dilemma O Brazil’s Locomotive Breath O Corruption in Sino-World O Corruption in India O Ancient Temples of Kashmir THIRD CONCEPT, FEBRUARY 2017 1 2 THIRD CONCEPT, FEBRUARY 2017 CONCEPTTHIRD INSIDE Editorial An International Journal Imperiled World! 5 of Ideas B.K. Jakarta Gubernatorial Vol. 30 No. 360 FEBRUARY 2017 Rs. 20. 00 Election 2017 in Perspective 7 Third Concept aims at providing a platform where Igor Dirgantara a meaningful exchange of ideas can take place among the people of the Third World. The attempt will be Geopolitical Significance of Kazakhstan 11 to communicate, debate and disseminate information, Filippo R Omeo ideas and alternatives for the resolution of the common problems facing humankind. We welcome Moldova’s Geopolitical Dilemma 13 contributions from academics, journalists and even from those who may never have published anything Dr. Manabhanjan Meher before. The only requirement is a concern for and Brazil’s Locomotive Breath 16 desire to understand and take the issue of our time. Contributions may be descriptive, analytical or Nicola Bilotta theoretical. They may be in the form of original Combating corruption in the Sino-world 21 articles, reactions to previous contributions, or even a comment on a prevailing situation. All contributions, Ms. Lingbo ZHAO neatly typed in double space, may be addressed to: Popular Culture vs. Cinema in India 27 Editor Consulting Editor Ranjay K. Reddy Babuddin Khan M. L. Sharma Medical Education and Health Managing Editor Art Director Service in India 31 R. -
Indonesia's National Car Project Revisited
INDONESIA’S NATIONAL CAR PROJECT REVISITED The History of Kia-Timor Motors and Its Aftermath Christopher D. Hale Five years have passed since Tommy Suharto launched Indonesia’s Timor national car project, which operated for only one year amid intense controversy before being shut down. Despite its brief life span, the aborted project has had broader implications related to the nature of fu- ture economic growth in Indonesia and the country’s integration into the re- gional economy. Furthermore, the effects of the project experience and its aftermath continue to resonate in the country’s car industry. For all these reasons, it is beneficial to revisit the episode and examine the lessons that have been learned thus far. In this article, I will briefly outline the history of automobile manufactur- ing in Indonesia. I then discuss the 1996 decision to create a national car industry with the help of Korean manufacturer Kia Motors and the possible reasons behind it. This is followed by a discussion of the international trade tensions that the Indonesian government’s protectionist policies fomented, and how those tensions in turn combined with the regional economic crisis as well as problems faced by Kia at home to sink the Timor project. The out- come of these developments left Indonesia’s relations with multilateral trade bodies in a shaky state and also produced lower levels of foreign direct in- vestment (FDI). These factors in turn help to explain why there has been a noticeable rise in the Indonesian government’s reliance on and courting of foreign companies willing to invest. -
Guernsey Border Agency) V Garnet Investments Ltd (2011
The Chief Officer Customs, Excise, Immigration and Nationality Service (Guernsey Border Agency) v Garnet Investments Ltd (2011) HKU Faculty of Law Allan Bell, University of Hong Kong • Proceeds of Crime Conference • 07 October 2011 Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd (Appeal of Judicial Review – 01 August 2011) Objectives -> Implications of the Garnet decision for: • informal restraint of suspected proceeds of crime in Common Law jurisdictions -> offshore financial centres • operational issues -> MLAs with Indonesia • domestic challenges faced by Indonesian Asset Recovery Regime -> Government of Indonesia • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Guernsey Offshore Financial Centre, UK • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Special Features of the Guernsey Jurisdiction: • Crown Dependency / Offshore Financial Centre • hybrid jurisdiction; essentially Common Law with elements of the French civil code • a number of different laws and measures aimed at preventing and detecting the laundering of the proceeds of crime and/or the financing of terrorism • Criminal Justice (Proceeds of Crime) (Bailiwick of Guernsey) Law, 1999 • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Several criminal offences created by the Law • offence of being involved in the control of property -
The Journal of Social Sciences Research ISSN(E): 2411-9458, ISSN(P): 2413-6670 Vol
The Journal of Social Sciences Research ISSN(e): 2411-9458, ISSN(p): 2413-6670 Vol. 4, Issue. 12, pp: 834-840, 2018 Academic Research Publishing URL: https://arpgweb.com/journal/journal/7 Group DOI: https://doi.org/10.32861/jssr.412.834.840 Original Research Open Access The Development of Teun Van Dijk Model: A Discourse Analysis Towards News Report of Jakarta Regional Election on Media Indonesia.com Published from November Until December 2016 Ayub Dwi Anggoro* University Muhammadiyah of Ponorogo Aziz Amin University Sultan Zainal Abidin Abstract The direct regional election of 2017 is one of the democracy parties celebrated by the people of Special Capital Region of Jakarta. As the capital of the country, this regional election brings special meaning for the people, communities, and parties participating in this election to become the highest sovereign of this region. Philosophically, it will be easier to win the next national election when a certain party becomes the sovereign of this Special Capital Region of Jakarta. In this case, news media has a very important role in providing good and useful information to the people and the community. The independence of media is expected to provide balanced, neutral information because it may greatly determine the quality of the ongoing regional election. As the opposite, there is also a possibility in which media is used as a tool to build political power. That is why there is a new phenomenon in which many media owners are involved and even actively participated in politics in Indonesia. The dynamics of the current communication technology development is started to be taken seriously by the media owners. -
History, Memory, and the "1965 Incident" in Indonesia
HISTORY, MEMORY, AND THE “1965 INCIDENT” IN INDONESIA Mary S. Zurbuchen With the events of 1998 that climaxed in the stunning moment of President Suharto’s resignation, Indonesia embarked on a transi- tion from a tenacious authoritarianism. These changes have prompted re- examination of assumptions and tenets that have shaped the state, its laws and institutions, and the experience of being a citizen. They have also spurred calls for justice and retribution for persistent patterns of violence. Suharto’s New Order is the only government that most Indonesians alive today have ever known, and its passing has sparked notable interest in reviewing and assessing earlier chapters in the national story. This retrospective moment has not been systematic, and there are indications that it may not be sustained under the administration of President Megawati Sukarnoputri. 1 Nonetheless, public discourse continues to spotlight key actors and events from the past, including some that have long been hidden, suppressed, or unmentionable. Among these topics, the killings of 1965–66 are a particularly difficult and dark subject. In this essay, I will discuss some of the recent representations of this particular element of the collective past and offer some thoughts on how “1965” figures in contemporary public discourse, in social and private Mary S. Zurbuchen is Visiting Professor and Acting Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Asian Survey , 42:4, pp. 564–582. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2002 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste. -
Million-Dollar Defamation Award to Suharto's Son Setbacks
For immediate release: 26 May 2011 PRESS RELEASE INDONESIA: Million-Dollar Defamation Award to Suharto’s Son Setbacks Freedom of Expression Jakarta 26.05.11: The youngest son of Indonesia’s former President Suharto - Hutomo Mandala Putra was awarded on 24 May 2011 damages worth 12.5 billion Rupiah ($1.46 million) for a magazine article which described him as a “convicted murderer.” Also known as “Tommy Suharto,” the description in the article was a reference to his 2002 conviction for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge. “It is very disturbing that an Indonesian court awarded damages to Tommy Suharto for the publication of an article which mentioned true facts about his conviction. This ruling carries severe implications for press freedom in Indonesia and is further aggravated by the million- dollar compensation. The Tommy Suharto defamation case sends out the wrong signal as it implies that the judiciary system in Indonesia favours the protection of the rich and powerful,” said Dr Agnes Callamard, Executive Director ARTICLE 19. “Unfortunately, this ruling is also a reminder of the oppressive and corrupted era under former President Suharto and constitutes a serious setback to Indonesia’s progress in upholding freedom of expression and the rule of law since the fall of Suharto,” continued Callamard. The South Jakarta District Court ruled that the article, which appeared in December 2009 in the in-flight magazine of the national carrier Garuda airlines, “has damaged the plaintiff's credibility as a local and international businessman.” The judge said that Tommy Suharto has “served his sentence and since the completion of the term he has fully regained his rights as a citizen and for his past to not be mentioned”. -
The Indonesian Conundrum: Entrenched Corruption and Failing Reform
> Research The Indonesian conundrum: entrenched corruption and failing reform Experts and most Indonesians agree that since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Reformasi and Demokratisasi have failed to check corruption, commonly referred to as KKN: Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme. The new government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made the fight against KKN its chief priority, but the results so far have been disappointing. Peter King A principal reason for this is the impunity of the military and military- hy is the struggle against corrup- dominated sectors of the government in Wtion in Indonesia so difficult? their violent dealing with civil society What are the main mechanisms for its opponents who seek to expose and intensifying proliferation? Who are the undermine the military business principal beneficiaries and cost bearers? empire, which includes illegal logging What role can Indonesian civil society and log export,6 and fuel smuggling and play in overcoming the growing threat theft on a vast scale in collusion with cor- of KKN? Can Indonesia escape the KKN rupt officials at the state oil and gas com- trap, which threatens to create a future pany, Pertamina (Pertambangan Minjak of poverty and turmoil? dan Gas Bumi Nasional).7 TNI and the police also routinely extend protection Corruption is central to understanding to big business associates who them- the failure of Indonesia’s new rulers to selves employ violence and intimidation deliver meaningful reform, well-found- in defence of corrupt empires. ed prosperity or a measure of social jus- tice. In the late Suharto period the coun- TNI remains a prime guarantor of try was widely thought of as a Suharto family wealth, which became kleptocracy, with one extended family clear when Tommy Suharto spent a year figuring as kleptocrats-in-chief. -
Indonesia Commission: Peace and Progress in Papua
Indonesia Commission: Peace and Progress in Papua Report of an Independent Commission Sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations Center for Preventive Action Dennis C. Blair, Chair David L. Phillips, Project Director The Council on Foreign Relations is dedicated to increasing America’s understanding of the world and contributing ideas to U.S. foreign policy. The Council accomplishes this mainly by promoting constructive debates and discussions, clarifying world issues, and pub- lishing Foreign Affairs, the leading journal on global issues. The Council is host to the widest possible range of views, but an advocate of none, though its research fellows and Independent Task Forces do take policy positions. THE COUNCIL TAKES NO INSTITUTIONAL POSITION ON POLICY ISSUES AND HAS NO AFFILIATION WITH THE U.S. GOVERNMENT. ALL STATE- MENTS OF FACT AND EXPRESSIONS OF OPINION CONTAINED IN ANY OF ITS PUBLICATIONS ARE THE SOLE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE AUTHOR OR AUTHORS. The Council will sponsor an Independent Commission when (1) an issue of current and critical importance to U.S. foreign policy arises, and (2) it seems that a group diverse in backgrounds and perspectives may, nonetheless, be able to reach a meaningful consensus on a policy through private and nonpartisan deliberations. Typically, a Commission meets between two and five times over a brief period to ensure the relevance of its work. Upon reaching a conclusion, a Commission issues a report, and the Council publishes its text and posts it on the Council website. Commission reports can take three forms: (1) a strong and meaningful policy consensus, with Commission members endorsing the general policy thrust and judgments reached by the group, though not necessarily every find- ing and recommendation; (2) a report stating the various policy positions, each as sharply and fairly as possible; or (3) a “Chairman’s Report,” where Commission members who agree with the Chairman’s report may associate themselves with it, while those who disagree may submit dissenting statements.