Indonesia Commission: Peace and Progress in Papua
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And During the (1998-Reformasi Era (1998—2006)
CHAPTER IV OPPORTUNISTIC SUBALTERN’S NEGOTIATIONS DURING THE NEW ORDER ERA (1974-1998) AND DURING THE (1998-REFORMASI ERA (1998—2006) What happened in West Kalimantan from early 1998 to 2006 was a distorted mirror image of what happened in Jakarta from early 1997 to 2004 (the return of the former government party Golkar, or at least its pro-development/anti-poor policies, to national politics). The old power, conveniently setting up scapegoats and places to hide, returned slowly and inconspicuously to the political theater. On the Indonesian Armed Forces (ABRI, or Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia) anniversary on 5 October 1999, its Supreme Commander General Wiranto, a protégé of former president Suharto, published a book that outlined the new, formal policy of the Armed Forces (entitled “ABRI Abad XXI: Redefinisi, Reposisi, dan Reaktualisasi Peran ABRI dalam Kehidupan Bangsa” or Indonesian Armed Forces 21st Century: Redefinition, Reposition, and Re-actualization of its Role in the Nation’s Life). Two of the most important changes heralded by the book were first, a new commitment by the Armed Forces (changed from ABRI to TNI, or Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Soldier) to detach itself from politics, political parties and general elections and second, the eradication of some suppressive agencies related to civic rules and liberties1. 1 Despite claims of its demise when the Berlin Wall was dismantled in 1989, the Cold War had always been the most influential factor within the Indonesian Armed Forces’ doctrines. At the “end of the Cold War” in 1989, the Indonesia Armed Forces invoked a doctrine related to the kewaspadaan (a rather paranoid sense of danger) to counter the incoming openness (glastnost) in Eastern Europe. -
Gender, Ritual and Social Formation in West Papua
Gender, ritual Pouwer Jan and social formation Gender, ritual in West Papua and social formation A configurational analysis comparing Kamoro and Asmat Gender,in West Papua ritual and social Gender, ritual and social formation in West Papua in West ritual and social formation Gender, This study, based on a lifelong involvement with New Guinea, compares the formation in West Papua culture of the Kamoro (18,000 people) with that of their eastern neighbours, the Asmat (40,000), both living on the south coast of West Papua, Indonesia. The comparison, showing substantial differences as well as striking similarities, contributes to a deeper understanding of both cultures. Part I looks at Kamoro society and culture through the window of its ritual cycle, framed by gender. Part II widens the view, offering in a comparative fashion a more detailed analysis of the socio-political and cosmo-mythological setting of the Kamoro and the Asmat rituals. These are closely linked with their social formations: matrilineally oriented for the Kamoro, patrilineally for the Asmat. Next is a systematic comparison of the rituals. Kamoro culture revolves around cosmological connections, ritual and play, whereas the Asmat central focus is on warfare and headhunting. Because of this difference in cultural orientation, similar, even identical, ritual acts and myths differ in meaning. The comparison includes a cross-cultural, structural analysis of relevant myths. This publication is of interest to scholars and students in Oceanic studies and those drawn to the comparative study of cultures. Jan Pouwer (1924) started his career as a government anthropologist in West New Guinea in the 1950s and 1960s, with periods of intensive fieldwork, in particular among the Kamoro. -
The West Papua Dilemma Leslie B
University of Wollongong Research Online University of Wollongong Thesis Collection University of Wollongong Thesis Collections 2010 The West Papua dilemma Leslie B. Rollings University of Wollongong Recommended Citation Rollings, Leslie B., The West Papua dilemma, Master of Arts thesis, University of Wollongong. School of History and Politics, University of Wollongong, 2010. http://ro.uow.edu.au/theses/3276 Research Online is the open access institutional repository for the University of Wollongong. For further information contact Manager Repository Services: [email protected]. School of History and Politics University of Wollongong THE WEST PAPUA DILEMMA Leslie B. Rollings This Thesis is presented for Degree of Master of Arts - Research University of Wollongong December 2010 For Adam who provided the inspiration. TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION................................................................................................................................ i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................................................................. ii ABSTRACT ...................................................................................................................................... iii Figure 1. Map of West Papua......................................................................................................v SUMMARY OF ACRONYMS ....................................................................................................... vi INTRODUCTION ..............................................................................................................................1 -
Indonesia's National Car Project Revisited
INDONESIA’S NATIONAL CAR PROJECT REVISITED The History of Kia-Timor Motors and Its Aftermath Christopher D. Hale Five years have passed since Tommy Suharto launched Indonesia’s Timor national car project, which operated for only one year amid intense controversy before being shut down. Despite its brief life span, the aborted project has had broader implications related to the nature of fu- ture economic growth in Indonesia and the country’s integration into the re- gional economy. Furthermore, the effects of the project experience and its aftermath continue to resonate in the country’s car industry. For all these reasons, it is beneficial to revisit the episode and examine the lessons that have been learned thus far. In this article, I will briefly outline the history of automobile manufactur- ing in Indonesia. I then discuss the 1996 decision to create a national car industry with the help of Korean manufacturer Kia Motors and the possible reasons behind it. This is followed by a discussion of the international trade tensions that the Indonesian government’s protectionist policies fomented, and how those tensions in turn combined with the regional economic crisis as well as problems faced by Kia at home to sink the Timor project. The out- come of these developments left Indonesia’s relations with multilateral trade bodies in a shaky state and also produced lower levels of foreign direct in- vestment (FDI). These factors in turn help to explain why there has been a noticeable rise in the Indonesian government’s reliance on and courting of foreign companies willing to invest. -
Guernsey Border Agency) V Garnet Investments Ltd (2011
The Chief Officer Customs, Excise, Immigration and Nationality Service (Guernsey Border Agency) v Garnet Investments Ltd (2011) HKU Faculty of Law Allan Bell, University of Hong Kong • Proceeds of Crime Conference • 07 October 2011 Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd (Appeal of Judicial Review – 01 August 2011) Objectives -> Implications of the Garnet decision for: • informal restraint of suspected proceeds of crime in Common Law jurisdictions -> offshore financial centres • operational issues -> MLAs with Indonesia • domestic challenges faced by Indonesian Asset Recovery Regime -> Government of Indonesia • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Guernsey Offshore Financial Centre, UK • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Special Features of the Guernsey Jurisdiction: • Crown Dependency / Offshore Financial Centre • hybrid jurisdiction; essentially Common Law with elements of the French civil code • a number of different laws and measures aimed at preventing and detecting the laundering of the proceeds of crime and/or the financing of terrorism • Criminal Justice (Proceeds of Crime) (Bailiwick of Guernsey) Law, 1999 • Proceeds of Crime Conference • HKU Faculty of Law Guernsey Cross Border Services v Garnet Investments Ltd Guernsey Legal Regime Several criminal offences created by the Law • offence of being involved in the control of property -
CASE STUDY on NDF of AGAR WOOD (Aquilaria Spp
CASE STUDY ON NDF OF AGAR WOOD (Aquilaria spp. & Gyrinops spp.) IN INDONESIA T.Partomihardjo, & G.Semiadi Reseach Center for Biology, Indonesian Institute of Sciences Jalan Ir. H. Juanda 22, Bogor 16122, Indonesia Telp.0251-322035, Fax: 0251-336538 email: [email protected] WELCOME TO INDONESIA 240 millions 1,920,000 km2 17,000 islands Forest area by forest category across the seven main islands in Indonesia No. Land forest coverage (status) Size (thousands of ha) % 1 Conservation forest areas 14,365 15.3 2 Protected forest areas 22,102 23.5 3 Production forest divided into 3 categories 3.a Limited Production Forest (HPT) 18,180 19.4 3.b Production Forest (HP) 20,624 22.0 3.c Production Forest subject to be 10,693 11.4 converted (HPK) Sub Total 49,497 52.7 4 Other land use 7,967 8.4 Total 93,924 100 Data sources: Rehabilitation of Land Forest Cover in Indonesia year 2005, BAPLAN 2005) Agar wood producing species in Indonesia Species Ecology (m asl) * Distribution A. beccariana van Tiegh. Up to 825: primary forets Sumatra, Borneo/Kalimantan, common A. cumingiana (Decne) Medium altitude: in primary South Borneo, Moluccas (Morotai & Halmahera), Ridl. forest A. fillaria (Oken) Merr. Up to 130: open swamp forest Celebes, Moluccas: Morotai, Seram& Ambon, West New Guinea: Sorong & Babo) A. hirta Ridl. Up to 300: in hill slope from Riau, South Sumatra, Bangka, Belitung & other neighboring lowland forest small islands (Bintan, Batam). A. malaccensis Lamk. Up to 270: common in Sumatra, Borneo/Kalimantan &its surrounding small islands primary forest A. -
Papua New Guinea, Agats & Raja Ampat Expedition
PAPUA NEW GUINEA, AGATS & RAJA AMPAT EXPEDITION Embark on an exciting, 18-day expedition cruise that grants you access to one of the remotest regions left on earth – Oceania’s smaller islands. Discover cerulean seas, remote tribes, and incredible wildlife and marine life when you travel from Papua New Guinea’s New Britain around the tip of PNG, through the Torres Strait and to the westernmost point of West Papua. This sailing proffers the twin promises of luxury and unfettered horizons. Travel aboard a stylish and comfortable ship crewed by a passionate and knowledgeable team. Enjoy unique onshore excursions in special places that our guides know well. ITINERARY DAY 1, RABAUL Your luxury expedition cruise begins in Rabaul, the former capital of Papua New Guinea’s New Britain island. Located inside a flooded caldera, the town’s proximity to a volatile volcano – plus aerial bombardment during World War II – has forced it to rise from the ashes more than once. Most recently the town was rebuilt after widespread destruction caused when Mount Tavurvur erupted in 1994. Thanks to its impressive harbour, buzzing markets and fascinating wartime past, Rabaul is an exciting place to visit. There’s an observatory in the town’s centre, which monitors the country’s two volcanic arcs, and a small museum located in what was a Japanese bunker. DAY 2, JACQUINOT BAY Arrive at a tropical paradise today, as you call on Jacquinot Bay. A large, open inlet on the southeast coast of New Britain, you’ll enjoy the sugary white sand, swaying palm trees which cast perfect patches of shade, cascading cooler-water waterfall, and above all, the tranquillity. -
History, Memory, and the "1965 Incident" in Indonesia
HISTORY, MEMORY, AND THE “1965 INCIDENT” IN INDONESIA Mary S. Zurbuchen With the events of 1998 that climaxed in the stunning moment of President Suharto’s resignation, Indonesia embarked on a transi- tion from a tenacious authoritarianism. These changes have prompted re- examination of assumptions and tenets that have shaped the state, its laws and institutions, and the experience of being a citizen. They have also spurred calls for justice and retribution for persistent patterns of violence. Suharto’s New Order is the only government that most Indonesians alive today have ever known, and its passing has sparked notable interest in reviewing and assessing earlier chapters in the national story. This retrospective moment has not been systematic, and there are indications that it may not be sustained under the administration of President Megawati Sukarnoputri. 1 Nonetheless, public discourse continues to spotlight key actors and events from the past, including some that have long been hidden, suppressed, or unmentionable. Among these topics, the killings of 1965–66 are a particularly difficult and dark subject. In this essay, I will discuss some of the recent representations of this particular element of the collective past and offer some thoughts on how “1965” figures in contemporary public discourse, in social and private Mary S. Zurbuchen is Visiting Professor and Acting Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Asian Survey , 42:4, pp. 564–582. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2002 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste. -
Million-Dollar Defamation Award to Suharto's Son Setbacks
For immediate release: 26 May 2011 PRESS RELEASE INDONESIA: Million-Dollar Defamation Award to Suharto’s Son Setbacks Freedom of Expression Jakarta 26.05.11: The youngest son of Indonesia’s former President Suharto - Hutomo Mandala Putra was awarded on 24 May 2011 damages worth 12.5 billion Rupiah ($1.46 million) for a magazine article which described him as a “convicted murderer.” Also known as “Tommy Suharto,” the description in the article was a reference to his 2002 conviction for ordering the murder of a Supreme Court judge. “It is very disturbing that an Indonesian court awarded damages to Tommy Suharto for the publication of an article which mentioned true facts about his conviction. This ruling carries severe implications for press freedom in Indonesia and is further aggravated by the million- dollar compensation. The Tommy Suharto defamation case sends out the wrong signal as it implies that the judiciary system in Indonesia favours the protection of the rich and powerful,” said Dr Agnes Callamard, Executive Director ARTICLE 19. “Unfortunately, this ruling is also a reminder of the oppressive and corrupted era under former President Suharto and constitutes a serious setback to Indonesia’s progress in upholding freedom of expression and the rule of law since the fall of Suharto,” continued Callamard. The South Jakarta District Court ruled that the article, which appeared in December 2009 in the in-flight magazine of the national carrier Garuda airlines, “has damaged the plaintiff's credibility as a local and international businessman.” The judge said that Tommy Suharto has “served his sentence and since the completion of the term he has fully regained his rights as a citizen and for his past to not be mentioned”. -
The Indonesian Conundrum: Entrenched Corruption and Failing Reform
> Research The Indonesian conundrum: entrenched corruption and failing reform Experts and most Indonesians agree that since the fall of Suharto in 1998, Reformasi and Demokratisasi have failed to check corruption, commonly referred to as KKN: Korupsi, Kolusi dan Nepotisme. The new government of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono has made the fight against KKN its chief priority, but the results so far have been disappointing. Peter King A principal reason for this is the impunity of the military and military- hy is the struggle against corrup- dominated sectors of the government in Wtion in Indonesia so difficult? their violent dealing with civil society What are the main mechanisms for its opponents who seek to expose and intensifying proliferation? Who are the undermine the military business principal beneficiaries and cost bearers? empire, which includes illegal logging What role can Indonesian civil society and log export,6 and fuel smuggling and play in overcoming the growing threat theft on a vast scale in collusion with cor- of KKN? Can Indonesia escape the KKN rupt officials at the state oil and gas com- trap, which threatens to create a future pany, Pertamina (Pertambangan Minjak of poverty and turmoil? dan Gas Bumi Nasional).7 TNI and the police also routinely extend protection Corruption is central to understanding to big business associates who them- the failure of Indonesia’s new rulers to selves employ violence and intimidation deliver meaningful reform, well-found- in defence of corrupt empires. ed prosperity or a measure of social jus- tice. In the late Suharto period the coun- TNI remains a prime guarantor of try was widely thought of as a Suharto family wealth, which became kleptocracy, with one extended family clear when Tommy Suharto spent a year figuring as kleptocrats-in-chief. -
The End of Suharto
Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998 This is the Published version of the following publication UNSPECIFIED (1998) Tapol bulletin no,147, July 1998. Tapol bulletin (147). pp. 1-28. ISSN 1356-1154 The publisher’s official version can be found at Note that access to this version may require subscription. Downloaded from VU Research Repository https://vuir.vu.edu.au/25993/ ISSN 1356-1154 The Indonesia Human Rights Campaign TAPOL Bulletin No. 147 July 1998 The end of Suharto 21 May 1998 will go down in world history as the day when the bloody and despotic rule ofSuharto came to an end. His 32-year rule made him Asia's longest ruler after World War IL He broke many other world records, as a mass killer and human rights violator. In 196511966 he was responsible for the slaughtt:r of at least half a million people and the incarceration of more than 1.2 million. He is also respon{iible for the deaths of 200,000 East Timorese, a third of the population, one of the worst . acts ofgenocide this century. Ignoring the blood-letting that accompanied his seizure of In the last two years, other forms of social unrest took power, the western powers fell over themselves to wel hold: assaults on local police, fury against the privileges come Suharto. He had crushed the world's largest commu nist party outside the Soviet bloc and grabbed power from From the editors: We apologise for the late arrival of President Sukarno who was seen by many in the West as a this issue. -
INDONESIA in 2000 a Shaky Start for Democracy
INDONESIA IN 2000 A Shaky Start for Democracy R. William Liddle At the end of 1999 Indonesia appeared to have com- pleted a successful transition to democracy after more than four decades of dictatorship. Free elections had been held for the national legislature (DPR, Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat). The People’s Consultative Assembly (MPR, Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat), a uniquely Indonesian institution com- prising members of the DPR plus regional and group representatives, had chosen a new president, the charismatic traditionalist Muslim cleric Abdur- rahman Wahid (called Gus Dur) and vice-president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of Indonesia’s founding father and first president Sukarno, for the 1999–2004 term. Gus Dur, whose Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB, Na- tional Awakening Party) holds only 11% of the DPR seats, had then ap- pointed a national unity cabinet consisting of representatives of all of the major parties. Twelve months later, Gus Dur is widely regarded, both at home and abroad, as a failed president. He narrowly escaped dismissal by the MPR, which met for its first annual session in August 2000. Most observers and politicians concur that his personal legitimacy continues to decline and that the main obstacle to his removal now is fear that his likely replacement, Megawati, would be an even worse president. This extraordinary fall is largely the consequence of Gus Dur’s own disas- trous choices. He has been unwilling to act like a politician in a democracy, that is, to build a broad base of support and adopt a set of policies responsive to the interests of this constituency. Instead, he has acted impulsively and inconsistently, often without consulting his own staff, let alone his putative R.