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The Passive Revolutionary Route to the Modern World: Italy and India in Comparative Perspective Author(S): Dylan J

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The Passive Revolutionary Route to the Modern World: Italy and India in Comparative Perspective Author(S): Dylan J Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History The Passive Revolutionary Route to the Modern World: Italy and India in Comparative Perspective Author(s): Dylan J. Riley and Manali Desai Source: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 49, No. 4 (Oct., 2007), pp. 815-847 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4497708 . Accessed: 25/08/2013 23:50 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press and Society for Comparative Studies in Society and History are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Comparative Studies in Society and History. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 136.152.209.153 on Sun, 25 Aug 2013 23:50:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ComparativeStudies in Societyand History2007;49(4):815-847. 0010-4175/07$15.00 ? 2007 Societyfor Comparative Study of Societyand History DOI: 10.1017/S0010417507000771 The PassiveRevolutionary Route to theModem World: Italy and India in ComparativePerspective DYLAN J. RILEY Sociology,University of California, Berkeley MANALI DESAI Sociology,University of Kent Hindostanis an Italyof Asiatic dimensions, the Himalayas for the Alps, the Plains of Bengalfor the Plains of Lombardy,the Deccan for the Apennines, and the Isle of Ceylonfor the Island of Sicily. --Karl Marx Ifwe wanteverything toremain as itis, everything must change. --Giuseppe Tomasidi Lampedusa REVOLUTIONS AND CONSERVATIVE MODERNIZATION SinceBarrington Moore (1993: 438) famouslywrote, "the notion that a violent popularrevolution is somehownecessary in orderto sweep away 'feudal' obstaclesto industrializationis pure nonsense," conservative modernization has been theobject of considerableattention (McDaniel 1991: 5; Trimberger 1978:3). Revolutionfrom above (Trimberger 1978: 3), andautocratic modem- ization(McDaniel 1991:5), in particular,are now widely viewed as alternative pathsto "modern"(nationally integrated and industrialized)societies. While scholarsemphasize important differences among these routes, they share two mainfeatures. First, these forms of modernization leave intact much of the pre- existingclass and statestructure. Second, the main agent of transformationin thesecases is usuallyconsidered to be thecentral state. Thispaper conceptualizes and explains a specificform of conservative mod- ernizationwhich we term"passive revolution," in whicha masspolitical party Acknowledgments:We would like to thankGiovanni Arrighi, Michael Burawoy, Rebecca Jean Emigh,and theanonymous reviewers from Comnparative Studies in Societyand Histor3for their helpfutlcomments on this paper. 815 This content downloaded from 136.152.209.153 on Sun, 25 Aug 2013 23:50:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 816 DYLAN J. RILEY AND MANALI DESAI ratherthan the state promotes economic development and nationalintegration while leavingthe pre-existing social and politicalorder largely undisturbed (Gramsci1971: 106-20). We explainthe general conditions for this path to the modemworld and distinguishbetween two formsof it: violentpassive revolutionsexemplified by Italian fascism(1919-1938), and non-violent passiverevolutions exemplified by Indiannationalism (1919-1947). We con- cludeby placingpassive revolution in thecontext of otherconservative mod- ernizationprocess, and brieflydiscuss the possible consequences of thisroute to modemsociety. PASSIVE REVOLUTIONS Politicaltheorists (Chatterjee 1986: 48-49), historians(Adamson 1980; Davis et al. 1979; Roosa 2001; Sarkar1983a), scholars of internationalrelations and of development(Abrahamsen 1997; Morton2003; Soederberg2001) have all usedthe term passive revolution. However it remains marginal to the lexicon of politicalsociology, in part because it has beenpoorly defined. In thissection of the essay we conceptualizepassive revolutionas a distinctive"route to the modemworld" (Moore 1993: 413-14). Passive RevolutionDefined AntonioGramsci draws the concept of passive revolution from the Neapolitan politicalwriter Vincenzo Cuoco (1998: 326, 251), who uses the termto describehow youngermembers of the southernItalian aristocracy adopted Frenchrevolutionary ideas in the eighteenthcentury. Gramsci extends the conceptby suggestingthat revolutionary ideas and formsof organization can be pressedinto the serviceof reactionarypolitics. He definespassive revolutionsas "restoration-revolutions"(1971: 118). The alliance between the "moderates"(made up of mostlylanded aristocrats) around Cavour and Mazzini's radical democratsduring the Italian Risorgimentoand Italian fascismboth exemplify this process (Adamson 1980: 630; De Felice 1977: 198; Gramsci1971: 108-9). Distinctivelyin passive revolutions,a revolutionarymodel of political organizationand revolutionarypolitical techniquesare pressed into the serviceof a conservativemodernization project (De Felice 1977: 198-99; Gramsci1971: 118, 120). Specificto passive revolutionsis theparadoxical combinationof conservativeaims and revolutionarymeans. Passiverevolutions resemble social revolutions in the types of organizational actorsthat carry them out, but are similar to revolutions'from above' andauto- craticmodernization in theirconsequences. As in social revolutions,political organizationsrather than bureaucrats and notablesare the mainactors. Yet, likerevolutions from above and autocraticmodernization, passive revolutions leave intact,and mayeven strengthen,the social and politicalpower of pre- existing dominantclasses. Thus they do not issue in "rapid, basic This content downloaded from 136.152.209.153 on Sun, 25 Aug 2013 23:50:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ITALY AND INDIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE 817 transformationsof a society'sstate and class structures"(Skocpol 1979: 4). Distinctivelypassive revolutionsare instancesof the use of revolutionary meansof organization, rather than bureaucratic power, to achieveconservative modernization. Passive RevolutionExplained How shouldpassive revolutionsbe explained?Many of the conditionsthat explainthem are commonto conservativemodernization in general.Most importantamong these is theabsence of a "bourgeoisrevolution," defined as theviolent elimination of thelanded elite accompanied by landredistribution. Butwithin this general type of path passive revolutions occur under two further conditions.The firstis theweakening of the agrarian old regimeby an external power.This condition is importantbecause it blocks the development of an alli- ance betweenagrarian and industrialelites and thestate typical of revolutions fromabove and autocraticmodernization. The secondcondition is theemer- gence of mass mobilizationamong the workingclass and the peasantry, whichconvinces an importantsector of theagrarians and industrialistsof the need for a new politicalorder. Passive revolutionsare thus intimately,if ratherparadoxically, connected to mass mobilizationor at least to theper- ceivedthreat of mass mobilization. These, we argue,are the generalconditions of passive revolutions.But passiverevolutions take different forms depending on thepolitical instruments availablefor dealing with working class andpeasant insurgency. Where formal nationalunification is achievedprior to mass mobilization,the agrarian- industrialelite has difficultyforming a nationalistalliance with the mobilized peasantry.'Thus in these cases agrariansand industrialistsface a double threat:mobilized peasants and workers.Alienated from the state, and unable to forma modernizingcoalition that includes the peasants,the social elite pursuea violentpassive revolution.We arguethat Italian fascism typifies thispath. In conditionsof true colonialism the elite has differentoptions. Mobilization fornational self-determination becomes a powerfulideological tool to incor- poratebroad sectors of the peasantry. Further, the colonial regime may repress mobilizationamong the workingclass at no politicalcost to agrariansand industrialists.A moreinclusive non-violent passive revolution then becomes possible.Indian nationalism typifies this path. TWO TYPES OF PASSIVE REVOLUTION: ITALY AND INDIA Our analysisestablishes two key similaritiesthat explain the emergenceof a passiverevolutionary agent. First, in bothItaly and India externalpowers We use "agrarians"and "industrialists,"or moregenerally "social elite,"to referto those groups who controlled land and industrialcapital. For a similar usage see McDaniel (1991: 9). This content downloaded from 136.152.209.153 on Sun, 25 Aug 2013 23:50:41 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 818 DYLAN J. RILEY AND MANALI DESAI destroyedthe agrarian old regimethrough military and diplomatic means. This condition,as we argue,cut offthe possibility of a conservativemodernizing alliancewith the bureaucracy, and forcedagrarians and industrialistsback on theirown organizationalresources. Second, both Italy and Indiaunderwent a periodof rapid peasant and working class mobilizationthat was a majorstimu- lus towardan alternativemodernization project. In Italythis occurred in a con- centratedperiod during the two years following
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