EUCIS-LLL-Infonote-E

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

EUCIS-LLL-Infonote-E EUCIS-LLL INFORMATION NOTE EUROPEAN ELECTIONS 2014 While European elections are approaching, EUCIS-LLL provides you here with a detailed information note on how will it work, how the system may be reformed in the future, what the timeline is and what will be at stake for European democracy but also for European integration in general and for education and training in particular. See also EUCIS-LLL Manifesto and our Lifelong Learning Week 2013 which theme is “The future of learning – preparing for the 2014 elections”. How do elections work at EU level? What treaties say The European Parliament (EP) is the only directly elected institution of the EU and represents EU citizens. Every EU citizen has the right to vote and stand as a candidate for European elections, even if she/her resides in a different EU country than her/his own. EU political parties are meant to contribute to expressing the political will of citizens. Legal framework for 2014 European elections Treaty on European Union, article 10 and 17 Treaty on the functioning of the European Union, article 22 Charter of Fundamental Rights, article 11, 12 and 39 2012 Consolidated version of the 1976 Act concerning MEPs election 2012 European Parliament resolution on the elections to the European Parliament in 2014 2013 Commission Communication on preparing for the 2014 European elections: further enhancing their democratic and efficient conduct 2013 Commission Recommendation on enhancing the democratic and efficient conduct of the elections to the European Parliament 2013 European Parliament resolution on improving the practical arrangements for the holding of the European elections in 2014 1 Date The next European elections will take place from 22 to 25 May 2014 (proposed by the Parliament and approved by the Council; Member States are free to choose on which day they organise the vote), so that MEPs have sufficient time to prepare for the election of the European Commission President in July. In Member States Within Member States, each government has its national electoral provisions for European elections and therefore there is no uniform procedure but some elements of electoral systems have progressively been harmonised (proportional representation, creation of EU political parties, abolition of the dual mandate). This great diversity can sometimes entail ethical problems, such as different rules for private donations to national parties that will of course be highly influent in the EU campaign. Elections in each Member State are therefore made on the basis of proportional representation using the list system or the single transferable vote (ranked voting: if the candidate for which the elector votes is eliminated, the vote is transferred to other candidates according to the voter’s stated preferences). The ballot is free and secret and MEPs are elected by direct universal suffrage. Each country is free to establish constituencies for European elections as long as it does not affect the proportional vote principle, as well as a threshold for the allocation of seats that should not exceed 5% of votes at national level and a ceiling for candidates’ campaign budget. Number of seats MEPs are now sitting in groups formed on the basis of political affiliation rather than nationality. Currently, there are seven political groups: Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left European Conservatives and Reformists Group Europe of Freedom and Democracy Group 2 The first elections were held in 1979 and, since then, Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) are elected once every five years by voters across all the European Union Member States. Over decades the Parliament had to adapt seats distribution according to demographic and membership changes within the EU. There are currently 766 seats in the Parliament from all 28 countries, the last 12 lawmakers having been elected after Croatia’s accession to the EU in July 2013. This number should go down to 751 after the 2014 elections according to the rules of the Lisbon Treaty, meaning 15 seats have to be given up (Germany will lose 3, while Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Czech Republic, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Latvia, Lithuania, Portugal and Romania will lose 1 and the rest will remain the same). The maximum number of seats per Member State is 96 and the minimum is 6. Reforming the system by 2019 The allocation of seats should be revised before the 2019 European elections, to ensure that seats are distributed in an "objective, fair, durable and transparent way" and that the principle of “degressive proportionality” is respected (MEPs from larger Member States representing more citizens than smaller ones). Indeed, the Parliament's electoral system is a compromise between the democratic principle of equality (‘one person one vote’) and the international law principle of equality among states. A more radical application of the degressive proportionality principle would actually mean making some countries gain seats and some other lose more than one, but this would be hardly acceptable for Member States. Formalising a more realistic application of demographic trends and increased EU membership will be part of the proposal MEPs plan to table before the end of 2015 to reform the electoral process, along with the voting system. This proposal should be followed up by a serious dialogue engaging the Council, in the framework of an overall reform of EU treaties drawn up in a European Convention (see also the future Civil Society Alliance for a European Convention). The Commission had also insisted on the need to move this discussion forward as EU integration and legitimacy should go hand in hand. A new system of seats allocation would even be envisaged, with MEPs elected on pan-European lists with at least one third of Member States (electors would be allowed to vote for the pan-European list in addition to their vote for the national and regional lists and a EU regulating electoral authority would be set up) to reinforce European parties, for which the Parliament has also called the Commission to reflect on a common EU status (supposedly voted before the elections – see Commission proposal and procedure). MEP Andrew Duff (ALDE, UK) has tabled two reports to reform seats allocation in this direction heading towards those transnational lists, notably with the election of 25 MEPs by a single constituency formed of the whole EU territory. The Parliament has endorsed this idea but the Duff report unfortunately remains non-binding, depending on the willingness of Member States. Another significant change that could occur by 2019 is the questioning of the Strasbourg location for the plenary sitting of the Parliament one week a month. The Constitutional Affairs Committee has just adopted a report saying the Parliament could decide where to sit, but France will certainly never give up on having a European institution on its territory. Timeline Nov. 2013 - Jan. 2014: Greens primary election (two top candidates selected) 29-30 November: ALDE Congress (adoption of a Manifesto and opening for EC candidates) 19-20 Dec: ALDE special meeting (selection EC candidates) Feb 2014: PSE congress (selection of a candidate and adoption of a Manifesto) 6-7 March 2014: EPP congress (launch of European campaign) 22-25 May 2014: European elections July 2014: first new Parliament plenary sitting (election of EC President) 3 What is at stake for European democracy in 2014?1 Fostering ownership among EU citizens While it is unsure that a transnational list will really be set up for the upcoming elections, the Commission and the Parliament have called at least for political parties and Member States to take the polling seriously and give a genuine European dimension to the campaigns. Indeed, while the EU agenda is influencing more and more national strategies and citizens’ daily lives, elections turnout trends are deplorable (62% in 1979 against 43% in 2009). Often, European elections in Member States suffer from limited media coverage whereas opinion polls show that most citizens would vote if they were better informed about the European Parliament, the political parties, their programmes and candidates2. The Parliament called Member States to organise public campaigns to increase turnout, including by permitting political broadcasts by EU parties, and national parties to inform citizens about their European affiliation and programme. The Parliament itself has launched a campaign to raise awareness of its new powers after the Lisbon Treaty adoption, of its role in key EU stakes and the importance of voting. Besides, European elections campaigns within Member States that are more geared to support national programmes rather than genuinely promote a European democratic scene, and MEPs are more often elected on the basis of internal party trade-offs rather than of real expertise and interest in EU issues; this has contributed to impede participation to European elections over the years. The Parliament has asked European parties to orchestrate lively political campaigns addressing EU-level challenges and politics, from the elaboration of really alternative programmes to a multinational composition of the lists and even through the inclusion of the names and emblems of EU parties on ballot papers. The Parliament also called political parties to make the candidate names public at least six weeks before the vote. Democratic and transparent principles as well as high standards of integrity and openness within the parties shall apply for the selection of candidates but also all over the campaign. The Commission, along with similar recommendations on all those issues, has also called Member States to better collaborate on voters’ data transmission for an efficient conduct of the elections. At last, the Parliament also called on Member States to remedy the gender imbalance with the House with only 35% of female MEPs for the current term.
Recommended publications
  • The European Parliament Should Return to a 'Dual Mandate' System
    The European Parliament should return to a ‘dual mandate’ system which uses national politicians as representatives instead of directly elected MEPs blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/06/16/the-european-parliament-should-return-to-a-dual-mandate-system- which-uses-national-politicians-as-representatives-instead-of-directly-elected-meps/ 16/06/2014 One of the key criticisms of European Parliament elections is that low turnout prevents the Parliament from genuinely being able to confer legitimacy on the EU’s legislative process. Herman Lelieveldt writes that while there was a small increase in turnout in the 2014 European elections, the overall trend of declining turnout necessitates a radical reform to improve the EU’s democratic legitimacy. He suggests returning to a ‘dual mandate’ system through which national parliaments appoint a proportion of their members to split time between the European Parliament and the national level. With a turnout that was only slightly higher than five years ago and a general consensus that many of the dissatisfied voters stayed home, the new European Parliament continues the paradoxical trend of declining legitimacy despite a systematic increase in its powers over the last decades. If it comes to mobilising more voters it is safe to conclude that the experiment with the Spitzenkandidat has been an utter failure. Apart from maybe in Germany, the contest did not generate much excitement in the member states nor did it bring more voters to the polls. Hence we are left with another election in which a majority of the member states (17 out of the 28) saw turn-out again decline, as shown in the Chart below.
    [Show full text]
  • The Scrutiny of the Principle of Subsidiarity in the Procedures and Reasoned Opinions of the Italian Chamber and Senate
    11 The Scrutiny of the Principle of Subsidiarity in the Procedures and Reasoned Opinions of the Italian Chamber and Senate NICOLA LUPO I. Introduction National parliaments are generally institutions with a long history, strong proce- dural traditions and differing dynamics both externally (with their national gov- ernment as well as EU institutions, and of course with the other House, in the case of bicameral systems) and internally (ie between majority and opposition and between plenary and committees). Hence, a new procedure, like the scrutiny of the principle of subsidiarity, introduced at the EU level, does not fall on a blank page. On the contrary, it is inevitably embedded in the life of each parliament, being transformed and adapted to comply — as does naturally happen in a ‘ compos- ite ’ Constitution 1 — not only with EU requirements but also with the constraints established by each national Constitution. That is why the way in which the EWM develops in each national parliament depends on a series of elements that are typical of each constitutional system, such as the form of government, the political and institutional culture, the approach towards European integration, the confi guration of parliamentary groups and standing committees, and sometimes even the role of parliamentary bureaucracy. 2 1 For this expression and for its meaning see L Besselink , A Composite European Constitution ( Groningen , Europa Law Publishing , 2007 ) . 2 N Lupo , ‘ National Parliaments in the European integration process: re-aligning politics and poli- cies ’ in M Cartabia , N Lupo and A Simoncini (eds), Democracy and subsidiarity in the EU. National parliaments, regions and civil society in the decision-making process ( B o l o g n a , I l m u l i n o , 2 0 1 3 ) 1 0 7 – 3 2 , spec 130 (arguing that these elements could be deemed as part of the constitutional identity of each Member State).
    [Show full text]
  • The Future of ACP-EU Relations: a Political Economy Analysis
    The future of ACP-EU relations: A political economy analysis FINAL REPORT JANUARY 2016 Contributors to the report This report was developed by a core team with targeted inputs from a broad range of ECDPM staff and external experts, including from the ACP. Core team: Jean Bossuyt, Head of Strategy at ECDPM Niels Keijzer, Researcher at the German Development Institute (DIE) Alfonso Medinilla, Policy Officer at ECDPM Marc De Tollenaere, Programme Associate at ECDPM Thematic experts: Junior Lodge, consultant Paul Goodison, consultant Carine Nsoudou, consultant Gemma Pinol Puig, consultant Zakaria Amar, Programme Associate at ECDPM Andrew Sherriff, Head of Strengthening EU External Action Programme at ECDPM Alisa Herrero, Policy Officer at ECDPM Cecilia Gregersen, Policy Officer at ECDPM ECDPM contributors: Geert Laporte, Deputy Director Kathleen van Hove, Senior Policy Officer Francesco Rampa, Programme Manager Anna Knoll, Policy Officer Hanne Knaepen, Policy Officer Helene Vanvolsem, Policy Officer Sahra El Fassi, Policy Officer i Table of Contents Contributors to the report ......................................................................................................... i Acknowledgements ................................................................................................................ iv Acronyms and abbreviations .................................................................................................... v List of tables ........................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Dual-Mandate of Persons Who Serve As Mps and Mayors at the Same Time
    LEX LOCALIS - JOURNAL OF LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT Vol. 6, No. 4, pp. 429 - 443, October 2008 Dual-Mandate of Persons Who Serve as MPs and Mayors at the Same Time SAŠA ZAGORC2 ABSTRACT The incompatibility of the function at the state and local levels is defined to prevent exercising a dual mandate and other forms of conflict of interest to secure self-government in local communities. The discussed positions of dual- or even triple-mandate officials are neither unconstitutional nor unlawful in themselves, yet they relate to the incompatibility of interest roles these dual-mandate or triple-mandate officials simultaneously play. The inability of the National Assembly to regulate the issue of the incompatibility of the function in accordance with the basic principles in the state (balance of powers, local self-government autonomy, representative democracy) leads us to the conviction that, for the time being, the parliamentary lobby power is too great, whereas the political culture of the public is too weak to prevent the further steps of the legislator. An important aspect of the incompatibility of the function lies in the fact that individuals should be aware that performing the multiple functions, obtained in elections, is not a privilege, but it is a commitment and duty to perform the functions well and with dedication. The paradox is that an individual who is aware of this does not need any rules on the incompatibility of the function at all. KEY WORDS: • incompatibility of the function • mandate • National Assembly Members • mayor • deputy mayor • local self-government • separation of powers • Slovenia CORRESPONDENCE ADDRESS: Dr Saša Zagorc, University of Ljubljana, Faculty of Law, Poljanski nasip 2, SI-2000 Ljubljana, Slovenia, e-mail: [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • Research Title
    THE ROLE OF FEDERALISM IN MITIGATING ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES: NIGERIA AND MALAYSIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE CHUKWUNENYE CLIFFORD NJOKU DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND STRATEGIC STUDIES FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA KUALA LUMPUR 2015 THE ROLE OF FEDERALISM IN MITIGATING ETHNIC CONFLICTS IN PLURAL SOCIETIES: NIGERIA AND MALAYSIA IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE CHUKWUNENYE CLIFFORD NJOKU AHA080051 THESIS SUBMITTED IN FULFULMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND STRATEGIC STUDIES FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA KUALA LUMPUR 2015 UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA ORIGINIAL LITERARY WORD DECLARATION Name of Candidate: Chukwunenye Clifford Njoku (I/C/Passport No. A06333058) Registration/Matric No: AHA080051 Name of Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Title of Project Paper/Research Report/Dissertation/Thesis (“this Work”): The Role of Federalism in Mitigating Ethnic Conflicts in Plural Societies: Nigeria and Malaysia in Comparative Perspective Field of Study: International Relations I do solemnly and sincerely declare that: (1) I am the sole author/writer of this Work; (2) This Work is original; (3) Any use of work in which copyright exists was done by way of fair dealing and for permitted purposes and any except or extract from, or reference to or reproduction of any copyright work has been disclosed expressly and sufficiently and the title of the work and its authorship have been acknowledged in this
    [Show full text]
  • Setting New Priorities for the ECB's Mandate
    IN-DEPTH ANALYSIS Requested by the ECON committee Monetary Dialogue Papers, June 2020 Setting New Priorities for the ECB’s Mandate Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies Directorate-General for Internal Policies Authors: Christophe BLOT, Jérôme CREEL, Emmanuelle FAURE and Paul HUBERT EN PE 648.812 - May 2020 Setting New Priorities for the ECB’s Mandate Monetary Dialogue Papers June 2020 Abstract Beyond price stability, the EU Treaties assign to the ECB a range of secondary objectives. We investigate the linkages between price stability and these objectives to assess whether they are independent, complementary or substitutable, which is important to refine the definition of the mandate. Keeping the current mandate would not provide leeway for the ECB to reach other objectives. We propose to broaden the mandate to include employment and financial stability. Enhanced coordination should contribute to fulfilling the objectives. This document was provided by the Policy Department for Economic, Scientific and Quality of Life Policies at the request of the committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. This document was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs. AUTHORS Christophe BLOT, Sciences Po – OFCE & Université Paris Nanterre Jérôme CREEL, Sciences Po – OFCE & ESCP Business School Emmanuelle FAURE, Université Paris Nanterre Paul HUBERT, Sciences Po – OFCE ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Drazen RAKIC EDITORIAL ASSISTANT Janetta CUJKOVA LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN ABOUT
    [Show full text]
  • Dual Mandates, Patronage, and Partisanship in the French Third Republic
    Dual Mandates, Patronage, and Partisanship in the French Third Republic Alexandra Cirone⇤ Abstract How does simultaneously holding two elected offices a↵ect individual incentives for party investment in a new democracy? In this paper, I show that a pro-democratic institution initially designed to connect local and national politics – cumul des mandats,ortheabilitytoholdbothalocalandnational elected office – had negative e↵ects on the development of the nascent party system in France. Using a microlevel dataset of electoral outcomes, roll-call votes, and politician characteristics from the Third Republic (1870-1940), I show that holding a local office gave national legislators access to an external political network and patronage opportunities that served as a substitute for the benefits a party would typically provide. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that legislators with a dual mandate were less likely to invest in early party institutions, as measured by partisan voting and support of key legislative reforms that strengthen parties. Yet I also establish that such negative e↵ects can be mitigated with specific institutional changes that give selective incentives to parties. This paper’s contribution is to estimate the causal e↵ect of multiple office-holding on partisan outcomes, as well as present original results using a clear and precise measure of party investment. ⇤London School of Economics and Columbia University. Email: [email protected], [email protected]. I thank John Huber, Sylvain Brouard, Andy Eggers, Nikhar Gaikwad, Simon Hix, Francesca Refsum Jenisius, Isabela Mares, Pavithra Suryanarayan, Janne Tukiainen, Stephane Wolton, Daniel Ziblatt, as well as seminar participants from NEWEPS, the Historical Working Group, CES Workshop on Comparative Historical Research in Europe, LSE, Oxford, and Columbia.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Government (No
    Click here for Explanatory Memorandum ———————— Number 17 of 2003 ———————— LOCAL GOVERNMENT (NO. 2) ACT 2003 ———————— ARRANGEMENT OF SECTIONS Section 1. Definition. 2. Amendment of Principal Act — insertion of new section 13A. 3. Amendment of Principal Act — insertion of new section 237A. 4. Consequential and other amendments to Principal Act. 5. Amendment of section 97 of Planning and Development Act 2000. 6. Amendment of Local Elections Regulations 1995. 7. Repeals. 8. Short title, construction and collective citation. SCHEDULE Amendments to Principal Act ———————— [No. 17.] Local Government (No. 2)Act [2003.] 2003. Acts Referred to Electoral (Amendment) Act 2001 2001, No. 38 Local Government Act 2001 2001, No. 37 Local Government Acts 1925 to 2003 Planning and Development Act 2000 2000, No. 30 Planning and Development (Amendment) Act 2002 2002, No. 32 2 ———————— Number 17 of 2003 ———————— LOCAL GOVERNMENT (NO. 2) ACT 2003 ———————— AN ACT TO AMEND THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT ACT 2001, TO MAKE (CONSEQUENT ON THE PASSING OF THE PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT (AMENDMENT) ACT 2002) AN AMENDMENT TO SECTION 97 OF THE PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT ACT 2000 AND TO PROVIDE FOR RELATED MATTERS. [2nd June, 2003] BE IT ENACTED BY THE OIREACHTAS AS FOLLOWS: 1.—In this Act ‘‘Principal Act’’ means the Local Government Act Definition. 2001. 2.—(1) The Principal Act is amended by inserting the following Amendment of after section 13: Principal Act — insertion of new section 13A. ‘‘Application of 13A.—(1) A person who is a member of disqualification to either House of the Oireachtas is disqualified members of Da´il E´ ireann and Seanad from being elected or co-opted to, or from E´ ireann.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections to the European Parliament by Direct Universal Suffrage
    .. I. EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Introduction by Schelto Patijn Rapporteur of the Political Affairs Committee Secretariat Directorate-General for Research and Documentation EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Preface by Emilio Colombo Introduction by Schelto Patijn Report, resolutions and debates of the European Parliament SECRETARIAT DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION July 1977 COLOMBO, Emilio Italy Christian-Democrat Group President of the European Parliament Born - 11 April 1920 in Potenza Member of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy since 1946 Parliamentary Group: Christian-Democrat 19 5 5-1962: Held ministerial office as Minister of Agriculture, of External Commerce, and of Industry and Commerce 1963-1969: Minister of the Treasury 1970-1972: Prime Minister 197 2-1 97 6: Minister of the Treasury 197 6-1977: Chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the European Parliament 4 PREFACE by Emilio Colombo President of the European Parliament By solemnly signing in Brussels on 20 September 1976 the Act on the election in May-June 1978 of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, the Nine responded to one of the most enduring and popular European aspirations. The most enduring because, since it was first put forward at The Hague Conference in 1948, the idea of a European Parliament elected by direct universal suffrage has never lost its attraction. Although it has frequently been disparaged and held up to derision, it could never be completely stifled. The most popular, because the present organization of Europe - although a necessary stage in its development - has none the less failed to elicit the wholehearted support of its peoples who saw it as something remote from their everyday life.
    [Show full text]
  • The “Unorthodox” Monetary Policy of the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey
    THE “UNORTHODOX” MONETARY POLICY OF THE CENTRAL BANK OF THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY: DOES IT WORK? Master Thesis BASAK BARCIN Supervised by Mr Evren Ors September 2012 1 BURSİYERE AİT BİLGİLER Ad / Soyad BAŞAK BARÇIN TR2009/0135.02- Referans Numarası Sözleşme Numarası JM -148EN 02/054 Sektör (Kamu, Üniversite veya Özel ÜNİVERSİTE Sektör) Bursiyerin Bağlı Olduğu Kurum / Birim / GALATASARAY ÜNİVERSİTESİ / İli EKONOMİ / İSTANBUL Bursiyerin Bağlı Olduğu Kurumdaki ÖĞRENCİ Ünvanı Öğrenim Gördüğü Dil İNGİLİZCE Çalışma Alanı (İlgili Müktesebat Başlığı. FİNANSAL HİZMETLER Örn: Çevre, Ulaştırma, vb.) E-posta (Birden fazla belirtilebilir.) [email protected] JEAN MONNET BURS PROGRAMI KAPSAMINDA ÖĞRENİM GÖRÜLEN PROGRAMA AİT BİLGİLER Öğrenim Görülen Akademik Yıl 2011 – 2012 (Örn: 2009 – 2010, 2010 – 2011) Üniversite HEC PARIS Ülke / Şehir FRANSA, PARİS Fakülte / Bölüm HEC PARIS / FİNANS BÖLÜMÜ Programın Adı MSc in Finance (Business Track) / Masters (Örn: LLM in European Law, Msc. in in International Finance Economics vb.) Programın Türü (MA, MSc, kısa süreli MSc araştırma programı, vs.) Programın Başlangıç / Bitiş Tarihleri 07/09/2011 – 31/08/2012 Öğrenim Süresi (ay) 12 ay “THE “UNORTHODOX” MONETARY Tez / Araştırma Çalışmasının Başlığı POLICY OF THE CENTRAL BANK OF 2 THE REPUBLIC OF TURKEY: DOES IT WORK? Danışmana / Baş Ad / Soyad EVREN ORS Araştırmacıya Ait E-posta [email protected] Bilgiler 3 INFORMATION ABOUT THE SCHOLAR Name / Surname BASAK BARCIN TR2009/0135.02 – Reference No. Contract No. JM – 148EN 02/054 Sector (Public, University or Private UNIVERSITY Sector) GALATASARAY UNIVERSITY / Scholar’s Affiliation / Department / City ECONOMICS / ISTANBUL Scholar’s Title STUDENT Language of Instruction ENGLISH Field of Study (Related Acquis Chapter. FINANCIAL SERVICES E.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Traversing the Tightrope
    About the authors Imprint Traversing the Tightrope © 2020 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Syed Marwan is a Fellow at the Institute for Indonesia Ofce Research & Development of Policy (IRDP) and an Jl. Kemang Selatan II No. 2A The Socio-Economic Impact of COVID-19 Assistant Professor at the International Islamic Jakarta 12730, Indonesia University Malaysia (IIUM). He obtained his & Reform of Social Protection Policies in Malaysia degree of Commerce (Economics & Finance) Responsible: from the University of Melbourne, and Sergio Grassi | Resident Director postgraduate studies at International Centre for Syed Marwan Education in Islamic Finance (INCEIF) and PhD in Phone: +62 21 719 37 11 IIUM Institute of Islamic Banking and Finance E-mail: [email protected] Ikmal Nordin (IIiBF). His research interests are in Social impact Website: www.fes-indonesia.org and Socially Responsible Investment (SRI). Facebook: Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Indonesia Ng Ming Yang Ofce Ikmal Nordin is Economics Fellow at the Institute for Research & Development of Policy Commercial use of all media published by (IRDP). He obtained his degree in Accounting & the Friedrich- Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is not permitted Finance from the London School of Economics without the written consent of the FES and Political Science, and Masters degree in Political Economy at SOAS, University of London. His research interests are in price dynamics, household consumption behaviour and economic history. Ng Ming Yang is a Research Ofcer at the Institute for Research & Development of Policy (IRDP). He holds an undergraduate degree in Economics from The University of Edinburgh. His primary research scope focuses on socioeconomics and governance. Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) is the oldest political foundation in Germany.
    [Show full text]
  • Summary of Proceedings of the 52St ADB Annual Meeting
    SUMMARY OF PROCEEDINGS PROSPERITY THROUGH UNITY INTRODUCTORY NOTE The Fifty-Second Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors of the Asian Development Bank was held in Fiji from 1 to 5 May 2019. This Summary of Proceedings of the Meeting is presented in accordance with the provisions of Section 9 of the Rules of Procedure of the Board of Governors. His Excellency Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama, the Prime Minister of the Republic of Fiji, addressed the opening session on 3 May 2019, preceded by the President of the Asian Development Bank, Mr. Takehiko Nakao. The Governor for Fiji, the Honorable Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, chaired the Meeting. The Alternate Governor for Cambodia, Mr. Vongsey Vissoth, and the Temporary Alternate Governor for Norway, Ms. Harriet V. Solheim, served as Vice-Chairs. The views expressed by ADB members at the Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors are those of the speakers and do not necessarily reflect the views and policies of ADB. Eugenue Zhukov The Secretary Asian Development Bank June 2019 1 SCHEDULE OF THE BUSINESS SESSION Document No. BG52-2 1 March 2019 SCHEDULE OF THE BUSINESS SESSION Saturday, 4 May 2019 2:00 p.m. - The Chair calls the meeting to order - Report of the Procedures Committee - Approval of the Provisional Schedule of the Business Session - Approval of the Provisions Relating to the Conduct of the Meeting - Approval of the Agenda for the Meeting: 1. Notation of the Annual Report for 2018 2. Notation of the Budget for 2019 3. Notation of the Status of the Financial Resources of the Asian Development Bank 4.
    [Show full text]