DOCSLIB.ORG

Elections to the European Parliament by Direct Universal Suffrage

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Elections to the European Parliament by Direct Universal Suffrage .. I. EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Introduction by Schelto Patijn Rapporteur of the Political Affairs Committee Secretariat Directorate-General for Research and Documentation EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Preface by Emilio Colombo Introduction by Schelto Patijn Report, resolutions and debates of the European Parliament SECRETARIAT DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION July 1977 COLOMBO, Emilio Italy Christian-Democrat Group President of the European Parliament Born - 11 April 1920 in Potenza Member of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy since 1946 Parliamentary Group: Christian-Democrat 19 5 5-1962: Held ministerial office as Minister of Agriculture, of External Commerce, and of Industry and Commerce 1963-1969: Minister of the Treasury 1970-1972: Prime Minister 197 2-1 97 6: Minister of the Treasury 197 6-1977: Chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the European Parliament 4 PREFACE by Emilio Colombo President of the European Parliament By solemnly signing in Brussels on 20 September 1976 the Act on the election in May-June 1978 of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, the Nine responded to one of the most enduring and popular European aspirations. The most enduring because, since it was first put forward at The Hague Conference in 1948, the idea of a European Parliament elected by direct universal suffrage has never lost its attraction. Although it has frequently been disparaged and held up to derision, it could never be completely stifled. The most popular, because the present organization of Europe - although a necessary stage in its development - has none the less failed to elicit the wholehearted support of its peoples who saw it as something remote from their everyday life. The election of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage provides an opportunity of bringing the debate on Europe into the public forum and of enlisting the active support of the man in the street for the construction of Europe. Is the direct election of the European Parliament an end in itself? Obviously not; no more than the election of a national assembly, but certainly no less. The eternal question of the purpose of Parliament is no more relevant to the European Parliament than to a national assembly. Like a national Parliament, a European Parliament elected by universal suffrage will, above all, be the custodian of fundamental liberties. It will also exercise control, not only over the Community budget, now financed by resources directly levied from the European taxpayer, but also over the Community executive, thereby preventing the Community from drifting into technocracy. That is what democracy means. For the vast majority of men and women in Europe, parliamentary democracy remains, in the last analysis, the best possible system. Thanks to the patient and stubborn efforts of a handful of pioneers, the plan to elect the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage has surmounted the innumerable political, legal and technical obstacles in its path. It is now for the governments, parliaments, political parties and the people of Europe to do all in their power to ensure that the Act is ratified and that the electoral laws are enacted on time. The pages which follow contain the most important documents on the direct election of the European Parliament and are published as part of its contribution to the achievement of these goals. 5 PATIJN, Schelto Netherlands Socialist Group Rapporteur of the Political Affairs Committee since 197 3 Born: 13 August 1936 at The Hague. Doctor of Law Member of the Second Chamber of the States-General since 1973 Parliamentary Group: Partij van de Arbeid 6 INTRODUCTION by Schelto Patijn Member of the European Parliament Member of the Second Chamber of the Dutch Parliament Rapporteur on direct elections to the European Parliament The political significance of direct European elections lies in the fact that they are to take place. It lies in the creation of a direct link between the citizens and 'their' European Community. It is the citizens - not the governments - who must influence the further development and the policies of the European Community through the democratic processes which are vital to all Member States. This will be possible with the help of a directly elected European Parliament - even with the powers it at present possesses. For too long now, opponents of direct elections have claimed that the European Parliament must be given wider powers before such an election can take place, while ironically denying Parliament these powers on the grounds that it has not been directly elected. The European Parliament has broken out of this vicious circle and made it clear that the one does not depend on the other. Naturally, we must continue to fight for greater powers for the European Parliament and, in particular, for legislative powers within the European Community. That, however, is not germane to the issue of whether we will shortly be able to meet as the peoples' representatives with a mandate given us by the European peoples instead of one conferred on us by our national parliaments. Once we derive legitimate authority from a direct link with the European electors, our claims for such powers will be correspondingly more legitimate. To gain these rights we are contending not with the national parliaments, but with the Council, which meets behind closed doors to take its decisions. The national parliaments are our allies in the endeavour to bring uncontrolled power under the democratic control of democratically-elected representatives in the European Community. There is also a purely practical aspect. As long as we are subject to the pressure exerted upon us by our dual mandate - on the national and the European levels - we remain amateurs here in the European Parliament. We fulfil our legislative and supervisory tasks in Europe in so far as our duties in the national parliaments or in our constituencies allow us to do so. A large part of our responsibility still lies within our countries and we can only carry out our tasks here by dint of superhuman efforts. This must stop. The development of the European Community requires a professional parliament to oversee and participate in it. European elections are a means to this end and nothing more. The publication of the texts of the decisions and negotiations on preparations for direct elections should give the public a clearer picture. The national legislative bodies are called upon to ratify the Decision and Act of 20 September 1976 and introduce the legislation necessary for their implementation - especially the electoral law - so that the elections may duly take place in 1978. This interplay of national and Community parliaments illustrates 7 our claim that it is not a question of reducing the democractic rights of any parliament. The democratic process at Community level will be strengthened by these elections. This is in the interests of the people and, therefore, in the interests of all the democratic institutions of the Member States and of the Community. The connection between direct elections and close cooperation by the elected European Parliament with the Parliaments of the Member States is a constantly recurring theme in the debates of the European Parliament. Last but not least there is the broad political consensus among the various political groups in the European Parliament in favour of such elections. It is to be hoped that this consensus of opinion will also hold good in the Member States and help to arouse the interest of the electors. 8 COUNCIL DECISION (76/787 /ECSC, EEC, Euratom) 1 The Council, composed of the representatives of the Member States and acting unanimously, Having regard to Article 21 (3) of the Treaty establishing the European Coal and Steel Community, Having regard to Article 138 (3) of the Treaty establishing the European Economic Community, Having regard to Article 108 (3) of the Treaty establishing the European Atomic Energy Community, Having regard to the proposal from the Assembly, Intending to give effect to the conclusions of the European Council in Rome on 1 and 2 December 1975, that the election of the Assembly should be held on a single date within the period May/ June 1978, Has laid down the provisions annexed to this Decision which it recommends to the Member States for adoption in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements. This Decision and the provisions annexed hereto shall be published in the Official journal of the European Communities. The Member States shall notify the Secretary-General of the Council of the European Communities without delay of the completion of the procedures necessary in accordance with their respective constitutional requirements for the adoption of the provisions annexed to this Decision. This Decision shall enter into force on the day of its publication in the Official journal of the European Communities. t OJ L 278 of 8. 10. 1976. 9 Udfrerdiget i Bruxelles, den tyvende september nitten hundrede og seksoghalvfjerds. Geschehen zu Briissel am zwanzigsten September neunzehnhundertsechsundsiebzig. Done at Brussels on the twentieth day of September in the year one thousand nine hundred and seventy-six. Fait a Bruxelles, le vingt septembre mil neuf cent soixante-seize. Arna dheanamh sa Bhruiseil, an fichiu Ia de mhi Mhean F6mhair, mile naoi gcead seacht6 a se. Fatto a Bruxelles, addl venti settembre millenovecentosettantasei. Gedaan te Brussel, de twintigste september negentienhonderd zesenzeventig. For Radet for De europreiske Frellesskaber Fiir den Rat der Europaischen Gemeinschaften For the Council of the European Communities Pour le Conseil des Communautes europeennes Thar ceann Chomhairle na gComhphobal Eorpach Per il Consiglio delle Comunita europee Voor de Raad van de Europese Gemeenschappen Formand Der Prasident The President Le president An t-Uachtaran Il Presidente De Voorzitter (\ 10 Le ministre des affaires etrangeres du royaume de Belgique De Minister van Buitenlandse Zaken van het Koninkrijk Belgie /------\ .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Cabinet, President, Referendum: Turkey's Complex Political Calendar | the Washington Institute
    MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 1271 Cabinet, President, Referendum: Turkey's Complex Political Calendar Aug 10, 2007 Brief Analysis n August 9, the Turkish parliament elected Koksal Toptan, a deputy from the Justice and Development Party O (AKP) as its speaker. The AKP, which won 46 percent of the vote in July 22 parliamentary elections, controls 341 seats in the 550-member Turkish parliament. Thus has Turkey begun a very busy political season, with serious issues put off since the April constitutional crisis over the AKP's attempt to appoint its foreign minister, Abdullah Gul, as president. The new parliament's first order of business will be securing a vote of confidence for the AKP's new cabinet. Then the legislature will face the constitutional mandate of electing a new president, an executive post with important prerogatives such as appointing judges to the secular constitutional court. But while the Turkish parliament prepares to elect a president, Turks will vote in an October 21 referendum on constitutional amendments that would stipulate the direct popular election of the president. What are the timelines for these overlapping political processes and how smoothly will each of them run? Round I: Forming a New Government The next step for the AKP is to form government. According to Article 116 of the Turkish constitution, a new cabinet of ministers must be formed and then approved by the president and the parliament within forty-five days after the president authorizes the leader of the winning party to form government. The process of forming a government commenced on August 6, after Turkish president Ahmet Necdet Sezer commissioned AKP leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan to select a cabinet.
    [Show full text]
  • The Congress of Local and Regional Authorities
    THE CONGRESS 5. Since participation of citizens in elections, and of civil society in general, makes a major contribution to good OF LOCAL AND REGIONAL governance and effective decision making, the Congress AUTHORITIES is convinced of the importance of providing the necessary basis for it, in terms of legislation, institutions and resources; Recommendation 182 (2005)1 6. Firstly, the Congress emphasises the importance of avoiding low turnouts at elections, since citizen on public participation in local affairs participation establishes elected members’ legitimacy. and elections Turnout is therefore a key element of any democracy and a high turnout is a sign of its vitality; The Congress, bearing in mind the proposal of the 7. The Congress therefore notes with regret that election Chamber of Local Authorities, turnout varies and that although there is a slight upward trend in certain countries, in most of them voter turnout is 1. Having regard to: falling. Yet to be viable, democracy needs the support of an active electorate, which must be a matter of concern to a. Article 2, paragraph 1, sub-paragraph b of governments and elected representatives; Resolution (2000) 1 of the Committee of Ministers on the Congress of the Council of Europe, according to which 8. To secure the legitimacy of these representatives, the one of the aims of the Congress is to submit proposals to Congress believes that steps should be taken to encourage the Committee of Ministers in order to promote local and citizen participation in elections and regrets that national regional democracy; governments seem to be making little effort to try out innovative methods of achieving this; b.
    [Show full text]
  • Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
    Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A.
    [Show full text]
  • Access to Information, Public Participation, and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters
    Access to information, public participation, and access to justice in environmental matters Engaging national governments in the conversation West Asia Regional Consultative Meeting 26-27 November, 2013 Amman, Jordan ------------------------------------------------------- Presentation by Fatou Ndoye Major Groups and Stakeholders Branch United Nations Environment Programme CONTENT 1. Introduction 2. Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration 3. The three pillars of Principle 10 4. Putting Principle 10 into action: the UNEP Bali guidelines 5. Main elements of the Bali guidelines 6. Implementation of the Bali guidelines: National experiences 7. Challenges and opportunities 8. Special initiatives on the application of the Bali guidelines 9. The global conversation around principle 10 10. Why and how to engage national governments in the conversation? 1. Introduction: A historic perspective Article 19, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 •Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Declaration of the United Nations Conference on Human Environment, 1972 •To achieve (…) environmental goal will demand the acceptance of responsibility by citizens and communities and by enterprises and institutions at every level, all sharing equitably in common efforts. Individuals in all walks of life as well as organizations in many fields, by their values and the sum of their actions, will shape the world environment of the future. (Preamble, para. 7) •Man has the fundamental right to freedom, equality and adequate conditions of life, in an environment of a quality that permits a life of dignity and well-being, and he bears a solemn responsibility to protect and improve the environment for present and future generations.
    [Show full text]
  • Values, Volatility and Voting: Understanding Voters in England 2015-2019
    VALUES, VOLATILITY AND VOTING: UNDERSTANDING VOTERS IN ENGLAND 2015-2019 Paula Surridge Paula Surridge School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies University of Bristol and UK in a Changing Europe [email protected] Please note: This paper is an early draft and may develop further before publication as new insights become available and modelling is refined. Comments are very welcome via [email protected] 1 ABSTRACT The EU referendum and subsequent general elections in the UK have renewed interest in the influence of values and identity on voting behaviour. This paper uses data from the British Election Study Internet Panel to study the influence of ‘core’ political values on voting behaviour in England at the 2015, 2017 and 2019 general elections. Using a two- dimensional model of political values, the paper shows that both the ‘old’ political values of left and right (associated with economics) and the ‘new’ political values (measured here as ‘liberal-authoritarian’ values) were important in vote choices at each of the three elections. Using the ‘funnel of causality’ model, it shows that values are a more important influence when voters have weaker attachments to political parties and that the interaction between the dimensions is critical for understanding voting patterns. 2 INTRODUCTION Prior to 2016, the study of elections in the UK had largely turned away from values-based models with those based on the ‘valence’ effects of party identity, leadership and competence almost ‘universally accepted’ (Denver and Garnett, 2014). Whilst the EU Referendum (and subsequent general elections in 2017 and 2019) have renewed interest in values and identity as influences on political behaviour, it is a mistake to think of values divides as ‘new’ or as created by the EU referendum.
    [Show full text]
  • Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem
    VOLUME TWENTY FOUR • NUMBER TWO WINTER 2020 THE SPECIAL ELECTION EDITION A LEGAL NEWSPAPER FOR KIDS Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem Battling Over for the States to Resolve How to Elect by Phyllis Raybin Emert a President by Michael Barbella Gerrymandering on a partisan basis is not new to politics. The term gerrymander dates back to the 1800s when it was used to mock The debate on how the President Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry, who manipulated congressional of the United States should be elected lines in the state until the map of one district looked like a salamander. is almost as old as the country itself. Redistricting, which is the redrawing of district maps, happens every Contrary to popular belief, voters 10 years after the U.S. Census takes place. Whatever political party is do not elect the president and vice in power at that time has the advantage since, in most states, they president directly; instead, they choose are in charge of drawing the maps. electors to form an Electoral College “Partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of politicians where the official vote is cast. drawing voting districts for their own political advantage,” During the Constitutional Convention says Eugene D. Mazo, a professor at Rutgers Law School and of 1787, a an expert on election law and the voting process. few ways to Professor Mazo explains that politicians, with the use of advanced computer elect the chief technology, use methods of “packing” and “cracking” to move voters around to executive were different state districts, giving the edge to one political party.
    [Show full text]
  • The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: an FAQ What Is the National Popular Vote Plan? the National
    The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: An FAQ What is the National Popular Vote plan? The National Popular Vote plan (NPV) is a statute that, as of April 2009, had been introduced by state legislators in 48 states and publicly committed to be introduced in the remaining two states. NPV seeks to guarantee election of the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It creates an agreement among states to award all of their electoral votes collectively to the presidential candidate winning the national popular vote once the number of participating states together have a majority (currently 270 of 538) of electoral votes. In considering the NPV bill, the choice for legislators is straightforward: passing NPV will guarantee election of the national popular vote winner once joined by enough participating states to make it decisive for determining future elections. Until that point, a state’s current rules will apply. The NPV plan is founded on two state powers clearly established in the U.S. Constitution: a state’s plenary power to decide how to apportion its electoral votes and a state’s power to enter into binding interstate compacts. As of April 2009, New Jersey, Hawaii, Maryland, and Illinois – which together possess a fifth of the total electoral votes necessary to trigger the agreement – have enacted the NPV compact. It has been adopted by a total of 26 state legislative chambers in 16 states, earning public support from nearly 1,300 legislators and national luminaries like the editorial boards of the New York Times and Los Angeles Times and former U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Dr. Mabel Ping-Hua Lee
    Social Education 83(6), p. 356–360 ©2019 National Council for the Social Studies Teaching with Documents Suffrage, Activism, and Education in the Era of Chinese Exclusion: Dr. Mabel Ping-Hua Lee Sara Lyons Davis The 19th Amendment was ratified on August 18, 1920, a year after being passed by ment, Mabel Lee settled with her fam- Congress. It extended the right to vote to many women, but not all. Excluded from ily in New York City. Her father, Lee this landmark constitutional victory were women like Mabel Ping-Hua Lee, who Too, founded the First Chinese Baptist was born in Guangzhou (then Canton), China, in 1896, but who immigrated to New Church and worked as an educator and York as a child. leader of the Chinese Christian Center on Pell Street, run by the New York City New York State had long been a restrictions on their ability to enter Baptist Mission Society.3 Lee Too’s pro- site of activism in support of women’s and exit the country, and were prohib- ficiency in English and connections with rights, dating from the 1848 Seneca ited from naturalizing. The Chinese the religious community, both acquired Falls Convention. In November 1917, Exclusion Act initially mandated a through his missionary school educa- New York extended the right to vote ten-year moratorium on Chinese immi- tion, advanced his family’s standing into to women. Lee, however, was excluded gration by laborers, but was ultimately what was considered the merchant class. from becoming a U.S. citizen under the extended by the Geary Act, and was later This offered additional opportunities restrictive Chinese Exclusion Act, and, made permanent, in 1902.1 By the 1920s, and somewhat fewer restrictions under as such, was not allowed to vote at either Congress adopted more comprehensive the Chinese Exclusion Act.4 the state or federal level, even when the immigration restrictions, including As a child, Mabel Lee attended public 19th Amendment was ratified.
    [Show full text]
  • The European Parliament Should Return to a 'Dual Mandate' System
    The European Parliament should return to a ‘dual mandate’ system which uses national politicians as representatives instead of directly elected MEPs blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/06/16/the-european-parliament-should-return-to-a-dual-mandate-system- which-uses-national-politicians-as-representatives-instead-of-directly-elected-meps/ 16/06/2014 One of the key criticisms of European Parliament elections is that low turnout prevents the Parliament from genuinely being able to confer legitimacy on the EU’s legislative process. Herman Lelieveldt writes that while there was a small increase in turnout in the 2014 European elections, the overall trend of declining turnout necessitates a radical reform to improve the EU’s democratic legitimacy. He suggests returning to a ‘dual mandate’ system through which national parliaments appoint a proportion of their members to split time between the European Parliament and the national level. With a turnout that was only slightly higher than five years ago and a general consensus that many of the dissatisfied voters stayed home, the new European Parliament continues the paradoxical trend of declining legitimacy despite a systematic increase in its powers over the last decades. If it comes to mobilising more voters it is safe to conclude that the experiment with the Spitzenkandidat has been an utter failure. Apart from maybe in Germany, the contest did not generate much excitement in the member states nor did it bring more voters to the polls. Hence we are left with another election in which a majority of the member states (17 out of the 28) saw turn-out again decline, as shown in the Chart below.
    [Show full text]
  • Freedom of Information: a Comparative Legal Survey
    JeXo C[dZ[b ^h i]Z AVl J^[_cfehjWdY[e\j^[h_]^jje Egd\gVbbZ9^gZXidgl^i]6GI>8A:&.!<adWVa 8VbeV^\c [dg ;gZZ :megZhh^dc! V aZVY^c\ _d\ehcWj_edehj^[h_]^jjeadem_iWd ^ciZgcVi^dcVa ]jbVc g^\]ih C<D WVhZY ^c _dYh[Wi_d]boYedijWdjh[\hW_d_dj^[ AdcYdc! V edh^i^dc ]Z ]Vh ]ZaY [dg hdbZ iZc nZVgh# >c i]Vi XVeVX^in! ]Z ]Vh ldg`ZY cekj^ie\Z[l[befc[djfhWYj_j_ed[hi" ZmiZch^kZan dc [gZZYdb d[ ZmegZhh^dc VcY g^\]i id ^c[dgbVi^dc ^hhjZh ^c 6h^V! 6[g^XV! Y_l_bieY_[jo"WYWZ[c_Yi"j^[c[Z_WWdZ :jgdeZ! i]Z B^YYaZ :Vhi VcY AVi^c 6bZg^XV! ]el[hdc[dji$M^Wj_ij^_ih_]^j"_i_j gjcc^c\ igV^c^c\ hZb^cVgh! Xg^i^fj^c\ aVlh! iV`^c\XVhZhidWdi]cVi^dcVaVcY^ciZgcVi^dcVa h[WbboWh_]^jWdZ^em^Wl[]el[hdc[dji WdY^Zh! VYk^h^c\ C<Dh VcY \dkZgcbZcih! VcY ZkZc ldg`^c\ l^i] d[ÒX^Vah id egZeVgZ iek]^jje]_l[[\\[Yjje_j5J^[i[Wh[ YgV[ig^\]iid^c[dgbVi^dcaVlh#>cVYY^i^dcid iec[e\j^[gk[ij_edij^_iXeeai[[ai ]^h ldg` l^i] 6GI>8A:&.! ]Z ]Vh egdk^YZY ZmeZgi^hZ dc i]ZhZ ^hhjZh id V l^YZ gVc\Z jeWZZh[ii"fhel_Z_d]WdWYY[ii_Xb[ d[ VXidgh ^cXajY^c\ i]Z LdgaY 7Vc`! kVg^djh JCVcYdi]Zg^ciZg\dkZgcbZciVaWdY^Zh!VcY WYYekdje\j^[bWmWdZfhWYj_Y[h[]WhZ_d] cjbZgdjh C<Dh# Eg^dg id _d^c^c\ 6GI>8A: \h[[Zece\_d\ehcWj_ed"WdZWdWdWboi_i &.!IdWnBZcYZaldg`ZY^c]jbVcg^\]ihVcY ^ciZgcVi^dcVa YZkZadebZci! ^cXajY^c\ Vh V e\m^Wj_imeha_d]WdZm^o$ hZc^dg ]jbVc g^\]ih XdchjaiVci l^i] Dm[Vb 8VcVYVVcYVhV]jbVcg^\]iheda^XnVcVanhi 68dbeVgVi^kZAZ\VaHjgkZn Vi i]Z 8VcVY^Vc >ciZgcVi^dcVa 9ZkZadebZci ;gZZYdbd[>c[dgbVi^dc/ 6\ZcXn8>96# ÆJ^[\h[[Ôeme\_d\ehcWj_edWdZ_Z[Wi IdWn BZcYZa ]Vh ejWa^h]ZY l^YZan! b_[iWjj^[^[Whje\j^[l[hodej_ede\ 6 8dbeVgVi^kZ AZ\Va HjgkZn Xdcig^Wji^c\ id cjbZgdjh 6GI>8A: &.
    [Show full text]
  • Extreme Gerrymandering & the 2018 Midterm
    EXTREME GERRYMANDERING & THE 2018 MIDTERM by Laura Royden, Michael Li, and Yurij Rudensky Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that works to reform, revitalize — and when necessary defend — our country’s systems of democracy and justice. At this critical moment, the Brennan Center is dedicated to protecting the rule of law and the values of Constitutional democracy. We focus on voting rights, campaign finance reform, ending mass incarceration, and preserving our liberties while also maintaining our national security. Part think tank, part advocacy group, part cutting-edge communications hub, we start with rigorous research. We craft innovative policies. And we fight for them — in Congress and the states, the courts, and in the court of public opinion. ABOUT THE CENTER’S DEMOCRACY PROGRAM The Brennan Center’s Democracy Program works to repair the broken systems of American democracy. We encourage broad citizen participation by promoting voting and campaign finance reform. We work to secure fair courts and to advance a First Amendment jurisprudence that puts the rights of citizens — not special interests — at the center of our democracy. We collaborate with grassroots groups, advocacy organizations, and government officials to eliminate the obstacles to an effective democracy. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S PUBLICATIONS Red cover | Research reports offer in-depth empirical findings. Blue cover | Policy proposals offer innovative, concrete reform solutions. White cover | White papers offer a compelling analysis of a pressing legal or policy issue.
    [Show full text]
  • OEA/Ser.G CP/Doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF
    OEA/Ser.G CP/doc. 4115/06 8 May 2006 Original: English REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 This document is being distributed to the permanent missions and will be presented to the Permanent Council of the Organization ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES REPORT OF THE ELECTORAL OBSERVATION MISSION IN BOLIVIA PRESIDENTIAL AND PREFECTS ELECTIONS 2005 Secretariat for Political Affairs This version is subject to revision and will not be available to the public pending consideration, as the case may be, by the Permanent Council CONTENTS MAIN ABBREVIATIONS vi CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION 1 A. Electoral Process of December 2005 1 B. Legal and Electoral Framework 3 1. Electoral officers 4 2. Political parties 4 3. Citizen groups and indigenous peoples 5 4. Selection of prefects 6 CHAPTER II. MISSION BACKGROUND, OBJECTIVES AND CHARACTERISTICS 7 A. Mission Objectives 7 B. Preliminary Activities 7 C. Establishment of Mission 8 D. Mission Deployment 9 E. Mission Observers in Political Parties 10 F. Reporting Office 10 CHAPTER III. OBSERVATION OF PROCESS 11 A. Electoral Calendar 11 B. Electoral Training 11 1. Training for electoral judges, notaries, and board members11 2. Disseminating and strengthening democratic values 12 C. Computer System 13 D. Monitoring Electoral Spending and Campaigning 14 E. Security 14 CHAPTER IV. PRE-ELECTION STAGE 15 A. Concerns of Political Parties 15 1. National Electoral Court 15 2. Critical points 15 3. Car traffic 16 4. Sealing of ballot boxes 16 5. Media 17 B. Complaints and Reports 17 1. Voter registration rolls 17 2. Disqualification 17 3.
    [Show full text]