Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem
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Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
H.Doc. 108-224 Black Americans in Congress 1870-2007
“The Negroes’ Temporary Farewell” JIM CROW AND THE EXCLUSION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS FROM CONGRESS, 1887–1929 On December 5, 1887, for the first time in almost two decades, Congress convened without an African-American Member. “All the men who stood up in awkward squads to be sworn in on Monday had white faces,” noted a correspondent for the Philadelphia Record of the Members who took the oath of office on the House Floor. “The negro is not only out of Congress, he is practically out of politics.”1 Though three black men served in the next Congress (51st, 1889–1891), the number of African Americans serving on Capitol Hill diminished significantly as the congressional focus on racial equality faded. Only five African Americans were elected to the House in the next decade: Henry Cheatham and George White of North Carolina, Thomas Miller and George Murray of South Carolina, and John M. Langston of Virginia. But despite their isolation, these men sought to represent the interests of all African Americans. Like their predecessors, they confronted violent and contested elections, difficulty procuring desirable committee assignments, and an inability to pass their legislative initiatives. Moreover, these black Members faced further impediments in the form of legalized segregation and disfranchisement, general disinterest in progressive racial legislation, and the increasing power of southern conservatives in Congress. John M. Langston took his seat in Congress after contesting the election results in his district. One of the first African Americans in the nation elected to public office, he was clerk of the Brownhelm (Ohio) Townshipn i 1855. -
The Case for Electoral Reform: a Mixed Member Proportional System
1 The Case for Electoral Reform: A Mixed Member Proportional System for Canada Brief by Stephen Phillips, Ph.D. Instructor, Department of Political Science, Langara College Vancouver, BC 6 October 2016 2 Summary: In this brief, I urge Parliament to replace our current Single-Member Plurality (SMP) system chiefly because of its tendency to distort the voting intentions of citizens in federal elections and, in particular, to magnify regional differences in the country. I recommend that SMP be replaced by a system of proportional representation, preferably a Mixed Member Proportional system (MMP) similar to that used in New Zealand and the Federal Republic of Germany. I contend that Parliament has the constitutional authority to enact an MMP system under Section 44 of the Constitution Act 1982; as such, it does not require the formal approval of the provinces. Finally, I argue that a national referendum on replacing the current SMP voting system is neither necessary nor desirable. However, to lend it political legitimacy, the adoption of a new electoral system should only be undertaken with the support of MPs from two or more parties that together won over 50% of the votes cast in the last federal election. Introduction Canada’s single-member plurality (SMP) electoral system is fatally flawed. It distorts the true will of Canadian voters, it magnifies regional differences in the country, and it vests excessive political power in the hands of manufactured majority governments, typically elected on a plurality of 40% or less of the popular vote. The adoption of a voting system based on proportional representation would not only address these problems but also improve the quality of democratic government and politics in general. -
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: an FAQ What Is the National Popular Vote Plan? the National
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: An FAQ What is the National Popular Vote plan? The National Popular Vote plan (NPV) is a statute that, as of April 2009, had been introduced by state legislators in 48 states and publicly committed to be introduced in the remaining two states. NPV seeks to guarantee election of the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It creates an agreement among states to award all of their electoral votes collectively to the presidential candidate winning the national popular vote once the number of participating states together have a majority (currently 270 of 538) of electoral votes. In considering the NPV bill, the choice for legislators is straightforward: passing NPV will guarantee election of the national popular vote winner once joined by enough participating states to make it decisive for determining future elections. Until that point, a state’s current rules will apply. The NPV plan is founded on two state powers clearly established in the U.S. Constitution: a state’s plenary power to decide how to apportion its electoral votes and a state’s power to enter into binding interstate compacts. As of April 2009, New Jersey, Hawaii, Maryland, and Illinois – which together possess a fifth of the total electoral votes necessary to trigger the agreement – have enacted the NPV compact. It has been adopted by a total of 26 state legislative chambers in 16 states, earning public support from nearly 1,300 legislators and national luminaries like the editorial boards of the New York Times and Los Angeles Times and former U.S. -
The 2020 Presidential Election: Provisions of the Constitution and U.S. Code
PREFACE The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is proud to acknowledge its role in the Presidential election pro- cess. NARA’s Office of the Federal Register (OFR) acts as the administrator of the Electoral College and carries out the duties of the Archivist. In this role, the OFR is charged with helping the States carry out their election responsibilities, ensuring the completeness and integrity of the Electoral College documents submitted to Congress, and informing the public about the Presidential election process. The Electoral College system was established under Article II and Amendment 12 of the U.S. Constitution. In each State, the voters choose electors to select the President and Vice President of the United States, based on the results of the Novem- ber general election. Before the general election, the Archivist officially notifies each State’s governor and the Mayor of the District of Columbia of their electoral responsibilities. OFR provides instructions and resources to help the States and District of Columbia carry out those responsibilities. As the results of the popular vote are finalized in each state, election officials create Certificates of Ascertainment, which establish the credentials of their electors, that are sent to OFR. In December, the electors hold meetings in their States to vote for President and Vice President. The electors seal Certificates of Vote and send them to the OFR and Congress. In January, Congress sits in joint session to certify the election of the President and Vice President. In the year after the election, electoral documents are held at the OFR for public viewing, and then transferred to the Archives of the United States for permanent retention and access. -
AATP Front/Inside Cover
1998 Vote: Initiatives and Referenda Chapter 5 A Century Later—The Experiment With Citizen-Initiated Legislation Continues By M. Dane Waters It was 100 years ago last November that the statewide initiative and popular Proposition 227, another contro- referendum processes were first adopted in the United States. A vital and thriving versial initiative, called for all public example of citizen participation and self-governance, the initiative process has become school instruction to be in English. It one of the most important mechanisms for altering and influencing public policy at the was conceived and championed by Ron local, state, and even national levels. Changes made possible include women’s Unz, a Silicon Valley self-made mil- suffrage, the direct election of US senators, direct primaries, term limits, tax reform, lionaire who had seen first-hand the and much more. In 1998 alone, citizens utilized the initiative process to voice their lack of qualified candidates to fill the opinions on affirmative action, educational reform, term limits, taxation, campaign abundant jobs in the high-tech indus- finance reform, and environmental issues. try. He attributed this shortage to the fact that many immigrants who might possess the technical skills he was look- ing for weren’t able to excel academi- “ In 24 states, citizens can craft and then adopt laws or amend their cally in the United States because they state constitution, actions commonly referred to as the initiative were being taught only in their native tongues. He galvanized the immigrant process. In most of the same states, as well as others, citizens can population in California, as well as reject laws or amendments proposed by their state legislatures. -
Promoting Electoral Reform and Democratic Participation (PERDP) Initiative of the Ford Foundation
April 2016 A Program Review of the Promoting Electoral Reform and Democratic Participation (PERDP) Initiative of the Ford Foundation By: HAHRIE HAN (University of California, Santa Barbara) with support from LISA ARGYLE (University of California, Santa Barbara) - 1 - Designed and Illustrated by Vayakone Terry Table of Contents PROJECT BACKGROUND + KEY QUESTIONS ...................................................................................................3 RESEARCH STRATEGY .......................................................................................................................................4 CORE FINDINGS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: AN EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ......................................................5 DETAILED FINDINGS .........................................................................................................................................9 Making Participation Powerful ...........................................................................................................................9 Why Organizations Matter ......................................................................................................................................9 Leveraging the Grassroots to Develop Elite Relationships ...................................................................................14 The Importance of Strategic Capacity ..................................................................................................................14 Making Participation Possible ..........................................................................................................................17 -
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and the Increasing Salience of Party Labels
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and The Increasing Salience of Party Labels David C. Kimball University of Missouri-St. Louis Department of Political Science St. Louis, MO 63121-4499 [email protected] forthcoming in Models of Voting in Presidential Elections: The 2000 Elections, Herbert F. Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox, eds. Stanford University Press. Thanks to Laura Arnold, Brady Baybeck, Barry Burden, Paul Goren, Tim Johnson, Bryan Marshall, Rich Pacelle, Rich Timpone, Herb Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox for comments. The voice of the people is but an echo chamber. The output of an echo chamber bears an inevitable and invariable relation to the input. As candidates and parties clamor for attention and vie for popular support, the people's verdict can be no more than a selective reflection from among the alternatives and outlooks presented to them. (Key 1966, p. 2) Split party control of the executive and legislative branches has been a defining feature of American national politics for more than thirty years, the longest period of frequent divided government in American history. Even when voters failed to produce a divided national government in the 2000 elections, the party defection of a lone U.S. senator (former Republican James Jeffords of Vermont) created yet another divided national government. In addition, the extremely close competitive balance between the two major parties means that ticket splitters often determine which party controls each branch of government. These features of American politics have stimulated a lot of theorizing about the causes of split-ticket voting. In recent years, the presence of divided government and relatively high levels of split ticket voting are commonly cited as evidence of an electorate that has moved beyond party labels (Wattenberg 1998). -
The Initiative and Referendum Process
7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ States with Initiative and/or Referendum Process Map courtesy of the Initiative and Referendum Institute %\ 7KH/HDJXHRI:RPHQ9RWHUVRI:DVKLQJWRQ (GXFDWLRQ)XQG Initiative & Referendum Committee Janet Anderson Tanya Baumgart Cheryl Bleakney Lael Braymer Patricia Campbell Cherie Davidson Elizabeth Davis Phyllis Erickson Rosemary Hostetler Marilyn Knight, Secretary Lee Marchisio Jocelyn Marchisio, Chair Jo Morgan Peggy Saari Ruth Schroeder Editor: Marilyn Knight Typographer: Jane Shafer Reading Committee Elizabeth Davis Steve Lundin Sue Mozer Liz Pierini Alice Schroeder Published by The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund October 2002 League of Women Voters of Washington 4710 University Way NE, #214 Seattle, WA 98105-4428 206-622-8961 LWV/WA Initiative and Referendum Study - ii Fall 2002 The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund 'LUHFW'HPRFUDF\ 7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ 7DEOHRI&RQWHQWV Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 The Initiative and Referendum in the United States .............................................................................1 Creating Initiatives and Referenda in Washington ...............................................................................4 Initiatives The Referendum Fiscal Impact Statement At the Local Level The Role of Money .............................................................................................................................. -
FIGHTING VOTER SUPPRESSION PRESENTED by ELLEN PRICE -MALOY APRIL 26, 2021 VIDEOS to WATCH Stacey Abrams on 3 Ways Votes Are Suppressed – Youtube
FIGHTING VOTER SUPPRESSION PRESENTED BY ELLEN PRICE -MALOY APRIL 26, 2021 VIDEOS TO WATCH Stacey Abrams on 3 ways votes are suppressed – YouTube Stacey Abrams discussed with Jelani Cobb the three ways that voter suppression occurs in America: registration access restrictions, ballot access restriction... The History of U.S. Voting Rights | Things Explained Who can vote today looked a lot different from those who could vote when the United States was first founded. This video covers the history of voting rights, including women's suffrage, Black disenfranchisement, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, and the various methods American voters can cast their ballots today. For more episodes, specials, and ... 2020 election: What is voter suppression? Tactics used against communities of color throughout history, in Trump-Biden race - ABC7 San Francisco NEW YORK -- As Election Day draws close, some American citizens have experienced barriers to voting, particularly in communities of color. While stories about voter suppression across the nation ... SUPPORT DEMOCRACY H.R.1/S.1 The legislation contains several provisions to fight voter suppression, including national automatic voter registration, prohibitions on voter roll purging and federal partisan gerrymandering, and improved election security measures. It also strengthens ethics providing a strong enforcement of Congress’ Ethics Code – leading to prosecution of those who break the Ethics code and standards and for all three branches of government, e.g. by requiring presidential candidates to disclose 10 years of tax returns and prohibiting members of Congress from using taxpayer dollars to settle sexual harassment cases. The bill aims to curb corporate influence in politics by forcing Super PACs to disclose their donors, requiring government contractors to disclose political spending, and prohibiting coordination between candidates and Super PACs, among other reforms. -
The Electoral College: a System “For the People?”
The University of Maine DigitalCommons@UMaine Honors College Spring 5-2018 The Electoral College: A System “for the People?” Maria Maffucci University of Maine Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Maffucci, Maria, "The Electoral College: A System “for the People?”" (2018). Honors College. 350. https://digitalcommons.library.umaine.edu/honors/350 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UMaine. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors College by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UMaine. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE: A SYSTEM “FOR THE PEOPLE?” by Maria Maffucci A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Degree with Honors (Political Science) The Honors College University of Maine May 2018 Advisory Committee: Mark Brewer, PhD, Professor of Political Science and Honors, Advisor Melissa Ladenheim, PhD, Honors College Associate Dean, Honors Preceptor Richard Powell, PhD, Professor of Political Science Harold Daniel, PhD, Associate Professor of Marketing Stefano Tijerina, PhD, Lecturer in Management, Maine Business School ABSTRACT This research project investigates the thoughts and opinions of the University of Maine faculty and undergraduate students regarding the Electoral College system. I chose to collect this information through an online survey of twenty questions that I created on the software, Qualtrics, and sent it to the various classes and faculty who gave approval. Once I got a sufficient number of results, it was then time to analyze it all. Overall, my results were mostly what I had predicted; most undergraduates and faculty are in favor of replacing the Electoral College with either a direct popular voting system or a candidate ranking system. -
In the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit
No. 14-1382 In the United States Court of Appeals for the Eighth Circuit TRINITY LUTHERAN CHURCH OF COLUMBIA, INC., Plaintiff–Appellant, v. SARA PARKER PAULEY, in her official capacity as Director of the Missouri Department of Natural Resources Solid Waste Management Program, Defendant–Appellant. On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Western District of Missouri Civil Case No. 2:13-CV-04022-NKL – Judge Nanette K. Laughrey Brief Amicus Curiae of the Becket Fund for Religious Liberty in Support of Appellant Eric S. Baxter Asma T. Uddin Diana M. Verm The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty 3000 K St. NW, Suite 220 Washington, DC 20007 (202) 349-7221 [email protected] Attorneys for Amicus Curiae RULE 26.1 DISCLOSURE STATEMENT The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty has no parent corporations and issues no shares of stock. s/ Eric S. Baxter Eric S. Baxter The Becket Fund for Religious Liberty 3000 K Street, NW, Ste. 220 Washington, DC 20036 (202) 349-7221 [email protected] i TABLE OF CONTENTS RULE 26.1 DISCLOSURE STATEMENT ............................................ i TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................................................ iv INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ...................................................... 1 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................. 3 ARGUMENT ......................................................................................... 5 I. The State’s interpretation of its “no aid” provisions raises federal constitutional