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Macro Report Version 2002-10-23
Prepared by: Institute of Social and Political Opinion Research (ISPO), KULeuven, Belgium Date: 15/01/2005 Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report Version 2002-10-23 Country (Date of Election): Belgium 13 June 2003 NOTE TO THE COLLABORATORS: The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project- your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (i.e. electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and will be made available with this report to the CSES community on the CSES web page. Part I: Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, prior to the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all".) Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 4 SP.a 3 Agalev 2 PS 3 MR 3 Ecolo 2 1a. What was the size of the cabinet before the election?………17…………………………… 2. Report the number of portfolios (cabinet posts) held by each party in cabinet, after the most recent election. (If one party holds all cabinet posts, simply write "all"). Name of Political Party Number of Portfolios VLD 5 SP.a 5 Spirit 1 PS 5 MR 4 FDF 1 2a. What was the size of the cabinet after the election? ……20……………………………… 2Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 2: Macro Report 3. Political Parties (most active during the election in which the module was administered and receiving at least 3% of the vote): Party Name/Label Year Party Ideological European Parliament International Party Founded Family Political Group Organizational Memberships (where applicable) A. -
Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem
VOLUME TWENTY FOUR • NUMBER TWO WINTER 2020 THE SPECIAL ELECTION EDITION A LEGAL NEWSPAPER FOR KIDS Gerrymandering Becomes a Problem Battling Over for the States to Resolve How to Elect by Phyllis Raybin Emert a President by Michael Barbella Gerrymandering on a partisan basis is not new to politics. The term gerrymander dates back to the 1800s when it was used to mock The debate on how the President Massachusetts Governor Elbridge Gerry, who manipulated congressional of the United States should be elected lines in the state until the map of one district looked like a salamander. is almost as old as the country itself. Redistricting, which is the redrawing of district maps, happens every Contrary to popular belief, voters 10 years after the U.S. Census takes place. Whatever political party is do not elect the president and vice in power at that time has the advantage since, in most states, they president directly; instead, they choose are in charge of drawing the maps. electors to form an Electoral College “Partisan gerrymandering refers to the practice of politicians where the official vote is cast. drawing voting districts for their own political advantage,” During the Constitutional Convention says Eugene D. Mazo, a professor at Rutgers Law School and of 1787, a an expert on election law and the voting process. few ways to Professor Mazo explains that politicians, with the use of advanced computer elect the chief technology, use methods of “packing” and “cracking” to move voters around to executive were different state districts, giving the edge to one political party. -
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: an FAQ What Is the National Popular Vote Plan? the National
The National Popular Vote Plan and Direct Election of the President: An FAQ What is the National Popular Vote plan? The National Popular Vote plan (NPV) is a statute that, as of April 2009, had been introduced by state legislators in 48 states and publicly committed to be introduced in the remaining two states. NPV seeks to guarantee election of the presidential candidate who receives the most popular votes in all 50 states and the District of Columbia. It creates an agreement among states to award all of their electoral votes collectively to the presidential candidate winning the national popular vote once the number of participating states together have a majority (currently 270 of 538) of electoral votes. In considering the NPV bill, the choice for legislators is straightforward: passing NPV will guarantee election of the national popular vote winner once joined by enough participating states to make it decisive for determining future elections. Until that point, a state’s current rules will apply. The NPV plan is founded on two state powers clearly established in the U.S. Constitution: a state’s plenary power to decide how to apportion its electoral votes and a state’s power to enter into binding interstate compacts. As of April 2009, New Jersey, Hawaii, Maryland, and Illinois – which together possess a fifth of the total electoral votes necessary to trigger the agreement – have enacted the NPV compact. It has been adopted by a total of 26 state legislative chambers in 16 states, earning public support from nearly 1,300 legislators and national luminaries like the editorial boards of the New York Times and Los Angeles Times and former U.S. -
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and the Increasing Salience of Party Labels
A Decline in Ticket Splitting and The Increasing Salience of Party Labels David C. Kimball University of Missouri-St. Louis Department of Political Science St. Louis, MO 63121-4499 [email protected] forthcoming in Models of Voting in Presidential Elections: The 2000 Elections, Herbert F. Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox, eds. Stanford University Press. Thanks to Laura Arnold, Brady Baybeck, Barry Burden, Paul Goren, Tim Johnson, Bryan Marshall, Rich Pacelle, Rich Timpone, Herb Weisberg and Clyde Wilcox for comments. The voice of the people is but an echo chamber. The output of an echo chamber bears an inevitable and invariable relation to the input. As candidates and parties clamor for attention and vie for popular support, the people's verdict can be no more than a selective reflection from among the alternatives and outlooks presented to them. (Key 1966, p. 2) Split party control of the executive and legislative branches has been a defining feature of American national politics for more than thirty years, the longest period of frequent divided government in American history. Even when voters failed to produce a divided national government in the 2000 elections, the party defection of a lone U.S. senator (former Republican James Jeffords of Vermont) created yet another divided national government. In addition, the extremely close competitive balance between the two major parties means that ticket splitters often determine which party controls each branch of government. These features of American politics have stimulated a lot of theorizing about the causes of split-ticket voting. In recent years, the presence of divided government and relatively high levels of split ticket voting are commonly cited as evidence of an electorate that has moved beyond party labels (Wattenberg 1998). -
The Initiative and Referendum Process
7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ States with Initiative and/or Referendum Process Map courtesy of the Initiative and Referendum Institute %\ 7KH/HDJXHRI:RPHQ9RWHUVRI:DVKLQJWRQ (GXFDWLRQ)XQG Initiative & Referendum Committee Janet Anderson Tanya Baumgart Cheryl Bleakney Lael Braymer Patricia Campbell Cherie Davidson Elizabeth Davis Phyllis Erickson Rosemary Hostetler Marilyn Knight, Secretary Lee Marchisio Jocelyn Marchisio, Chair Jo Morgan Peggy Saari Ruth Schroeder Editor: Marilyn Knight Typographer: Jane Shafer Reading Committee Elizabeth Davis Steve Lundin Sue Mozer Liz Pierini Alice Schroeder Published by The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund October 2002 League of Women Voters of Washington 4710 University Way NE, #214 Seattle, WA 98105-4428 206-622-8961 LWV/WA Initiative and Referendum Study - ii Fall 2002 The League of Women Voters of Washington Education Fund 'LUHFW'HPRFUDF\ 7KH,QLWLDWLYHDQG5HIHUHQGXP3URFHVVLQ:DVKLQJWRQ 7DEOHRI&RQWHQWV Introduction ........................................................................................................................................... 1 The Initiative and Referendum in the United States .............................................................................1 Creating Initiatives and Referenda in Washington ...............................................................................4 Initiatives The Referendum Fiscal Impact Statement At the Local Level The Role of Money .............................................................................................................................. -
CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No
Strasbourg, 19 March 2007 CDL-AD(2007)007 Opinion No. 399 / 2006 Or. Engl. EUROPEAN COMMISSION FOR DEMOCRACY THROUGH LAW (VENICE COMMISSION) OPINION ON THE CONVENTION ON THE STANDARDS OF DEMOCRATIC ELECTIONS, ELECTORAL RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS IN THE MEMBER STATES OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES adopted by the Venice Commission at its 70th plenary session (Venice, 16-17 March 2007) on the basis of comments by Mr Christoph GRABENWARTER (member, Austria) This document will not be distributed at the meeting. Please bring this copy. http://venice.coe.int CDL-AD(2007)007 - 2 - Introduction 1. By letter dated 28 September 2006, the Secretary General of the Council of Europe asked for an opinion on the Venice Commission on the Convention on the standards of democratic elections, electoral rights and freedoms in the Commonwealth of Independent States (CDL- EL(2006)031rev). 2. The above-mentioned Convention was adopted on 7 October 2002 and was ratified up to now by Armenia, Kyrghyzstan, Moldova, Russia and Tajikistan. 3. The request by the Secretary General takes place in the framework of the discussion about the possibility to adopt a European convention in the electoral field as a Council of Europe convention. The issue whether the text submitted for opinion could inspire a European Convention will then have to be addressed. 4. The Venice Commission entrusted Mr Christoph Grabenwarter (member, Austria) to prepare the comments which are the basis for this opinion. 5. This opinion is based on a non official English translation of the Convention. 6. A first draft opinion was examined by the Council for Democratic Elections at its 19th meeting (Venice, 16 December 2006). -
Oakland City Council Resolution No. 86 5 £1 C.M.S
FILED OFFICE OF THE ern CLERK Approved as to Form and Legality OAKLAND 16 DEC-8 PM/li'IS City\Attorney's Office OAKLAND CITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION NO. 86 5 £1 C.M.S. INTRODUCED BY COUNCILMEMBERS DAN KALB AND REBECCA KAPLAN RESOLUTION (1) IN SUPPORT OF SENATOR BARBARA BOXER'S BILL TO ABOLISH THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE AND (2) DIRECTING THE CITY ADMINISTRATOR AND CITY LOBBYIST TO WORK WITH ALL RELEVANT STATE AND FEDERAL ELECTED OFFICIALS TO (A) DEVELOP AND RATIFY AN AMENDMENT TO THE UNITED STATES CONSTITUTION TO REPLACE THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE WITH A NATIONAL POPULAR VOTE FOR PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OR, ALTERNATIVELY, TO APPROVE THE NATIONAL POPULAR VOTE INTERSTATE COMPACT, (B) ADDRESS GERRYMANDERING IN CONGRESSIONAL APPORTIONMENT BY REQUIRING REDISTRICTING REFORM, SUCH AS BY HAVING INDEPENDENT STATE REDISTRICTING COMMISSIONS CONDUCT REDISTRICTING INSTEAD OF STATE LEGISLATURES, AND (C) ELIMINATE BARRIERS TO VOTING WHEREAS, as provided by Article II of the United States Constitution, the President and Vice President are selected by the Electoral College, comprised of a slate of Electors from each state and the District of Columbia, with each state having a number of Electors equal to its number of congresspersons (total Representatives plus two Senators) and the District of Columbia having three Electors; and WHEREAS, U.S. citizens casting votes in the general election for a presidential candidate are actually not directly voting for that candidate but instead vote for a slate of Electors in their state representing the candidate, with the -
Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress: Perspectives and Contemporary Analysis
Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress: Perspectives and Contemporary Analysis Updated October 6, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R40504 Contingent Election of the President and Vice President by Congress Summary The 12th Amendment to the Constitution requires that presidential and vice presidential candidates gain “a majority of the whole number of Electors appointed” in order to win election. With a total of 538 electors representing the 50 states and the District of Columbia, 270 electoral votes is the “magic number,” the arithmetic majority necessary to win the presidency. What would happen if no candidate won a majority of electoral votes? In these circumstances, the 12th Amendment also provides that the House of Representatives would elect the President, and the Senate would elect the Vice President, in a procedure known as “contingent election.” Contingent election has been implemented twice in the nation’s history under the 12th Amendment: first, to elect the President in 1825, and second, the Vice President in 1837. In a contingent election, the House would choose among the three candidates who received the most electoral votes. Each state, regardless of population, casts a single vote for President in a contingent election. Representatives of states with two or more Representatives would therefore need to conduct an internal poll within their state delegation to decide which candidate would receive the state’s single vote. A majority of state votes, 26 or more, is required to elect, and the House must vote “immediately” and “by ballot.” Additional precedents exist from 1825, but they would not be binding on the House in a contemporary election. -
“One Person, One Vote”: the U.S. Electoral System and the Functional
THE ASSOCIATION OF THE BAR OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK COMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS COMMITTEE ON ASIA AFFAIRS “One Person, One Vote”: The U.S. Electoral System and the Functional Constituencies Embodied in the Basic Law for the Election of the Chief Executive and of the Legislative Council I. Introduction The Association of the Bar of the City of New York (the “Association”) has had a longstanding interest in preserving the rule of law in Hong Kong, and encouraging its progress to a truly democratic society with universal suffrage as envisaged in Articles 26, 39, 45 and 68 of the Basic Law.1 Accordingly, we view certain recent developments in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China (the “HKSAR”) with great concern, in particular, the recent regressive “interpretations” of the Basic Law by the Central Government of China by which it pre-empted the question of whether there is a “need to amend” the Basic Law regarding the election of the Chief Executive in 2007 and the Legislative Council in 2008, the manner in which such “interpretations” were delivered, and the barrage of intimidating personal attacks by the Central Government against the pro-democracy supporters of universal suffrage which accompanied these “interpretations.” As the debate over constitutional reform in Hong Kong intensified over the course of this year, voices supportive of maintaining the electoral status quo in Hong Kong raised, at certain points, the example of the United States and its electoral system as they argued to reject the rising call in Hong Kong for the more immediate fulfillment of the Basic Law’s promise of “universal suffrage.” It is this reference to the U.S. -
Empowering the Presidency: Interests and Perceptions in Indonesia’S Constitutional Reforms, 1999-2002
EMPOWERING THE PRESIDENCY: INTERESTS AND PERCEPTIONS IN INDONESIA’S CONSTITUTIONAL REFORMS, 1999-2002 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Blair Andrew King, B.A., M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2004 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor R. William Liddle, Adviser Professor Richard Gunther ____________________________ Adviser Professor Timothy Frye Political Science Graduate Program ABSTRACT The choice of political institutions is a critical aspect of a democratic transition. Significant amendments to the 1945 Constitution have transformed it into a more democratic framework with extensive separation of powers and checks and balances. Despite the introduction of the “difficult combination” of pure presidentialism and multipartism to Indonesia, consensual patterns of elite behavior should contribute to the further consolidation of democracy. This study examines the impact of the first four amendments on executive- legislative relations and presidential power. The use of the 1945 Constitution by two authoritarian regimes for four decades gave rise to the perception that it inevitably created a dominant presidency. Thus Indonesian political elites set out in 1999 to curtail presidential power. Paradoxically, by the end of the process three years later they created a comparatively very powerful president, primarily due to the introduction of direct election and the narrowing of the grounds for impeachment. In addition, although the president’s residual powers have been restricted, only slight reductions were made in her specific powers. This study utilizes concepts from political economy and political psychology to analyze the struggle between two broad camps in the constituent assembly (MPR): conservatives, led by Megawati Soekarnoputri and her Indonesian Democracy ii Party-Struggle (PDI-P) and progressives from most of the other major political parties. -
The 100Th Anniversary of the 17Th Amendment: a Promise Unfulfilled?
Issues in Governance Studies Number 59 May 2013 The 100th Anniversary of the 17th Amendment: A Promise Unfulfilled? Wendy J. Schiller and Charles Stewart III EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ay 31st, 2013 marks the 100th anniversary of the adoption of the 17th Amendment, which ushered in direct elections of U.S. senators. The MFramers established indirect elections – by state legislators – as a means of shielding the U.S. Senate from public influence and as such, allowed it to act as a counterweight to the directly elected House of Representatives. Wendy J. Schiller is The impetus for changing the Constitution lay in the perceived corruption and Associate Professor of Political Science and Public inefficiency that marked indirect elections, and the 17th Amendment was part Policy at Brown University. Her work focuses on of the larger Progressive movement that called for more open, accessible, and U.S. Senate delegations, responsive government. At the same time, states instituted direct primaries for legislative representation, and political history. federal and state offices, which presumably gave more power to the voters and less power to party elites. This paper is based on a larger project which investigates the dynamics of Senate elections in the indirect system using an original data set of roll call votes for U.S. senator taken in all state legislatures from 1871-1913. We find that while U.S. Senate elections in the indirect age were more conflicted than previously believed, there are strong parallels to today’s Senate in terms of the types of candidates that run for Senate, the role of money in elections, the role of partisan elections, and the nature of Senate ideological and legislative Charles Stewart III is Kenan behavior. -
Elections to the European Parliament by Direct Universal Suffrage
.. I. EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Introduction by Schelto Patijn Rapporteur of the Political Affairs Committee Secretariat Directorate-General for Research and Documentation EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Elections to the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage Preface by Emilio Colombo Introduction by Schelto Patijn Report, resolutions and debates of the European Parliament SECRETARIAT DIRECTORATE-GENERAL FOR RESEARCH AND DOCUMENTATION July 1977 COLOMBO, Emilio Italy Christian-Democrat Group President of the European Parliament Born - 11 April 1920 in Potenza Member of the Chamber of Deputies of Italy since 1946 Parliamentary Group: Christian-Democrat 19 5 5-1962: Held ministerial office as Minister of Agriculture, of External Commerce, and of Industry and Commerce 1963-1969: Minister of the Treasury 1970-1972: Prime Minister 197 2-1 97 6: Minister of the Treasury 197 6-1977: Chairman of the Political Affairs Committee of the European Parliament 4 PREFACE by Emilio Colombo President of the European Parliament By solemnly signing in Brussels on 20 September 1976 the Act on the election in May-June 1978 of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage, the Nine responded to one of the most enduring and popular European aspirations. The most enduring because, since it was first put forward at The Hague Conference in 1948, the idea of a European Parliament elected by direct universal suffrage has never lost its attraction. Although it has frequently been disparaged and held up to derision, it could never be completely stifled. The most popular, because the present organization of Europe - although a necessary stage in its development - has none the less failed to elicit the wholehearted support of its peoples who saw it as something remote from their everyday life.