Administrative Colonialism
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The Resettlement of the Karen in Minnesota A
THE RESETTLEMENT OF THE KAREN IN MINNESOTA A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOLOF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Kathleen J Lytle IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY David Hollister, Adviser January, 2015 Kathleen J Lytle 2015 Copyright This thesis is dedicated to: My husband Allen, who walked with me on this journey; My mom Helen, who has always been the most inspiring role model; My children Kari, Jeff, and Laurie; And the Karen people of Minnesota i Abstract Minnesota has a long history of welcoming immigrants and refugees into its communities. Following the Vietnam War large numbers of Southeast Asian (SEA) refugees came to Minnesota. With the implementation of the Refugee Act of 1980, a formal refugee resettlement program was created nation-wide. As part of the Refugee Act of 1980 Voluntary agencies (VOLAGs), were established to help the refugees with their resettlement process. Soon after the arrival of refugees from Laos, Vietnam and Cambodia, refugees from other countries began coming to Minnesota. In the 1990s refugees from the former Soviet Union began resettling in Minnesota. In the mid 1990s refugees from East Africa began arriving. In the early 2000s, large numbers of Karen refugees from Burma began coming to Minnesota. In order to help the Karen refugees in their acculturation, it is important for the community within which they are living to understand them and their culture. Using an ethnographic approach, this qualitative research project is aimed at understanding the lived experiences of the Karen and their resettlement. -
Development Prospects of Tourist Passenger Shipping in the Polish Part of the Vistula Lagoon
sustainability Article Development Prospects of Tourist Passenger Shipping in the Polish Part of the Vistula Lagoon Krystian Puzdrakiewicz * and Marcin Połom * Division of Regional Development, Faculty of Oceanography and Geography, University of Gda´nsk, 80-309 Gda´nsk,Poland * Correspondence: [email protected] (K.P.); [email protected] (M.P.) Abstract: The Vistula Lagoon is a cross-border area with high natural values and a developing market of tourist services. Passenger shipping is an important part of local tourism, but ship owners are insufficiently involved in planning processes and their views on creating shipping development are underrepresented. The article aims to compare the vision of the development of passenger shipping in the Polish part of the Vistula Lagoon between local governments creating the spatial policy and ship owners offering transport services. We have made an attempt to verify the development prospects. The collation of these visions was based primarily on the qualitative analysis of the content of planning and strategic documents (desk research method) and a survey conducted among all six ship owners. Thanks to the comparative analysis, it was possible to show similarities and differences and to indicate recommendations. The paper presents review of the available literature on the subject, thanks to which the research area was identified as unique in Europe. On the one hand, it is a valuable natural area, which is an important tourist destination, on the other hand, there are organizational and infrastructural limitations in meeting the needs of tourists. Then, field research was conducted, unpublished materials were collected, and surveys were conducted with the Citation: Puzdrakiewicz, K.; Połom, M. -
Violence, Warfare and Politics in Colonial Burma(<Special Issue
State Formation in the Shadow of the Raj: Violence, Warfare Title and Politics in Colonial Burma(<Special Issue>State Formation in Comparative Perspectives) Author(s) Callahan, Mary P. Citation 東南アジア研究 (2002), 39(4): 513-536 Issue Date 2002-03 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/53713 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 4, March 2002 State Formation in the Shadow of the Raj: Violence, Warfare and Politics in Colonial Burma* Mary P. CALLAHAN** Normally, society is organized for life; the object of Leviathan was to organise it for production. J.S. Furnivall [1939: 124] Abstract This article examines the construction of the colonial security apparatus in Burma, within the broader British colonial project in eastern Asia. During the colonial period, the state in Burma was built by default, as no one in London or India ever mapped out a strategy for establishing governance in this outpost. Instead of sending in legal, commercial or police experts to establish law and order—the preconditions of the all-important commerce— Britain sent the Indian Army, which faced an intensity and landscape of guerilla resistance never anticipated. Early forays into the establishment of law and order increasingly became based on conceptions of the population as enemies to be pacified, rather than subjects to be incorporated into or even ignored by the newly defined political entity. The character of armed administration in colonial Burma had a disproportionate impact on how that popula- tion came to be regarded, treated, legalized and made into subjects of the Raj. -
The European Parliament Should Return to a 'Dual Mandate' System
The European Parliament should return to a ‘dual mandate’ system which uses national politicians as representatives instead of directly elected MEPs blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2014/06/16/the-european-parliament-should-return-to-a-dual-mandate-system- which-uses-national-politicians-as-representatives-instead-of-directly-elected-meps/ 16/06/2014 One of the key criticisms of European Parliament elections is that low turnout prevents the Parliament from genuinely being able to confer legitimacy on the EU’s legislative process. Herman Lelieveldt writes that while there was a small increase in turnout in the 2014 European elections, the overall trend of declining turnout necessitates a radical reform to improve the EU’s democratic legitimacy. He suggests returning to a ‘dual mandate’ system through which national parliaments appoint a proportion of their members to split time between the European Parliament and the national level. With a turnout that was only slightly higher than five years ago and a general consensus that many of the dissatisfied voters stayed home, the new European Parliament continues the paradoxical trend of declining legitimacy despite a systematic increase in its powers over the last decades. If it comes to mobilising more voters it is safe to conclude that the experiment with the Spitzenkandidat has been an utter failure. Apart from maybe in Germany, the contest did not generate much excitement in the member states nor did it bring more voters to the polls. Hence we are left with another election in which a majority of the member states (17 out of the 28) saw turn-out again decline, as shown in the Chart below. -
WEBS of EMPIRE Locating New Zealand’S Colonial Past
WEBS OF EMPIRE Locating New Zealand’s Colonial Past TONY BALLANTYNE Sample Material © 2014 UBC Press © Tony Ballantyne 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission of the publisher. First published in 2012 by Bridget Williams Books Limited, www.bwb.co.nz, PO Box 12 474, Wellington, New Zealand. Published with the support of the Bridget Williams Books Publishing Trust with the G & N Trust, and the generous grants provided by the University of Otago and Creative New Zealand. Published in 2014 by UBC Press. UBC Press gratefully acknowledges the fi nancial support for our publishing program of the Government of Canada (through the Canada Book Fund) and the British Columbia Arts Council. Webs of Empire is available in New Zealand (print) from Bridget Williams Books and in the rest of the world (print) from UBC Press. Both publishers hold non-exclusive world e-book rights. ISBN 978-0-7748-2816-1 (bound) ISBN 978-0-7748-2770-6 (pdf ) ISBN 978-0-7748-2771-3 (e-pub) Cataloguing-in-publication data for this book is available from Library and Archives Canada. Cover and page design by Neil Pardington at Base Two Edited by Michael Upchurch Typeset by Tina Delceg UBC Press The University of British Columbia 2029 West Mall Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z2 www.ubcpress.ca Sample Material © 2014 UBC Press CONTENTS Preface: Connections, Comparisons and Commonalities 6 Acknowledgements 9 Note on Language and Usage 12 INTRODUCTION: Relocating Colonial Histories 13 REFRAMING COLONIALISM 25 1. -
The African Liberation Reader, Vol. 1: the Anatomy of Colonialism
The African liberation reader, Vol. 1: the anatomy of colonialism http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.crp2b20039 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org The African liberation reader, Vol. 1: the anatomy of colonialism Author/Creator de Bragança, Aquino (editor); Wallerstein, Immanuel (editor) Publisher Zed Press (London) Date 1982 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Portugal, South Africa, Zimbabwe, Southern Africa (region), Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde, Angola, Namibia Coverage (temporal) 1950 - 1974 Source Northwestern University Libraries, Melville J. Herskovits Library of African Studies, 320.9603 A2585, V. 1 Rights By kind permission of Sylvia Braganca, Immanuel Wallerstein, and Zed Books. -
A Captive Island Kaliningrad Between MOSCOW and the EU
41 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KAlInIngRAD bETWEEn MOSCOW AnD ThE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska NUMBER 41 WARSAW JULY 2012 A CAPTIVE ISLAND KALININGRAD BETWEEN MOSCOW AND THE EU Jadwiga Rogoża, Agata Wierzbowska-Miazga, Iwona Wiśniewska © Copyright by Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia / Centre for Eastern Studies CONTENT EDITORS Adam Eberhardt, Marek Menkiszak EDITORS Katarzyna Kazimierska, Anna Łabuszewska TRANSLATION Ilona Duchnowicz CO-OPERATION Jim Todd GRAPHIC DESIGN PARA-BUCH CHARTS, MAP, PHOTOGRAPH ON COVER Wojciech Mańkowski DTP GroupMedia PuBLISHER Ośrodek Studiów Wschodnich im. Marka Karpia Centre for Eastern Studies ul. Koszykowa 6a, Warsaw, Poland Phone + 48 /22/ 525 80 00 Fax: + 48 /22/ 525 80 40 osw.waw.pl ISBN 978–83–62936–13–7 Contents KEY POINTS /5 INTRODUCTION /8 I. KALININGRAD OBLAST: A SUBJECT OR AN OBJECT OF THE F EDERATION? /9 1. THE AMBER ISLAND: Kaliningrad today /9 1.1. Kaliningrad in the legal, political and economic space of the Russian Federation /9 1.2. Current political situation /13 1.3. The current economic situation /17 1.4. The social situation /24 1.5. Characteristics of the Kaliningrad residents /27 1.6. The ecological situation /32 2. AN AREA UNDER SPECIAL SURVEILLANCE: Moscow’s policy towards the region /34 2.1. The policy of compensating for Kaliningrad’s location as an exclave /34 2.2. The policy of reinforcing social ties with the rest of Russia /43 2.3. The policy of restricted access for foreign partners to the region /45 2.4. The policy of controlling the region’s co-operation with other countries /47 3. -
Table 1 Comprehensive International Points List
Table 1 Comprehensive International Points List FCC ITU-T Country Region Dialing FIPS Comments, including other 1 Code Plan Code names commonly used Abu Dhabi 5 971 TC include with United Arab Emirates Aden 5 967 YE include with Yemen Admiralty Islands 7 675 PP include with Papua New Guinea (Bismarck Arch'p'go.) Afars and Assas 1 253 DJ Report as 'Djibouti' Afghanistan 2 93 AF Ajman 5 971 TC include with United Arab Emirates Akrotiri Sovereign Base Area 9 44 AX include with United Kingdom Al Fujayrah 5 971 TC include with United Arab Emirates Aland 9 358 FI Report as 'Finland' Albania 4 355 AL Alderney 9 44 GK Guernsey (Channel Islands) Algeria 1 213 AG Almahrah 5 967 YE include with Yemen Andaman Islands 2 91 IN include with India Andorra 9 376 AN Anegada Islands 3 1 VI include with Virgin Islands, British Angola 1 244 AO Anguilla 3 1 AV Dependent territory of United Kingdom Antarctica 10 672 AY Includes Scott & Casey U.S. bases Antigua 3 1 AC Report as 'Antigua and Barbuda' Antigua and Barbuda 3 1 AC Antipodes Islands 7 64 NZ include with New Zealand Argentina 8 54 AR Armenia 4 374 AM Aruba 3 297 AA Part of the Netherlands realm Ascension Island 1 247 SH Ashmore and Cartier Islands 7 61 AT include with Australia Atafu Atoll 7 690 TL include with New Zealand (Tokelau) Auckland Islands 7 64 NZ include with New Zealand Australia 7 61 AS Australian External Territories 7 672 AS include with Australia Austria 9 43 AU Azerbaijan 4 994 AJ Azores 9 351 PO include with Portugal Bahamas, The 3 1 BF Bahrain 5 973 BA Balearic Islands 9 34 SP include -
The Partition of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands W
Island Studies Journal , Vol. 7, No.1, 2012, pp. 135-146 REVIEW ESSAY The Partition of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands W. David McIntyre Macmillan Brown Centre for Pacific Studies Christchurch, New Zealand [email protected] ABSTRACT : This paper reviews the separation of the Ellice Islands from the Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony, in the central Pacific, in 1975: one of the few agreed boundary changes that were made during decolonization. Under the name Tuvalu, the Ellice Group became the world’s fourth smallest state and gained independence in 1978. The Gilbert Islands, (including the Phoenix and Line Islands), became the Republic of Kiribati in 1979. A survey of the tortuous creation of the colony is followed by an analysis of the geographic, ethnic, language, religious, economic, and administrative differences between the groups. When, belatedly, the British began creating representative institutions, the largely Polynesian, Protestant, Ellice people realized they were doomed to permanent minority status while combined with the Micronesian, half-Catholic, Gilbertese. To protect their identity they demanded separation, and the British accepted this after a UN-observed referendum. Keywords: Foreign and Commonwealth Office; Gilbert and Ellis islands; independence; Kiribati; Tuvalu © 2012 Institute of Island Studies, University of Prince Edward Island, Canada Context The age of imperialism saw most of the world divided up by colonial powers that drew arbitrary lines on maps to designate their properties. The age of decolonization involved the assumption of sovereign independence by these, often artificial, creations. Tuvalu, in the central Pacific, lying roughly half-way between Australia and Hawaii, is a rare exception. -
State Formation in the Shadow of the Raj: Violence, Warfare and Politics in Colonial Burma*
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 39, No. 4, March 2002 State Formation in the Shadow of the Raj: Violence, Warfare and Politics in Colonial Burma* Mary P. CALLAHAN** Normally, society is organized for life; the object of Leviathan was to organise it for production. J.S. Furnivall [1939: 124] Abstract This article examines the construction of the colonial security apparatus in Burma, within the broader British colonial project in eastern Asia. During the colonial period, the state in Burma was built by default, as no one in London or India ever mapped out a strategy for establishing governance in this outpost. Instead of sending in legal, commercial or police experts to establish law and order—the preconditions of the all-important commerce— Britain sent the Indian Army, which faced an intensity and landscape of guerilla resistance never anticipated. Early forays into the establishment of law and order increasingly became based on conceptions of the population as enemies to be pacified, rather than subjects to be incorporated into or even ignored by the newly defined political entity. The character of armed administration in colonial Burma had a disproportionate impact on how that popula- tion came to be regarded, treated, legalized and made into subjects of the Raj. Administra- tive simplifications along territorial and racial lines resulted in political, economic, and social boundaries that continue to divide the country today. Bureaucratic and security mech- anisms politicized violence along territorial and racial lines, creating “two Burmas” in the administrative and security arms of the state. Despite the “laissez-faire” proclamations of colonial state officials in Burma, this geographically and functionally limited state nonethe- less established durable administrative structures that precluded any significant integration throughout the territory for a century to come. -
Political Status and Development: the Implications for Australian Foreign Policy Towards the Pacific Islands
Political Status and Development: The Implications for Australian Foreign Policy Towards the Pacific Islands STEWART FIRTH SSGM DISCUSSION PAPER 2013/6 Introduction Table 2: Pacific Islands Freely Associated Entities Nine in every 10 Pacific islanders live in the independent countries of the region — Fiji, Kiribati, Entity External State Nauru, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, Solomon Federated States of Micronesia USA Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu, and Vanuatu. The remaining tenth — almost a million people in all — live in the Republic of the Marshall Islands USA territories and freely associated states, where formal Republic of Palau USA connections with a metropolitan state offer access Cook Islands New Zealand to its resources and opportunities. In different ways, Niue New Zealand and with different levels of devolution of power to local governments, eight of the Pacific island entities in the Pacific community are territories Geoff Bertram points out, a large body of evidence of external states, and a further five Pacific island now supports the view that there is ‘a negative entities are freely associated with an external state. association between sovereign independence and present-day per-capita income, indicating that Table 1: Pacific Islands Territories while decolonization may have brought political and psychological gains, it retarded rather than Territory External State advanced the material prosperity of the decolonized American Samoa USA populations. The reasons are straightforward: Commonwealth of the USA small island jurisdictions which are sub-national Northern Mariana Islands (that is, retain constitutional links to metropolitan Guam USA powers) get more financial assistance per head, better access for migrant labour, and a wide range New Caledonia France of jurisdiction-related opportunities to capitalize on French Polynesia France non-sovereign status’ (Bertram 2007, 239–40). -
The Scrutiny of the Principle of Subsidiarity in the Procedures and Reasoned Opinions of the Italian Chamber and Senate
11 The Scrutiny of the Principle of Subsidiarity in the Procedures and Reasoned Opinions of the Italian Chamber and Senate NICOLA LUPO I. Introduction National parliaments are generally institutions with a long history, strong proce- dural traditions and differing dynamics both externally (with their national gov- ernment as well as EU institutions, and of course with the other House, in the case of bicameral systems) and internally (ie between majority and opposition and between plenary and committees). Hence, a new procedure, like the scrutiny of the principle of subsidiarity, introduced at the EU level, does not fall on a blank page. On the contrary, it is inevitably embedded in the life of each parliament, being transformed and adapted to comply — as does naturally happen in a ‘ compos- ite ’ Constitution 1 — not only with EU requirements but also with the constraints established by each national Constitution. That is why the way in which the EWM develops in each national parliament depends on a series of elements that are typical of each constitutional system, such as the form of government, the political and institutional culture, the approach towards European integration, the confi guration of parliamentary groups and standing committees, and sometimes even the role of parliamentary bureaucracy. 2 1 For this expression and for its meaning see L Besselink , A Composite European Constitution ( Groningen , Europa Law Publishing , 2007 ) . 2 N Lupo , ‘ National Parliaments in the European integration process: re-aligning politics and poli- cies ’ in M Cartabia , N Lupo and A Simoncini (eds), Democracy and subsidiarity in the EU. National parliaments, regions and civil society in the decision-making process ( B o l o g n a , I l m u l i n o , 2 0 1 3 ) 1 0 7 – 3 2 , spec 130 (arguing that these elements could be deemed as part of the constitutional identity of each Member State).