Transferring American Values to Iraq

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Transferring American Values to Iraq TRANSFERRING AMERICAN MILITARY VALUES TO IRAQ William Bache* The President of the United States expressed his desire to build a democratic Iraq that could serve as an example to the rest of the Arab and Islamic nations. The American military was the instrument chosen to build an Iraqi security structure that could fight terrorism and still promote ethical leaders and democratic values. However, efforts to transfer American military values to Iraq have been a failure. The leaders of the Iraqi Joint Security Forces have politely listened to what the Americans have determined is best for them and then have gone back to doing what they feel is best for them— namely situational leadership, corruption, and human rights violations. INTRODUCTION an Iraqi military committed to defeating terrorism that respects human rights and the There never was an Iraqi army, let alone an rule of law. They championed a diverse Iraqi Iraqi nation state, until British efforts after military led by civilian and military leaders of World War I. The purpose of this paper is to character and integrity. They also wanted a look at American efforts to recreate an Iraqi military that rejected political, sectarian, and army using American military values—values self-serving influences. This paper will look at supportive of democracy and human rights—in the success and future of the American the post-Saddam era. America has made a experience in Iraq. The Bush Administration multibillion dollar1effort to create what chose the military option over all other options President George W. Bush called a ―free Iraq at to transfer American values to a conquered the heart of the Middle East… a watershed Iraq. Therefore, it is important to investigate event in the global democratic and assess the successes and failures of the revolution.‖2American leaders said they wanted Operation Iraqi Freedom project. unethical orders. The army was under- LEADERSHIP AND VALUES IN THE resourced, as Saddam gave preferential OLD IRAQI MILITARY treatment to his more politically reliable Republican Guards and Special Republican Prior to the 2003 invasion, the purpose of Guards. His loyal Sunni officers did know how the Iraqi security services under all to tactically employ the units and weapons of governments was to ensure the survival of the what had been the fourth largest military force Sunni-dominated national government located in the world. Force quality was an issue since in Baghdad. Under Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi ―the uprisings following the Gulf War triggered Army and security services maintained internal a continuing series of purges in the Iraqi security, repressed revolts by the Kurds and military that lasted until Saddam‘s fall, while a Shi‘a, attacked Iran in 1980, invaded Kuwait in vast number of promotions inflated the ranks of 1990, and fought the Anglo-American senior officers and filled slots with loyalists and invasions of 1991 and 2003. incompetents.‖4 After the 1991 war, the Iraqi Army was The culture of the army itself was a key capable of terrorizing and intimidating problem. Assertive mid-level officers were civilians,3but it could not do much more. It was considered a threat by their superiors, and a defeated, totally corrupted force that had various secret police forces ―minded‖ the learned not to take initiative and not to question officer corps for loyalty. No Iraqi officer could Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 11, No. 3 (September 2007) 54 Transferring American Military Values to Iraq afford to be a leader in a system in which the Secretary Donald Rumsfeld appointed a supreme leader, Saddam Hussein, perceived retired ambassador, Paul Bremer, as the ruling persons with leadership abilities as potential proconsul of the occupation government, threats to regime survival.5There were no known as the Coalition Provisional Authority quality standards, no ways to measure (CPA). Bremer arrived in Baghdad on May 12, competency. Graduation from service schools 2003, and within his first week in Iraq, a could be bought in a system where nepotism country he had never visited nor whose and favoritism were rampant.6One could be language could he speak,8he issued his famous qualified on paper, but the paper was not ―de-Ba‘thification order.‖ 9The results were the indicative of actual performance or capability. dismissal of all government administrators who Junior officers were also conditioned not to were members of the Ba‘th Party and had show initiative. They did not anticipate what served in the top four levels of Iraq‘s needed to be done. They did not use their non- government. To receive a top-level commissioned officers (NCOs) to support them administration position during the Saddam era, in organizing and preparing the enlisted a person normally had to be a member of the soldiers for dangerous military duties. Junior Ba‘th Party. All the dismissed government officers ended up doing what would be administrators were laid off without any considered NCO work in Western armies. The severance pay or pensions. Many were the very NCOs were not trained, not educated, and not people who had the skills and knowledge to key partners of their officers. Many were administer and operate all the ministries of the illiterate. The training of the Shi‘a and Kurdish Iraqi government, especially the security conscripts was restricted to teaching low-level services. The government and government- skills, while Sunni soldiers learned the high- owned industries were the principal employers level command and staff skills necessary to in Iraq. Revenue from domestic Iraqi oil administer one of the largest armies in the production provided 95 percent of the budget world. In the 2003 war, various Iraqi forces for the Iraqi government. With most of the resisted the Anglo-American invaders for 30 to government ministries, universities, hospitals, 40 days, but the Iraqi military did not formally utilities, and industries destroyed in a surrender to the American-led Coalition forces. multibillion dollar looting spree and with the Saddam‘s Army and Republican Guard troops government administrators dismissed from just melted away while their paramilitary duty, the economy collapsed and has never counterparts continued to resist the Coalition recovered. forces. One week later, on May 23, 2003, Ambassador Bremer ordered the disbandment DISBANDING THE IRAQI MILITARY of all Iraqi military and security services.10Arbitrary dismissal rather than After the occupation of Baghdad by rehabilitation and utilization of former American troops in April 2003, the Americans government officials and security forces left the allowed widespread looting in Baghdad and Coalition military forces without indigenous elsewhere to occur. The U. S. commanders Iraqi security forces to enforce law and order in failed to declare martial law and put a stop to Iraq during the chaos, anarchy, and criminal the chaos and disorder. The military claimed violence that followed the fall of the Saddam they did not have enough troops, and U.S. regime. The dismissed soldiers and police Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld could have been recalled to active service not explained that ―Freedom‘s untidy…. Free only to maintain law and order, but to help people are free to make mistakes and commit economic recovery by performing manpower- crimes and do bad things.‖7The Coalition had intensive public work programs.11Under no real plans on what to do with Iraq after the Ambassador Bremer, the occupation Saddam regime fell. government had no coherent plan for the demobilization, disarmament,12and 55 Middle East Review of International Affairs, Vol. 11, No. 3 (September 2007) William Bache reintegration (DDR) into society of 720,000 Many Shi‘a also did not welcome the unemployed soldiers and police13whose Americans and British as liberators, but principal skill set was in conducting organized considered them as occupiers, perhaps due to violence.14All serious international post- mistrust generated from the betrayal of the conflict reconstruction and stabilization efforts 1991 rebellion against Saddam by the U.S. include DDR as a critical and early part of their government.18 reconciliation and peace-building efforts.15The Within a relatively short period of time after security of Saddam‘s storage sites for arms, the invasion, the anti-Coalition resistance ammunition, explosives, and other military movement emerged and attacked major hardware used for combat was not to be a top political targets to isolate Coalition and Iraqi priority for the Coalition occupation of allies from both the Iraqi people and the Iraq.16[16] Those unsecured ammunition and assistance and support of the international high-explosive sites were soon looted and community. The compounds of the Jordanian served as sources of supply for the Sunni embassy, the United Nations, and the resistance movement and Shi‘a militias.17 International Committee of the Red Cross were The police, like the military and the various attacked with devastating vehicle secret police forces of the Saddam regime, had bombs.19Attacks on Coalition troops continued been instruments of repression rather than to increase, demonstrating that it would take instruments of public safety, rule of law, and more than police forces to suppress terrorist justice in Iraq. They also melted away after the attacks by the resistance. Insurgency attacks Coalition invasion, leaving anarchy in the grew for a year, but Secretary Rumsfeld and the streets of Iraq, since the American-led occupation government refused to admit that Coalition had insufficient troops and was the resistance consisted of anything other than unwilling to enforce law and order. The CPA‘s Ba‘thist ―bitter enders,‖ al-Qa‘ida terrorists, initial security plan was to reactivate security and foreign fighters. Without indigenous Iraqis forces for local policing, border security, and to help police their own country, the unfamiliar infrastructure security. A national army for Iraq Coalition forces were blind and failed to was not in their game plan.
Recommended publications
  • Full Complaint
    Case 1:18-cv-01612-CKK Document 11 Filed 11/17/18 Page 1 of 602 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ESTATE OF ROBERT P. HARTWICK, § HALEY RUSSELL, HANNAH § HARTWICK, LINDA K. HARTWICK, § ROBERT A. HARTWICK, SHARON § SCHINETHA STALLWORTH, § ANDREW JOHN LENZ, ARAGORN § THOR WOLD, CATHERINE S. WOLD, § CORY ROBERT HOWARD, DALE M. § HINKLEY, MARK HOWARD BEYERS, § DENISE BEYERS, EARL ANTHONY § MCCRACKEN, JASON THOMAS § WOODLIFF, JIMMY OWEKA OCHAN, § JOHN WILLIAM FUHRMAN, JOSHUA § CRUTCHER, LARRY CRUTCHER, § JOSHUA MITCHELL ROUNTREE, § LEIGH ROUNTREE, KADE L. § PLAINTIFFS’ HINKHOUSE, RICHARD HINKHOUSE, § SECOND AMENDED SUSAN HINKHOUSE, BRANDON § COMPLAINT HINKHOUSE, CHAD HINKHOUSE, § LISA HILL BAZAN, LATHAN HILL, § LAURENCE HILL, CATHLEEN HOLY, § Case No.: 1:18-cv-01612-CKK EDWARD PULIDO, KAREN PULIDO, § K.P., A MINOR CHILD, MANUEL § Hon. Colleen Kollar-Kotelly PULIDO, ANGELITA PULIDO § RIVERA, MANUEL “MANNIE” § PULIDO, YADIRA HOLMES, § MATTHEW WALKER GOWIN, § AMANDA LYNN GOWIN, SHAUN D. § GARRY, S.D., A MINOR CHILD, SUSAN § GARRY, ROBERT GARRY, PATRICK § GARRY, MEGHAN GARRY, BRIDGET § GARRY, GILBERT MATTHEW § BOYNTON, SOFIA T. BOYNTON, § BRIAN MICHAEL YORK, JESSE D. § CORTRIGHT, JOSEPH CORTRIGHT, § DIANA HOTALING, HANNA § CORTRIGHT, MICHAELA § CORTRIGHT, LEONDRAE DEMORRIS § RICE, ESTATE OF NICHOLAS § WILLIAM BAART BLOEM, ALCIDES § ALEXANDER BLOEM, DEBRA LEIGH § BLOEM, ALCIDES NICHOLAS § BLOEM, JR., VICTORIA LETHA § Case 1:18-cv-01612-CKK Document 11 Filed 11/17/18 Page 2 of 602 BLOEM, FLORENCE ELIZABETH § BLOEM, CATHERINE GRACE § BLOEM, SARA ANTONIA BLOEM, § RACHEL GABRIELA BLOEM, S.R.B., A § MINOR CHILD, CHRISTINA JEWEL § CHARLSON, JULIANA JOY SMITH, § RANDALL JOSEPH BENNETT, II, § STACEY DARRELL RICE, BRENT § JASON WALKER, LELAND WALKER, § SUSAN WALKER, BENJAMIN § WALKER, KYLE WALKER, GARY § WHITE, VANESSA WHITE, ROYETTA § WHITE, A.W., A MINOR CHILD, § CHRISTOPHER F.
    [Show full text]
  • Copyright by Sean R. Tiffee 2013
    Copyright by Sean R. Tiffee 2013 The Dissertation Committee for Sean R. Tiffee Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Trauma and the Rhetoric of Horror Films: The Rise of Torture Porn in a Post Nine-Eleven World Committee: ____________________________________ Joshua Gunn, Supervisor ____________________________________ Katherine Arens ____________________________________ Barry Brummett ____________________________________ Richard Cherwitz ____________________________________ Dana Cloud Trauma and the Rhetoric of Horror Films: The Rise of Torture Porn in a Post Nine-Eleven World by Sean R. Tiffee, B.A.; M.A. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August, 2013 Dedication To my family, for always being there. Acknowledgements If I were to list every person who helped me on my journey towards the completion of my Ph.D., this section would be longer than the dissertation itself. Although I want to thank everyone, these limitations require me to note only those whose support was instrumental, endless, and tireless. First and foremost, I want to thank my advisor, Joshua Gunn. Josh’s patience, diligence, and guidance are unmatched and I am truly blessed to be one of his advisees. Mere words are not capable of expressing how much I appreciate his efforts and his meticulous attention to detail pushed me to produce the very best work that I could. He is someone that I am proud to call a mentor and humbled to call a friend. I would also like to thank the other members of my dissertation committee.
    [Show full text]
  • IRAQ and the THEORY of BASE POLITICS: COOLEY, INSTITUTIONALISM and CULTURE a Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the Gradu
    IRAQ AND THE THEORY OF BASE POLITICS: COOLEY, INSTITUTIONALISM AND CULTURE A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Security Studies By Jaffar Al-Rikabi, B.A Washington, DC April 16, 2010 Copyright 2010 by Jaffar Al-Rikabi All Rights Reserved ii IRAQ AND THE THEORY OF BASE POLITICS: COOLEY, INSTITUTIONALISM AND CULTURE Jaffar Al-Rikabi, B.A. Thesis Adviser: Karl Mueller, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This thesis presents a critique of Alexander Cooley’s base politics theory by testing it against the recently concluded US-Iraq Pact, comprising the Status-of-Forces Agreement (SOFA) and the Strategic Framework Agreement (SFA). A cursory look at Cooley’s predictions for the U.S. military presence in Iraq in the conclusion of his book encourages a misleading verification of his institutional model for understanding when and why bilateral military basing agreements become accepted, politicized, or challenged by host countries. An in-depth account of the Iraq case study combined with a critical examination of Cooley’s theory will show much merit for an institutional approach, but find it insufficient. Alternative theories, which Cooley is quick to dismiss, will enrich our understanding and posit important implications for U.S. policy-makers. In particular, I argue that accounting for the role of political culture, misperceptions and the impact of individual leaders in international politics is critical, despite the reluctance of many international relations scholars in the field to do so. iii The research and writing of this thesis is dedicated to the many great professors, policy-makers, family and friends who helped and advised along the way.
    [Show full text]
  • Silent Refuge? a Critical Democratic Exploration of Voice and Authorship Among Resettled Iraqis in the United States
    Silent Refuge? A Critical Democratic Exploration of Voice and Authorship among Resettled Iraqis in the United States Jared Keyel Dissertation submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy In Planning, Governance and Globalization Max O. Stephenson, Jr., Chair Christian Matheis Deborah Milly Katrina M. Powell July 9, 2019 Blacksburg, Virginia Key Words: Refugees, Displacement, Resettlement, Iraq, Democratic Membership, Iraq War Silent Refuge? A Critical Democratic Exploration of Voice and Authorship Among Resettled Iraqis in the United States Jared Keyel ABSTRACT The 2003 United States (U.S.)-led invasion and occupation of Iraq caused hundreds of thousands of deaths and led to the displacement of millions of individuals in that country. Between March 20, 2003 and late 2017, more than 172,000 Iraqis left their country as refugees and resettled in the United States. This dissertation focuses on a small cohort of that population who resettled in various locations in the U.S. after 2003. This research contributes an empirical and theoretical exploration of the possibilities for political agency for resettled Iraqis in the United States. Grounded in literature suggesting those displaced commonly experience constrained agency framed as “silence/ing” and/or “voicelessness,” I identify three requirements to democratic participation: sufficient time to exercise voice, adequate information and attenuating lingering suspicion of (authoritarian) government. Moreover, despite constraints, opportunities for engagement existed including discussion and dialogue; civil society volunteering; and activism. Drawing on 15 semi-structured qualitative interviews, this work first critically explores the American invasion of Iraq and the social and political breakdown that it triggered in that country.
    [Show full text]
  • “You Probably Don't Know Who Or What You Are Talking About”: Cultural and Moral
    Brown et al. Justice Policy Journal, Spring 2015 “You probably don't know who or what you are talking about”: Cultural and Moral Incompetence in Evaluating the Veteran in the Criminal Justice System William Brown1, Robert Stanulis2, Misty Weitzel3 and Kyle Rodgers4 Justice Policy Journal Volume 12, Number 1 (Spring) © Center on Juvenile and Criminal Justice 2015 www.cjcj.org/jpj Abstract The topic veterans entangled in criminal justice is not novel. Veterans have often been used to occupy jail cells and fill empty prison beds since at least the end of the Civil War. Massive numbers of World War I veterans made the transition from war to prison. While there are no specific data regarding World War II veterans and criminal justice encounters, the Vietnam War produced many veterans who landed in prison. Today many Iraq and Afghanistan veterans are beginning the long process from war to jail and prison. Historically, the criminal justice system, along with much of the general public, has ignored the intricate details of military culture and the impact that culture plays on veterans trying to find their place in the civilian culture. The primary purpose of this article is to awaken and educate those in the criminal justice system about the importance of cultural competency when it comes to processing veterans through the criminal justice system. We also introduce the 1 Department of Criminal Justice, Western Oregon University 2 Clinical Psychologist, Veterans Advisory Board, Western Oregon University 3 Department of Criminal Justice, Western Oregon University 4 Department of Criminal Justice, Western Oregon University Corresponding Author: William Brown Email: [email protected] or [email protected] Phone: 503-269-6065 “You probably don’t know who or what you are talking about” 1 importance of employing a multidisciplinary approach to enable a comprehensive understanding of the plight of veterans as they attempt to re-acculturate back into civilian communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Investigating Sexual and Gender-Based Violence As a Weapon of War and a Tool of Genocide Against Indigenous Yazidi Women and Girls by ISIS in Iraq
    AN ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS OF Suha Hazeem Hassen for the degree of Master of Arts in Women, Gender, and Sexuality Studies presented on May 24, 2016. Title: Investigating Sexual and Gender-Based Violence as a Weapon of War and a Tool of Genocide against Indigenous Yazidi Women and Girls by ISIS in Iraq. Abstract approved: ______________________________________________________ Mehra Shirazi In the current armed conflicts that have become known to the international community since the sweeping attacks on northern Iraq on Aug. 3, 2014, the Islamic State (ISIS) perpetrated extreme forms of sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) against a small ancient ethno-religious conservative Yazidi group. ISIS has used SGBV against Yazidi women and girls as an integral part of their military strategy, as a weapon of war, and as a tool of ethnic cleansing and genocide. ISIS employed SGBV as a cheap weapon of war that can achieve many strategic goals at the same time. Thus, ISIS used multiple forms of SGBV such as torture, abduction, slavery, systemic rape and other heinous crimes against the Yazidi women and their families. These crimes included the massacre of men, babies, seniors and disabled women. In addition, ISIS caused the complete destruction of Yazidi villages which caused the displacement of thousands of people. Some of these women and girls are survivors of ISIS captivity, and their current living conditions constitute a human rights crisis. This research was designed to explore and provide a better understanding of how and why ISIS used SGBV and to shed light on its multiple dimensions. It aims to illustrate how the survivors are coping with trauma and to explain the challenges that they continue to face in the aftermath of the ISIS invasions.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Morrisdmilitarism 1 .Pdf
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School College of Education FILM AS PUBLIC PEDAGOGY IN THE U.S. CULTURE OF MILITARISM A Thesis in Curriculum and Instruction by Douglas S. Morris Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2006 The thesis of Douglas S. Morris was reviewed and approved* by the following: Patrick Shannon Professor of Education Thesis Advisor Chair of Committee Coordinator of Graduate Studies Jacqueline Edmondson Associate Professor of Education Paul Youngquist Professor of English Jeanne Hall Associate Professor of Communications *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School ABSTRACT The following study examines the relationship between militarized Hollywood cinema, the US culture of militarism, the systemic nature of US aggression, and the possibilities for creating a pedagogy of hope that will work to overcome militarism’s abominations. By recognizing film as a powerful form of public pedagogy that shapes beliefs, attitudes, and values, constructs identities and identifications, and directs allegiances and actions (or inactions), the study investigates ways in which Hollywood films work to convey and inculcate circumscribed notions of history through regularized patterns of film images and narratives in pursuit of the indirect or direct goal of distracting public attention, along with conditioning the public mind, engineering public consent, and mobilizing public support for a US culture of militarism dedicated to aggression in the pursuit of global domination. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………….1 Chapter 2. THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK…..…………………………………….37 Chapter 3. A SHORT HISTORY OF MILITARIZED FILMS…………………………….63 Chapter 4. RULES OF ENGAGEMENT: WASTE THE MOTHERFUCKERS…………..99 Chapter 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Differences in Accountability Types Affecting Public Military and Private Military Actors
    Differences in accountability types affecting Public Military and Private Military Actors. The cases of the Haditha Killings and Nisour Square Killings Master of Science Crisis and Security Management Master Thesis Name: Hendrik Bruno Weijenborg Student ID: s1749838 Thesis Supervisor: Dr. J. Matthys Second reader: Dr A. van Leeuwen Date: July, 2016 Abstract The use and deployment of private military companies (PMCs) operating alongside the public army has increased considerably last decades, especially with the U.S. government’s continuous budget cuts. However, issues on how to hold them accountable for civilian deaths during armed conflicts in foreign countries have been the subject of much debate, media coverage and is poorly understood. Therefore, the present research aimed at investigating the differences in accountability types between public military and private military. Accountability is a contested concept as it is widely used and is based on the nature of the forum, actor, conduct and obligation. Based on Bovens accountability framework (2010), in this thesis these aspects of accountability are investigated for the involvement of U.S. public military (i.e. U.S. Marines) in the Haditha massacre (2005) and PMC (i.e. Blackwater guards) in the Nisour Square massacre (2007) in Iraq. These cases were selected on basis of their similarity, while having a clear different actor background, the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) and PMC respectively. In total 262 newspaper articles, 1 press release and 7 official documents produced by the U.S. Courts, U.S. Marines Corps, UN Working Group, OHCHR Press Release were analysed. The present research makes clear that the major differences observed in accountability types between public military and private military are at the within the nature of the forum, especially within the legal and political domain.
    [Show full text]
  • New Leadership at Contingency Operating Base Service Members Marez, Iraq
    The Expeditionary Times Proudly serving the finest Expeditionary service members throughout Iraq Vol. 3 Issue 21 April 14, 2010 http://www.hood.army.mil/13sce/ Life saver Soldiers celebrate Easter Soldiers train to save at historic monastery lives in combat STORY AND PHOTO S BY Sgt. William Olivier, a paralegal with SGT . KEITH S. VAN KL OM P ENBERG Headquarters and Headquarters Page 5 EXP E DITIONARY TIM E S STAFF Troop, 278th Armored Cavalry Reg- iment, 13th Sustainment Command CONTINGENCY OPERATING (Expeditionary) and a Smyrna, BASE MAREZ, Iraq Tenn., native, holds a candle during Mass April 3 at St. Elijah Monastery – More than 600 New leadership at Contingency Operating Base service members Marez, Iraq. and civilians cel- ebrated Easter “It’s an amazing thing for with weekend them,” he said. services April First Lt. Geoffrey Whitaker, 3 and 4 at St. Elijah Monastery, the garrison chaplain at COB the oldest Christian monastery Marez with the Regimental in Iraq, at Contingency Operat- Fires Squadron, 278th Armored ing Base Marez. Cavalry Regiment, 13th Sustain- A candlelit Mass was held ment Command (Expedition- April 3 and two other services ary), said he was honored to be were held April 4 at the 1,700- part of the services. year-old structure. “To get to celebrate Easter in “This is the second time the oldest Christian monastery we’ve done this,” said Capt. Pat- in Iraq … it’s a once in a lifetime Sustainment battalions rick Van Durme, the battalion opportunity,” said Whitaker, a transfer authority chaplain with 1st Battalion, 19th Murphy, N.C., native.
    [Show full text]
  • Articles Strengthening American War Crimes
    ARTICLES STRENGTHENING AMERICAN WAR CRIMES ACCOUNTABILITY GEOFFREY S. CORN AND RACHEL E. VANLANDINGHAM* The United States needs to improve accountability for its service members’ war crimes. President Donald J. Trump dangerously intensified a growing national misunderstanding regarding the critical nexus between compliance with the laws of war and the health and efficacy of the U.S. military. This Article pushes back against such confusion by demonstrating why compliance with the laws of war, and accountability for violations of these laws, together constitute vital duties owed to our women and men in uniform. This Article reveals that part of the fog of war surrounding criminal accountability for American war crimes is due to structural defects in American military law. It analyzes such defects, including the military’s failure to prosecute war crimes as war crimes. It carefully highlights the need for symmetry between the disparate American approaches to its enemies’ war crimes and its own service members’ battlefield offenses. To help close the current war crimes accountability deficit, we propose a comprehensive statutory remedial scheme that includes: the enumeration of specific war crimes for military personnel analogous to those applicable to unlawful enemy * Geoffrey S. Corn is The Gary A. Kuiper Distinguished Professor of National Security at South Texas College of Law Houston. Rachel E. VanLandingham is a Professor of Law at Southwestern Law School in Los Angeles, California. They teach criminal law, criminal procedure, national security law, and the law of armed conflict. They are each former military lawyers and retired Lieutenant Colonels in the U.S. Army and U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • They Don't Receive Purple Hearts
    They Don’t Receive Purple Hearts A Guide to an Understanding and Resolution of the Invisible Wound of War Known as Moral Injury Written by: Joseph M. Palmer Edited by: James H. Mukoyama, Jr. They Don’t Receive Purple Hearts A Guide to an Understanding and Resolution of the Invisible Wound of War Known as Moral Injury JOSEPH M. PALMER This book is not intended as a substitute for therapeutic or medical advice. The reader should regularly consult a medical professional in matters relating to their health and particularly with respect to any symptom that may require diagnosis or medical attention of any kind. Note to Readers: This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information in regard to the subject matter covered. It is based upon sources believed to be ac‐ curate and reliable and is intended to be current as of the time it is written. It is provided with the understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering professional services of any type. If advice or other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent professional person should be sought. Also, to confirm that the information has not been affected or changed by recent developments, traditional research techniques should be used, including checking alternate primary sources where available. All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quotations in a book review. Copyright © 2015 Military Outreach USA Editor: James H.
    [Show full text]
  • Sr. Catllarlnes on I.- Abstract
    News in the Age of Empire: Two War Scandals Jason Legge Interdisciplinary MA in Popular Culture Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Popular Culture Faculty of Social Science, Brock University St. Catherines, Ontario November, 2008 JAMES A GIBSON Lu~A ~ JR)CK UNIVERSITY sr. CATllARlNES ON i.- Abstract This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre.
    [Show full text]