CSES Module Questionaire (Lithuania)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

CSES Module Questionaire (Lithuania) CSES Module Questionaire (Lithuania) Q1. ON THE WHOLE ARE YOU SATISFIED, FAIRLY SATISFIED, NOT VERY SATISFIED OR NOT AT ALL SATISFIED WITH THE WAY DEMOCRACY WORKS IN THE COUNTRY ? 1. Satisfied 4. Not very satisfied 2. Fairly satisfied 5. Not at all satisfied 8. DK Q2. IN SOME COUNTRIES,,PEOPLE BELIEVE THEIR ELECTIONS ARE CONDUCTED FAIRLY. IN OTHER COUNTRIES, PEOPLE BELIEVE THAT THEIR ELECTIONS ARE CONDUCTED UNFAIRLY. THINKING OF THE LAST ELECTION IN LITHUANIA, WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE IT ON THIS SCALE OF ONE TO FIVE WHERE 1 MEANS THAT THE LAST ELECTION WAS CONDUCTED FAIRLY AND 5 MEANS THAT THE LAST ELECTION WAS CONDUCTED UNFAIRLY ? 1 2 3 4 5 Last election was Last election was conducted fairly conducted unfairly 8. DK Q3. DO YOU USUALLY THINK OF YOURSELF AS CLOSE TRO ANY PARTICULAR POLITICAL PARTY? 1. Yes à GO TO Q3A 5. No à GO TO Q3C 8. DK à GO TO Q3C Q3A. WHICH PARTY IS THAT ? (RECORD ALL PARTIES) First mentioned ________________________________________________________ Second (if volunteered)_________________________________________________ Third (if volunteered)________________________________________________ IF AT Q3A. ONLY ONE PARTY MENTIONED --> GO TO Q3E. IF AT Q3A. MORE THAN ONE PARTY MENTIONED --> ASK Q3B. Q3B. WHICH PARTY DO YOU FEEL CLOSEST TO? _________________________--> GO TO Q3E. Q3C. DO YOU FEEL YOURSELF A LITTLE CLOSER TO ONE OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES THAN THE OTHERS? 1. Yes à GO TO Q3E 5. No à GO TO Q4 8. DK à GO TO Q4 Q3E. DO YOU FEEL VERY CLOSE TO THIS PARTY, SOMEWHAT CLOSE, OR NOT VERY CLOSE? 1. Very close 2. Somewhat close 3. Not very close 8. DK Q4. SOME PEOPLE SAY THAT POLITICAL PARTIES IN LITHUANIA CARE WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK. OTHERS SAY THAT POLITICAL PARTIES IN LITHUANIA DON’T CARE WHTA ORDIBNARY PEOPLE THINK. USING 5 POINT SCALE WHERE 1 MEANS THAT POLITICAL PARTIES CARE ABOUT WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK, AND 5 MEANS THAT THEY DON’T CARE WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK, WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF ? 1 2 3 4 5 Political parties in Political parties in Lithuania care what Lithuania don’t care what ordinary people think ordinary people think Q5. SOME PEOPLE SAY THAT POLITICAL PARTIES ARE NECESSARY TO MAKE OUR POLITICAL SYSTEM WORK IN LITHUANIA. OTHERS THINK THAT POLITICAL PARTIES ARE NOT NEEDED IN LITHUANIA. USING 5 POINT SCALE, WHERE 1 MEANS THAT POLITICAL PARTIES ARE NECESSARY TO MAKE POLITICAL SYSTEM WORK AND 5 MEANS THAT POLITICAL PARTIES ARE NOT NEEDED IN LITHUANIA, WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF? 1 2 3 4 5 Political parties are necessary to make our political system Political parties are not 8. DK work needed in Lithuania Q6. DO YOU HAPPEN TO REMEBER THE NAMES OF ANY CANDIDATES WHO STOOD FOR PRESIDENCY IN THE LAST PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS ? 1. Yes à GO TO Q6A 5. No à GO TO Q7 8. DK à GO TO Q7 Q6A. (IF NAME NOT VOLUNTEERED) WHAT WERE THEIR NAMES? _________________________________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Q7. NOW I’D LIKE TO KNOW WHAT YOU THINK ABOUT EACH OF OUR POLITICAL PARTIES. AFTER I READ THE NAME OF POLITICAL PARTY, PLEASE RATE IT ONA SCALE FROM 0 TO 10, WHERE 0 MEANS YOU STRONGLY DISLIKE THAT PARTY AND 10 MEANS THAT YOU STRONGLY LIKE THAT PARTY. IF I COME TO A PARTY YOU HAVEN’T HEARD OF OR YOU FEEL YOU DO NOT KNOW ENOUGH ABOUT, JUST SAY THAT. THE FAIRST PARTY IS … ? Strongly Strongly DK Haven’t dislikes likes heard of a Center Union 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 b Christian Democratic Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 c Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 d Lithuanian Nationalist Party “Young Lithuania” 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 e Social Democratic Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 f Homeland Union (Lithuanian Conservatives) 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 Q8. AND NOW, USING THE SAME SCALE, I’D LIKE TO ASK YOU HOW MUCH YOU LIKE OR DISLIKE SOME POLITICAL LEADERS. AGAIN, IF I COME TO A LEADER YOU HAVEN’T HEARD OF OR YOU FEEL YOU DO NOT KNOW ENOUGH ABOUT, JUST SAY SO. THE FIRST POLITICAL LEADER IS … . Strongly Strongly DK Haven’t dislikes likes heard of a V.Adamkø 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 b V.Andriukaitá 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 c K.Bobelá 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 d V.Landsbergá 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 e A.Paulausk¹ 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 f R.Pavilioná 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 g R.Smeton¹ 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 Q9. WHAT DO YOU THINK ABOUT THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY THESE DAYS IN LITHUANIA/ WOULD YOU SAY THE STATE OF ECONOMY IS VERY GOOD, GOOD, NEITHER GOOD, NOR BAD, BAD, OR VERY BAD? 1. Very good 2. Good 3. Neither good, nor bad 4. Bad 5. Very bad 8. DK Q10. WOULD YOU SAY THAT OVER THE PAST 12 MONTHS, THE STATE OF THE ECONOMY IN LITHUANIA HAS GOTTEN BETTER, STAYED ABOUT THE SAME, OR GOTTEN WORSE? 1. Gotten better à SKIP TO Q10A 3. Stayed the same à SKIP TO Q11 5. Gotten worse à SKIP TO Q10B 8. DK Q10A. (IF AT Q10 ANSWER ‘1’) WOULD YOU SAY MUCH BETTER OR SOMEWHAT BETTER? 1. Much better 2. Somewhat better 8. DK Q10B. (IF AT Q10 ANSWER ‘3’) WOULD YOU SAY MUCH WORSE OR SOMEWHAT WORSE? 1. Much worse 2. Somewhat worse 8. DK Q11. SOME PEOPLE SAY THAT MEBS OF SEIMAS KNOW WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK. OTHERS SAY THAT MEMBERS OF SEIMAS DON’T KNOW MUCH ABOUT WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK. USING THE SCALE WHERE ‘1’ MEANS THAT MEMBERS OF SEIMAS KNOW MUCH WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK AND ‘5’ MEANS THAT THE MEMBERS OF SEIMAS DON’T KNOWMUCH ABOUT WHAT ORDINARY PEOPLE THINK, WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF? 1 2 3 4 5 Members of Seimas Members of Seimas don’t know what ordinary know what ordinary 8. DK people think people think Q12. DURING THE PAST 12 MONTHS HAVE YOU HAD ANY CONTACT WITH A MEMBER OF SEIMAS IN ANY WAY? 1. Yes 5. No, no contact at all 8. DK Q13. SOME PEOPLE SAY IT MAKES A DIFFERENCE WHO IS IN POWER. OTHERS SAY THAT IT DOESN’T MAKE MAKE DIFFERENCE WHO IS IN POWER. wHER WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF ON 5 POINT SCALE, WHERE ‘1’ MEANS THAT IT MAKES DIFFERENCE WHO IS IN OWER AND ‘5’ - MEANS IT DOESN’T MAKE A DIFFERENCE? 1 2 3 4 5 It makes a difference who is It doesn’t make in power difference who is in 8. DK power Q14. SOME PEOPLE SAY THAT NO MATTER WHO PEOPLE VOTE FOR, IT MAKE ANY DIFFERENCE TO WHAT HAPPENS. OTHERS SAY THAT WHO PEOPLE VOTE FOR CAN A MAKE A DIFFERENCE TO WHAT HAPPENS. WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF ON 5 POINT SCALE, WHERE, ‘1’ MEANS THAT VOTING MEANS WON’T MAKE DIFFERENCE TO WHAT HAPPENS AND ‘5’ MEANS THAT VOTING CAN MAKE A DIFFERENCE? 1 2 3 4 5 Who people vote for won’t Who people vote for can make a difference make a difference 8. DK Q15. WHEN PEOPLE ARE ASKED TO EXPRESS AN OPINION, DO YOU BELIEVE MOST PEOPLE IN LITHUANIA USUALLYN SAY WHAT THEY THINK ABOUT POLITICS OR DO YOU BELIEVE MOST PEOPLE USUALLY HIDE WHAT THEY THINK ABOUT POLITICS? USING 5 POINT SCALE WHERE, WHERE ‘1’ MEANS THAT MOST PEOPLE IN LITHUANIA USUALLY SAY WHAT THEY THINK ABOUT POILITICS AND ‘5’ MEANS MOST PEOPLE USUALLY HIDE WHAT THEY REALLY THINK ABOUT POLITICS, WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF? 1 2 3 4 5 Most people in Lithuania Most people usually usually say what they hide what they really 8. DK think about politics think about politics Q16. IN POLITICS PEOPLE SOMETIMES TALK OF LEFT AND RIGHT. WHERE WOULD YOU PLACE YOURSELF ON A SCALE FROM 0 TO 10 WHERE 0 MEANS THE LEFT AND 10 THE RIGHT? LEFT RIGHT DK Haven’t heard of a Yourself 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 Using the same scale where would you place b Center Union 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 c Christian Democratic Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 d Lithuanian Democratic Labor Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 e Lithuanian Nationalist party “Young Lithuania” 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 f Social Democratic Party 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 g Homeland Union (Lithuanian Conservatives) 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 98 96 DEMOGRAPHICS D1. SEX: D2. AGE: __________ years 1. Male 2. Female D3. EDUCATION: D4. NATIONALITY: 1. Elementary and less 1. Lithuanian 2. Unfinished secondary 2. Russian 3. Secondary, Special secondary 3. Pole 4. Higher, unfinished higher 4. Other D5. MARITAL STATUS: 1. Single 3. Divorced 2. Married (living as married) 4.
Recommended publications
  • Brazauskas in Power: an Assessment
    Brazauskas in Power: An Assessment * JULIUS SMULKSTYS The victory of Lithuania's Democratic Labor Party (LDDP) in the parliamentary elections of October and November 1992 was lamented by many in the West as the return of the former Communists to power in a country that had played a major role in the dismantling of the Soviet Union. If just a few years ago Lithuania had been the trailblazer in the struggle for independence and democracy, now it seemed to be the leader in efforts to reverse the trends that began in 1988. But to those familiar with the recent history of Lithuania, the election results had no such ominous implications. They merely reflected the growing sophistication of the voters and their reliance on democratic institutions to settle political differences and to redirect as well as to reaffirm economic, social and political reforms. It was the case of a young democracy coming into its own. As in other former republics of the Soviet Union, democratization in Lithuania had to overcome numerous obsta- cles—the most visible ones being the absence of democratic political culture, relentless pressure from Moscow and the resultant siege-like atmosphere, and the rapidly deteriorating economic conditions. One of the important forces that helped to preserve fledgling democratic institutions was the Communist Party of Lithuania (Lietuvos Komunistų Partija—LKP) and its successor, Lithuania's Democratic Labor Party. Without their early commitment, the struggle for democracy and indepen- dence in Lithuania would have been much more difficult. The meaning of the 1992 elections, therefore, can only be fully evaluated and understood in the context of the party's role in promoting change, a role that originated six years ago.
    [Show full text]
  • NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE in LITHUANIA a Story of Peaceful Liberation
    NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE IN LITHUANIA A Story of Peaceful Liberation Grazina Miniotaite The Albert Einstein Institution www.aeinstein.org 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction Chapter 1: Nonviolent Resistance Against Russification in the Nineteenth Century The Goals of Tsarism in Lithuania The Failure of Colonization The Struggle for the Freedom of Religion The Struggle for Lithuanian Press and Education Chapter 2: Resistance to Soviet Rule, 1940–1987 An Overview Postwar Resistance The Struggle for the Freedom of Faith The Struggle for Human and National Rights The Role of Lithuanian Exiles Chapter 3: The Rebirth From Perestroika to the Independence Movement Test of Fortitude The Triumph of Sajudis Chapter 4: Towards Independence The Struggle for Constitutional Change Civil Disobedience Step by Step The Rise of Reactionary Opposition Chapter 5: The Struggle for International Recognition The Declaration of Independence Independence Buttressed: the Battle of Laws First Signs of International Recognition The Economic Blockade The January Events Nonviolent Action in the January Events International Reaction 3 Chapter 6: Towards Civilian-Based Defense Resistance to the “Creeping Occupation” Elements of Civilian-Based Defense From Nonviolent Resistance to Organized Civilian-Based Defense The Development of Security and Defense Policy in Lithuania since 1992 Concluding Remarks Appendix I Appeal to Lithuanian Youth by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania Appendix II Republic in Danger! Appendix III Appeal by the Government of the Republic
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Influence and Presence in Lithuania
    DEFENCE, FOREIGN POLICY AND SECURITY RUSSIA‘S INFLUENCE AND PRESENCE IN LITHUANIA LINAS KOJALA - WOJCIECH JAKÓBIK www.europeanreform.org @europeanreform A Brussels-based free market, euro-realist think-tank and publisher, established in 2010 under the patronage of Baroness Thatcher. We have satellite offices in London, Rome and Warsaw. New Direction - The Foundation for European Reform is registered in Belgium as a non-for-profit organisation (ASBL) and is partly funded by the European Parliament. REGISTERED OFFICE: Rue du Trône, 4, 1000 Bruxelles, Belgium. EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR: Naweed Khan. www.europeanreform.org @europeanreform The European Parliament and New Direction assume no responsibility for the opinions expressed in this publication. Sole liability rests with the author. Russia‘s influence and presence in Lithuania Linas Kojala - Wojciech Jakóbik AUTHORS TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 7 INTRODUCTION 9 1 HISTORY OF LITHUANIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONSHIP 11 1.1 INTERWAR PERIOD 12 1.2 SOVIET OCCUPATION 13 1.3 RESTORATION OF INDEPENDENCE 14 1.4 ETHNIC RUSSIANS IN LITHUANIA 14 2 FROM HISTORY TO TODAY: RUSSIA’S INFLUENCE 16 Linas Kojala 2.1 SOCIOCULTURAL FACTORS, PUBLIC PERCEPTION AND DISINFORMATION 16 2.2 ECONOMY 20 2.3 ENERGY 21 2.4 POLITICS 22 Wojciech Jakóbik 2.5 MILITARY 23 CONCLUSIONS 25 RECOMMENDATIONS 25 CASE STUDY JAK ROSJA WYKORZYSTUJE SWOJE WPŁYWY W SEKTORZE ENERGETYCZNYM 26 ANNEX 1 OBSZERNE STRESZCZENIE RAPORTU DEPARTAMENTU BEZPIECZEŃSTWA REPUBLIKI LITEWSKIEJ 30 ANNEX 2 RUSSIA AS A THREAT TO THE STATES BEING IN THE ZONE OF INFLUENCE 42 ANNEX 3 POPULATION AND LANGUAGES IN THE LITHUANIA, 43 INCLUDING RUSSIAN MINORITY AND RUSSIAN LANGUAGE ANNEX 4 PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 44 4 New Direction - The Foundation for European Reform www.europeanreform.org @europeanreform 5 Russia‘s influence and presence in Lithuania Linas Kojala - Wojciech Jakóbik EDITORIAL its former ‘soviet republics’ and its attempts to undermine European unity through energy interests, political funding, and media (dis)information.
    [Show full text]
  • Lithuanian Referendum on Extending Power of Ignalina Nuclear Power
    BALTIC JOURNAL OF LAW & POLITICS VOLUME 5, NUMBER 1 (2012) ISSN 2029-0454 http://www.versita.com/bjlp Cit.: Baltic Journal of Law & Politics 5:1 (2012): 117-136 DOI: 10.2478/v10076-012-0006-y THE LITHUANIAN REFERENDUM ON EXTENDING THE WORKING OF THE IGNALINA NUCLEAR POWER STATION: THE RATIONALITY OF ACTORS WITHIN (UN-)CHANGING STRUCTURES Liudas Mažylis Professor; Dr. Faculty of Political Sciences and Diplomacy, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) Contact information Address: Gedimino str. 44, LT-44240 Kaunas, Lithuania Phone: +370 37 206 704 E-mail address: [email protected] Aušrinė Jurgelionytė Doctoral Candidate Faculty of Political Sciences and Diplomacy, Vytautas Magnus University (Lithuania) Contact information Address: Gedimino str. 44, LT-44240 Kaunas, Lithuania Phone: +370 37 206 704 E-mail address: [email protected] Received: May 9, 2012; reviews: 2; accepted: August 13, 2012. ABSTRACT This article explores the structural factors and the arguments of the political actors in the Lithuanian referendum of 2008 on extending the working of the Ignalina Nuclear Power Station. By applying a new institutionalism theoretical perspective, this article studies campaign development, its structural framework and the actors‘ arguments. The presupposition has been confirmed that the value normative environment of the referendum BALTIC JOURNAL OF LAW & POLITICS ISSN 2029-0454 VOLUME 5, NUMBER 1 2012 was long-term and sustained, without any „paradigmatic shifts” during the referendum debates themselves. With that said, the equilibrium of competing normative attitudes was shifted towards agreeing with an extension of the work as a „minor evil”. Within this structural environment, a range of „second order” features was typical for the referendum campaign model, additionally reinforced by another parallel (chronologically coinciding) campaign, that of the elections to the Seimas.
    [Show full text]
  • Energy Policy Dynamics in the European Parliament and in the Lithuanian Seimas
    Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports 2021 Energy Policy Dynamics in the European Parliament and in the Lithuanian Seimas Vaida Lilionyte Manthos West Virginia University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd Part of the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Manthos, Vaida Lilionyte, "Energy Policy Dynamics in the European Parliament and in the Lithuanian Seimas" (2021). Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports. 8290. https://researchrepository.wvu.edu/etd/8290 This Dissertation is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by the The Research Repository @ WVU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Dissertation in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you must obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Dissertation has been accepted for inclusion in WVU Graduate Theses, Dissertations, and Problem Reports collection by an authorized administrator of The Research Repository @ WVU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Energy Policy Dynamics in the European Parliament and in the Lithuanian Seimas Vaida Lilionyte Manthos Dissertation submitted to the Eberly College of Arts and Science at West Virginia University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science John Kilwein, Ph.D., Chair Shauna Fisher, Ph.D. Erik S. Herron, Ph.D. Daniel Renfrew, Ph.D.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe
    Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe Fernando Casal Bértoa & Maria Spirova Department of Political Science Leiden University f.casal.Bé[email protected] [email protected] The Legal Regulation of Political Parties Working Paper 29 February 2013 © The author(s), 2013 This working paper series is supported by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC research grant RES-061-25-0080) and the European Research Council (ERC starting grant 205660). To cite this paper : Fernando Casal Bértoa and Maria Spirova (2013). ‘Get a Subsidy or Perish! Public Funding and Party Survival in Eastern Europe’, Working Paper Series on the Legal Regulation of Political Parties, No. 29. To link to this paper : http://www.partylaw.leidenuniv.nl/uploads/wp2913.pdf This paper may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. ISSN: 2211-1034 The Legal Regulation of Political Parties, working paper 29/13 Introduction 1 Much has been written about the state financing of political parties, its characteristics and its consequences for party behavior. Research has centered heavily on the effects party financing has had on issues of corruption, accountability, and transparency, and for the most part has focused on the regulation of private financing (Roper 2002, 2003; Protsyk 2002; Nassmacher 2004; Pinto-Duschinsky 2002, Smilov and Toplak, 2007). Similarly, studies have investigated the effects high dependence on public financing has had on the development of organizational structures and the internal shifts of power within individual parties (van Biezen 2003, 177–200).
    [Show full text]
  • Public Opinion Poll: Lithuania
    Public Opinion Poll: Lithuania January 7–26, 2020 Detailed Methodology • The survey was conducted on behalf of the International Republican Institute’s Center for Insights in Survey Research by Norstat Eesti AS. • Data was collected between January 7 and January 26, 2020 through face-to-face interviews at respondents’ homes. • The sample comprised 1,007 residents of Lithuania, aged 18 and older. The sample is representative of the adult population of Lithuania by NUTS-3 region (Apskritys/Counties) and urbanicity, in accordance with the 2011 Census of Lithuania. • The survey’s response rate was 51 percent. The margin of error for the full sample is ±3.1 points at the 95 percent confidence level. • A multistage probability sampling method was used, employing a random route method for household selection and the Kish grid for respondent selection. • Stage 1: PPS stratification across ten NUTS-3 regions. • Stage 2: PPS stratification by urbanicity. • Stage 3: Random allocation of primary sampling units across settlements. • The sample is weighted for county, urbanicity, gender, age, nationality, and educational attainment level based on the results of the 2011 Census. • Interviews were conducted in Lithuanian. • Charts and graphs may not add up to 100 percent due to rounding. • Cited bases are weighted. 2 Opinions of the National and Regional Context In general, would you say that Lithuania is headed in the right direction or in the wrong direction? 9% 39% 52% In the right direction In the wrong direction Don't know/Refused to answer 4 What
    [Show full text]
  • The Seimas of the Lithuanian Republic
    THE SEIMAS OF THE LITHUANIAN REPUBLIC Last updated on 21/04/2021 http://w w w.europarl.europa.eu/relnatparl [email protected] Photo credits: The Seimas of the Lithuanian Republic 1. AT A GLANCE In Lithuania the legislative power rests with the Seimas, a unicameral parliament composed of 141 national representatives elected for a 4 years term: 71 are directly elected and 70 are elected on a proportional basis. Parties need to reach the threshold of 5% of the vote to have seats. The Seimas has an Assembly of Elders, composed by the Members of the Seimas Board and the Speakers of the Parliamentary Groups. The Seimas meets annually in two regular sessions, spring session (from the 10th of March to the 30th of June) and autumn session (from the 10th of September to 23rd of December). Extraordinary sessions shall be convened by the Chairman of the Seimas upon the proposal of at least 1/3 of all members of the Seimas or, in some cases, listed in the Constitution, by the President of the Republic. The Seimas has wide powers to make decisions on the European Union (EU) matters. All the permanent committees take part in the consideration of EU affairs. Two committees, the Committee on European Affairs and the Committee on Foreign Affairs, have exceptional powers in this regard. 2. COMPOSITION Results of the last general election in 25 October 2020 Party EP affiliation % Seats Tėvynės sąjunga - Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai 35 50 TS), Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats Lietuvos valstiečių ir žaliųjų sąjunga 23 32 Liberalų sąjūdis (LS) 9 13 Liberal Movement Lietuvos Socialdemokratų Partija (LSDP) 9 13 Lithuanian Social Democratic Party Laisvės partija 8 11 Freedom Party Darbo Partija 7 10 Labour Party Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations w ith National Parliaments Other parties/Independents/ 9 12 Non-affiliated members Turnout: 46,1% 100% 141 The next general elections should take place in October 2024 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Factsheet: the Seimas of the Lithuanian Republic
    Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Seimas of the Lithuanian Republic 1. At a glance Lithuania is a republic and a parliamentary democracy. The legislative power rests with the Seimas, a unicameral parliament composed of 141 national representatives elected for a 4 years term: 71 are directly elected and 70 are elected on a proportional basis. Parties need to reach the threshold of 5% of the vote to have seats. The Seimas has an Assembly of Elders, composed by the Members of the Seimas Board and the Speakers of the Parliamentary Groups. The Seimas meets annually in two regular sessions, spring session (from the 10th of March to the 30th of June) and autumn session (from the 10th of September to 23rd of December). Extraordinary sessions shall be convened by the Chairman of the Seimas upon the proposal of at least 1/3 of all members of the Seimas or, in some cases, listed in the Constitution, by the President of the Republic. The Seimas has wide powers to make decisions on the European Union (EU) matters. All the permanent committees take part in the consideration of EU affairs. Two committees, the Committee on European Affairs and the Committee on Foreign Affairs, have exceptional powers in this regard. 2. Composition Results of the last general election in October 2016 Party EP affiliation % Seats Lietuvos valstiečių ir žaliųjų sąjunga Greens/European 41% 58 Free Aliance Tėvynės sąjunga - Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai TS), 21% 31 Homeland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats Lietuvos Socialdemokratų Partija (LSDP) 13% 19 Lithuanian Social Democratic Party Liberalų sąjūdis (LS) 9% 14 Liberal Movement Tvarka ir Teisingumas (TT) 5% 8 Order and Justice Lietuvos lenkų rinkimų akcija, LLRA 5% 8 LLRA Lithuanian Poles' Electoral Action Other parties/Independents/ 2 Non-affiliated members Turnout : 50,64 100% 141 The next general elections should take place in October 2020.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Populism in Post-Soviet Lithuania
    40 Spring 2020 Economic Populism in Post-Soviet Lithuania Scott Cichowlas Wayne State University The terminus of the Cold War in Eastern Europe is often characterized by the fall of Communism and the rise of capitalist governments. This narrative is only half true when applied to Lithuania. Popular elections did occur peacefully with the transition to multiparty power. Democracy was successfully reintroduced, resulting in a new constitution. With democracy asserting itself, it may seem logical that economic reforms would as well. Despite being nicknamed a Baltic Tiger, due to rapid economic growth, it would not be accurate to describe Lithuania’s post-Soviet government as a capitalist democracy until the 21st century.85 Instead of supporting a privatized government, Lithuania’s first presidential election was used to elect the former Communist Party leader, Algirdas Brazauskas. Anatol Lieven, a journalist in Vilnius during the revolution, wrote about his experience in The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence. Lieven argues that Lithuanian independence ended with “disintegration of the Soviet Union – as opposed to the end of Communism.”86 85 “Baltic Tiger,” The Economist, July 19, 2003, 1. 86 Anatol Lieven, The Baltic Revolution: Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania and the Path to Independence (Yale Univ. Press, 2005), 274. Madison Historical Review 41 Within two years of declaring independence, the old regime was back in control of parliament and had implemented measures to curb free market policies. The ex- Communists governed Lithuania as the Democratic Labor Party of Lithuania (LDDP) and remain politically influential in 2020. Five of the seven total parliamentary elections in Lithuania resulted in the LDDP coalition obtaining a ruling majority.
    [Show full text]
  • Online Appendix: Measurement Party-Level Indicators: Clientelism
    Online Appendix: Measurement Party-level indicators: Clientelism: We asked experts to characterize party strategies on the basis of several statements. We used the following indicator to capture “clientelistic” party strategies: “Some distinctions have been made in writing on parties between different ideal-typical ways in which parties may build ties with the electorate.” Experts then evaluated the statement: “Specific social or geographic constituencies on the basis of providing them with targeted benefits. Please indicate the importance of each factor on a 7 point scale. A 1 means a factor is not important at all, a 7 means it is very important.” Continuing parties: Parties were included in 2008 and 2013 expert surveys. Since the criterion for inclusion was that parties should have obtained at least 2% of parliamentary representation, the coefficient for the dummy variable (1=stable parties; 0=new parties) measures the difference between parties included in both surveys and those only included in the 2013 survey. Electoral success: Percent popular vote in the last election prior to the expert survey. Governing status: A dummy variable indicating whether a party is part of the government at the time of the survey. Mass organization: To gauge the organizational characteristics of parties, we use four questions from the expert surveys. 1) “Would you please estimate the extent to which each ‘face’ of the party is strong in determining party policy?” Respondents evaluated the role of the “Party membership” and the “Party apparatus” in shaping party policies by using the response categories “1” (unimportant) to “7” (very important). (2) “And does the party have a ‘significant’ membership base in terms of numbers? We realize that the determination of a ‘significant membership base’ is somewhat arbitrary and may vary from country to country depending on its population.
    [Show full text]
  • Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 5: Macro Report Version: September 14, 2016
    Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 5: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 5: Macro Report Version: September 14, 2016 Country: Lithuania Date of Election: 9 October 2016, 23 October 2016 (second round) Prepared by: Ainė Ramonaitė Date of Preparation: 29 August 2018 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS There are eight sections (numbered A-H inclusive) in this report. Please ensure that you complete all the sections. The information provided in this report contributes to the macro data portion of the CSES, an important component of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated. Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g.: electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports, district data) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 5: Macro Report A) DATA PERTINENT TO ELECTION AT WHICH MODULE WAS ADMINISTERED 1a. Type of Election: [x ] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [x ] Other; please specify: The Lithuanian Parliament is unicameral 2a.
    [Show full text]