'No Spy Waihopai': How Does Praxis Inform the Theories of Pragmatic
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JMAD Media Ownership Report
JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1. -
Annual Report for the Year Ended 30 June 2012
A.2 Annual Report for the year ended 30 June 2012 Parliamentary Service Commission Te Komihana O Te Whare Pāremata Presented to the House of Representatives pursuant to Schedule 2, Clause 11 of the Parliamentary Service Act 2000 About the Parliamentary Service Commission The Parliamentary Service Commission (the Commission) is constituted under the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. The Commission has the following functions: • to advise the Speaker on matters such as the nature and scope of the services to be provided to the House of Representatives and members of Parliament; • recommend criteria governing funding entitlements for parliamentary purposes; • recommend persons who are suitable to be members of the appropriations review committee; • consider and comment on draft reports prepared by the appropriations review committees; and • to appoint members of the Parliamentary Corporation. The Commission may also require the Speaker or General Manager of the Parliamentary Service to report on matters relating to the administration or the exercise of any function, duty, or power under the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. Membership The membership of the Commission is governed under sections 15-18 of the Parliamentary Service Act 2000. Members of the Commission are: • the Speaker, who also chairs the Commission; • the Leader of the House, or a member of Parliament nominated by the Leader of the House; • the Leader of the Opposition, or a member of Parliament nominated by the Leader of the Opposition; • one member for each recognised party that is represented in the House by one or more members; and • an additional member for each recognised party that is represented in the House by 30 or more members (but does not include among its members the Speaker, the Leader of the House, or the Leader of the Opposition). -
Issue 17 2017
Shifting Stones Ruckus over Ruggers Centre Stage Catriona Britton examines the harm being done Mark Fullerton talks SKY TV’s very bad A chat with New Zealand theatre company to an historical site manners Indian Ink [1] ISSUE SEVENTEEN CONTENTS 7 NEWS 10 COMMUNITY MED STUDENTS SICK OF LOAN CAP THE LIMITS OF FREEDOM OF SPEECH Medical students aren’t getting graduation caps because of A look at how New Zealand student loan caps deals with censorship 13 LIFESTYLE 16 FEATURES SPRING AWAKENING TIT FOR TATT We’ve got tips on how to make your garden bloomin’ beautiful Olivia Stanley ponders society’s this Spring view of tattoos 31 ARTS 34 COLUMNS ONE MOVIE TO RULE THEM ALL A SHADOW OF HER FORMER SELF A definitive ranking of the LOTR and Hobbit movie Caitlin Abley has had a gutsful trilogies of Shadows cuisine New name. Same DNA. ubiq.co.nz 100% Student owned - your store on campus [3] NOTICE OF POLLING TIMES FOR THE 2018 AUSA EXECUTIVE & 2017 ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS OFFICER ELECTIONS ONLINE ELECTIONS WILL BE HELD FROM 9AM ON TUESDAY 22ND TO 4PM ON THURSDAY 24TH OF AUGUST 2017 TO VOTE GO TO: WWW.AUSA.ORG.NZ/VOTE ONLY AUSA MEMBERS CAN VOTE, HOWEVER YOU CAN SIGN UP ONLINE WHEN YOU VOTE. A POLLING BOOTH WILL BE AVAILABLE AT AUSA RECEPTION IF YOU DO NOT HAVE ACCESS TO ONLINE VOTING. LIFE MEMBERS WILL NEED TO GO TO AUSA RECEPTION TO VOTE. BOB LACK AUSA RETURNING OFFICER NOTICE OF POLLING TIMES FOR THE EDITORIAL 2018 AUSA EXECUTIVE Catriona Britton Samantha Gianotti & 2017 ENVIRONMENTAL AFFAIRS OFFICER ELECTIONS Giving a Shit ONLINE ELECTIONS WILL BE HELD FROM 9AM ON TUESDAY 22ND Last Monday morning, one Craccum Editor was make it into the top ten that God cast down on with deliberation and confidence. -
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New Zealand Journal of Employment Relations, 45(1): 14-30 Minor parties, ER policy and the 2020 election JULIENNE MOLINEAUX* and PETER SKILLING** Abstract Since New Zealand adopted the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) representation electoral system in 1996, neither of the major parties has been able to form a government without the support of one or more minor parties. Understanding the ways in which Employment Relations (ER) policy might develop after the election, thus, requires an exploration of the role of the minor parties likely to return to parliament. In this article, we offer a summary of the policy positions and priorities of the three minor parties currently in parliament (the ACT, Green and New Zealand First parties) as well as those of the Māori Party. We place this summary within a discussion of the current volatile political environment to speculate on the degree of power that these parties might have in possible governing arrangements and, therefore, on possible changes to ER regulation in the next parliamentary term. Keywords: Elections, policy, minor parties, employment relations, New Zealand politics Introduction General elections in New Zealand have been held under the Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system since 1996. Under this system, parties’ share of seats in parliament broadly reflects the proportion of votes that they received, with the caveat that parties need to receive at least five per cent of the party vote or win an electorate seat in order to enter parliament. The change to the MMP system grew out of increasing public dissatisfaction with certain aspects of the previous First Past the Post (FPP) or ‘winner-take-all’ system (NZ History, 2014). -
A Politics and the Campaign
Notes Resources Processor Time 00:00:00.24 Elapsed Time 00:00:00.00 Frequency Table jinterest A1: how interested in politics Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid Very interested 412 16.7 16.7 16.7 Fairly interested 1157 46.8 47.0 63.7 Slightly interested 769 31.1 31.2 94.9 Not at all interested 125 5.0 5.1 100.0 Total 2463 99.5 100.0 Missing System 12 .5 Total 2475 100.0 jrefbefore A2: knowledge of referendum before the fact Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid Yes 2192 88.6 89.3 89.3 No 167 6.7 6.8 96.1 Don't know 95 3.8 3.9 100.0 Total 2453 99.1 100.0 Missing System 22 .9 Total 2475 100.0 Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid Yes 2041 82.5 83.3 83.3 No 300 12.1 12.2 95.6 Don't know 108 4.4 4.4 100.0 Total 2449 99.0 100.0 Missing System 26 1.0 Total 2475 100.0 jintnt_work A4: access to the Internet at work Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid 0 1444 58.3 58.3 58.3 Internet access at work 1031 41.7 41.7 100.0 Total 2475 100.0 100.0 jintnt_home A4: access to the Internet at home Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid 0 524 21.2 21.2 21.2 Internet access at home 1951 78.8 78.8 100.0 Total 2475 100.0 100.0 Page 3 jintnt_mob A4: access to the Internet on a mobile device Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid 0 1843 74.5 74.5 74.5 632 25.5 25.5 100.0 Total 2475 100.0 100.0 jintnt_else A4: access to the Internet somewhere else Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid 0 2345 94.7 94.7 94.7 130 5.3 5.3 100.0 Total 2475 100.0 100.0 jintnt_none A4: no access to the Internet Frequency Percent Valid Percent Valid 0 2096 84.7 84.7 84.7 No Internet access -
Patterns of Political Donations in New Zealand Under MMP: 1996-2019
Patterns of political donations in New Zealand under MMP: 1996-2019 Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple Working Paper 20/05 Working Paper 20/02 2020 INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND POLICY STUDIES WORKING PAPER 20/05 MONTH/YEAR November 2020 AUTHOR Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND School of Government POLICY STUDIES Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington 6140 New Zealand For any queries relating to this working paper, please contact [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this paper are strictly those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, the School of Government or Victoria University of Wellington. Introduction The issue of political donations in New Zealand is regularly in the news. While the media report on their immediately newsworthy dimensions, no systematic data work has been done on political donations in New Zealand in the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system (MMP) period. The most comprehensive analysis covering the first part of the MMP period and before, which is now somewhat dated but contains a good summary of the existing literature, is in Bryce Edwards’s doctoral thesis (Edwards, 2003), especially Chapter Seven, “Party Finance and Professionalisation”. Donations are, of course, a subset of sources of Party finance, and it is in this context that Edwards deals with them. He draws eclectically on several sources for his qualitative and quantitative analysis, including largely descriptive work of political scientists, government reports, former politicians’ memoirs, historians and media reports, as well as using data on donations from the Electoral Commission. -
Sailing in a New Direction ■■Page 5
SEPTEMBER 2017 The University of Auckland News for Staff Vol 46/ Issue 07 /September 2017 SAILING IN A NEW DIRECTION ■ PAGE 5 INSIDE A 700-plus page biography and Collected Poems of New Zealand literary heavyweight Allen Curnow, pictured above, by the late Emeritus Professor Terry Sturm is being launched this month by Auckland University Press. PAGE 5 COUNTING THE VOTES THE TAX QUESTION TOURIST IN HER OWN Just like Brexit and the 2016 US election, in the None of our political parties are dealing with COUNTRY upcoming General Election on 23 September the basic inequities of the current tax system, This month’s My Story, Samantha Perry, is every vote will definitely count, writes political says tax specialist Mark Keating. looking forward to going back to her family’s scientist Jennifer Lees-Marshment. roots in Sri Lanka in September. PAGE 12 PAGE 9 PAGE 6 SNAPSHOT CONTENTS TOP PRIZE FOR WATERCOLOUR WHAT’S NEW ............................ 3 In 1999 a generous bequest to create a IN BRIEF .................................... 4 scholarship to ‘foster interest in New Zealand COVER STORY ............................. 5 watercolour’ established the country’s largest art prize for the medium, the Henrietta and Lola DID YOU KNOW? ......................... 7 Anne Tunbridge Scholarship, worth $10,000. Awarded annually to an Elam School of Fine Arts WHAT’S ON CAMPUS .................. 7 student, this year the prize was jointly shared RESEARCH IN FOCUS .................. 8 between undergraduate Honor Hamlet and postgraduate Scarlett Cibilich from dozens of WHAT AM I DISCOVERING ............ 9 entries. The Tunbridge’s foresight continues to strengthen the medium’s appeal. Right, detail IN THE SPOTLIGHT ..................... -
Key Police Disclosure
THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND CIV 2014-485-11344 WELLINGTON REGISTRY Under The Judicature Amendment Act 1972, Part 30 of the High Court Rules, the Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 In the matter of An application for judicial review And in the matter of A search warrant issued by Judge IM Malosi of the Manukau District Court on 30 September 2014 Between N A HAGER Applicant And HER MAJESTY’S ATTORNEY-GENERAL First Respondent And THE NEW ZEALAND POLICE Second Respondent And THE MANUKAU DISTRICT COURT Third Respondent Key Evidence Bundle Volume 4: Key Police Disclosure Solicitor Counsel Thomas Bennion Julian Miles QC Felix Geiringer Bennion Law Richmond Chambers Terrace Chambers L1, 181 Cuba Street L5, General Buildings No. 1 The Terrace PO Box 25 433 33 Shortland Street PO Box 10 201 Wellington 6146 PO Box 1008 Wellington 6143 Tel: +64 4 473 5755 Auckland 1140 Tel: +64 4 909 7297 Fax: +64 4 381 3276 Tel: + 64 9 600 5504 Fax: +64 4 909 7298 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 34 Radio LIVE 14/08/2014 MH Mike HOSKING NH Nicky HAGER MH Dirty Politics broadly claims that the government runs an attack type campaign using bloggers like Cameron SLATER to attack those they don’t like. Many of the allegations ironically come from leaked emails and Nicky HAGAR is with us, good morning. NH Good morning. MH Given this isn’t a long interview, give us your best shot. Is there anything corrupt or illegal here, anything that will bring the government down? NH It’s not my job to bring down the government. -
I Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic
Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury by R.M.Farquhar University of Canterbury 2006 I Contents. Abstract...........................................................................................................VI Introduction....................................................................................................VII Methodology....................................................................................................XIX Part 1. Chapter 1 Critical Theory: Conflict and change, marxism, Horkheimer, Adorno, critique of positivism, instrumental reason, technocracy and the Enlightenment...................................1 1.1 Mannheim’s rehabilitation of ideology and politics. Gramsci and social and political change, hegemony and counter-hegemony. Laclau and Mouffe and radical plural democracy. Talshir and modular ideology............................................................................11 Part 2. Chapter 2 Liberal Democracy: Dryzek’s tripartite conditions for democracy. The struggle for franchise in Britain and New Zealand. Extra-Parliamentary and Parliamentary dynamics. .....................29 2.1 Technocracy, New Zealand and technocracy, globalisation, legitimation crisis. .............................................................................................................................46 Chapter 3 Liberal Democracy-historical -
Ensuring New Zealand's Constitution Is Fit for Purpose
July 2013 Submission Ensuring New Zealand’s Constitution is Fit for Purpose Submission to the Constitutional Advisory Panel ΞDĐ'ƵŝŶŶĞƐƐ/ŶƐƟƚƵƚĞ>ŝŵŝƚĞĚϮϬϭϯ /^EϵϳϴͲϭͲϵϳϮϭϵϯͲϯϳͲϮ;ƉĂƉĞƌďĂĐŬͿ /^EϵϳϴͲϭͲϵϳϮϭϵϯͲϯϴͲϵ;W&Ϳ WKŽdžϮϰϮϮϮ tĞůůŝŶŐƚŽŶϲϭϰϮ EĞǁĞĂůĂŶĚ ǁǁǁ͘ŵĐŐƵŝŶŶĞƐƐŝŶƐƟƚƵƚĞ͘ŽƌŐ ďŽƵƚƚŚĞDĐ'ƵŝŶŶĞƐƐ/ŶƐƟƚƵƚĞ The McGuinness Institute is a non-partisan, not-for-profit research organisation specialising in issues that affect New Zealand’s long term future. Founded in 2004, the Institute aims to contribute to the ongoing debate about how to progress this nation through the production of timely, comprehensive and evidence-based research and the sharing of ideas. This can take a number of forms including books, reports, working papers, think pieces, workshops and videos. ďŽƵƚƚŚĞƵƚŚŽƌ Wendy McGuinness Wendy McGuinness is the founder and chief executive of the McGuinness Institute. Originally from the King Country, Wendy completed her secondary schooling at Hamilton Girls’ High School and Edgewater College. She then went on to study at Manukau Technical Institute (gaining an NZCC), Auckland University (BCom) and Otago University (MBA), as well as completing additional environmental papers at Massey University. As a Fellow Chartered Accountant (FCA) specialising in risk management, Wendy has worked in both the public and private sectors. In 2004 she established the McGuinness Institute (formerly the Sustainable Future Institute) as a way of contributing to New Zealand’s long-term future. She has also co-authored a book, Nation Dates: Significant events that have shaped the nation of New Zealand. tŝƚŚŽŶƚƌŝďƵƟŽŶƐĨƌŽŵ Sylvia Avery Sylvia Avery is a practicing primary school teacher who recently graduated from the University of Otago with a BA in Theatre and Politics and a Graduate Diploma in Teaching (Primary). -
Chapter 4 Extract
EXTRACT FROM DIRTY POLITICS BY NICKY HAGER. PUBLISHED IN 2014 BY CRAIG POTTON PUBLISHING. CHAPTER 4 THE CRUSHER AND THE ATTACK DOG The attack bloggers’ point of contact in the National government, year after year, remained John Key’s office. But Cameron Slater had another close friend and ally in the government, Cabinet minister Judith Collins. They had much in common. One cultivated the iron woman persona of Crusher Collins, future prime minister, the other the reckless bully-boy persona of Whale Oil, crusading outsider. They were drawn together by right-wing politics and a shared attraction to aggressive and often petty attack politics. Slater was a devoted supporter of Collins, using his blog to promote her and to attack her critics. Collins, in return, fed a continuous supply of material to Slater: public press releases, political gossip, tip-offs and serious leaks. She boast- ed for him in 2013 that ‘you might not like it but Whaleoil is better informed and better read than any other news outlet or social media’.1 They talked often by phone, and in the evenings and weekends they chatted via Facebook. In work hours Collins e-mailed him directly from her sixth-floor Beehive office. Often their exchanges were about small events of the day. The following are typical of Collins’s messages: ‘You should whack these guys hard, they are truly pathetic’;2 ‘Cam, FYI. Another own goal for plughead’, her name for Labour MP Clayton Cosgrove;3 could he edit her Wikipedia page and replace an unflattering photo;4 and, forwarding a document, ‘I think I seri- ously annoyed certain people over it. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives .