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JMAD Media Ownership Report
JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1. -
NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Page 1 of 309
NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Page 1 of 309 NZ Politics Daily: 7 June 2015 Today’s content Ben Rachinger Lisa Owen (TV3): Slater accused of offering blog hack payment Laura Walters: Cameron Slater denies hacking allegations Tim Watkin (Pundit): Dirty Politics 2.0 Patrice Dougan (Herald): Right-wing blogger accused of paying off hacker Martyn Bradbury (Daily Blog): Slater’s bizarre response to the allegations of hacking Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger promises more Pete Geroge (Your NZ): Rachinger’s “I am Rawshark” tweet Pete George (Your NZ): The Standard’s ‘not Labour’ problem Frank Macskasy (Daily Blog): The Curious Case of Cameron Slater, the Hacker, and the unforgivable crime of stupidity Martyn Bradbury (Daily Blog): Compare how long Slater’s complaint gets investigated to investigations against him Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger tweets Slater statement on his claims Pete George (Your NZ): Slater talks to Fairfax, contradicts Pete George (Your NZ): Links on Ben Rachinger accusations Pete George (Your NZ): The Nation on Rachinger and Slater versus The Standard Pete George (Your NZ): Rachinger on The Nation? Matthew Dentith: Episode 49 – The @B3nRaching3r Allegations Pete George (Your NZ): Standard goes dirty on dirty politics? Pete George (Your NZ): Slater’s statement on Rachinger looks dirty Pete George (Your NZ): Serious accusations against Rachinger Greg Presland (The Standard): Cameron Slater’s statement on Ben Rachinger TV3: Andrew Little: 'Toxic' Cameron Slater not wanted in NZ politicsMartyn Bradbury: Could this really be -
A Real Alternative? – How Alternative News Media Coverage Compares to the Mainstream in New Zealand Jay Acton 2019 School of C
A Real Alternative? – How Alternative News Media Coverage Compares to the Mainstream in New Zealand Jay Acton 2019 School of Communication Studies Faculty of Design and Creative Technologies A thesis submitted to the Auckland University of Technology in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of a Master of Communication Studies 1 ABSTRACT The public receives most of its information about important national and international events through the news media. Since the advent of the internet, mainstream news media has experienced a decline in its audience as the number and popularity of alternative media outlets has dramatically increased. What the mainstream and alternative news media include in their stories and how they frame these stories has implications for citizens and society. This study compares how news is covered by online text-based alternative and mainstream news in New Zealand using quantitative content analysis. Article length, Context Factors, Number, Type, and Balance of Sources, as well as Dominant Media Frames were measured in coverage of 25 news events across four mainstream and four alternative New Zealand news outlets. The research showed that, compared to the alternative news media, the mainstream news was more consistent, and slightly longer in average article length; used approximately 25% more context factors; relied heavily on government sources versus alternative news reliance on expert sources, and used approximately 30% more sources overall; were 30% more ‘balanced’ in their use of sources, and approximately seven times less likely to run a story using an unopposed source. Furthermore, the research showed that the ‘conflict’ frame dominated mainstream media news stories – wherein two or more sides to a story are presented - while the dominant frame in alternative news media stories was that of ‘attribution of responsibility’. -
Simon Lusk's Plan
CHAPTER 5 SIMON LUSK’S PLAN Simon Lusk had been watching US Republican politics for years and looking for ideas that were applicable to New Zealand. Gradually he put together a plan to move the country’s politics to the right. He laid this out in conver- sations with his close political allies and in a three-page strategy paper that was never intended to be made public. The plan was practical and methodical. The idea was to target candidate selection processes in safe National seats, installing a rump of hard right candi- dates who would influence politics for many years to come. Suitable candidates could also be found and trained for local government elections. At the same time, a pool of younger people would be identified, cultivated and guided into right-wing politics. Each of these groups would be managed and supported by professional strategy advisers, notably Lusk himself. Such figures were familiar in US politics but not in New Zealand. Lusk was also well aware, from his American observations, that the single greatest advantage of right-wing parties and candidates was their ability to greatly outspend their opponents with support from wealthy and corporate donors. Fundraising was central to the plan. Next, the right could dominate the media by the dominance of right-wing blogs: ‘the right currently controls the blogosphere,’ he wrote, ‘and political journalists repeat much of what appears on blogs.’ The blogs were part of the second track of politics available for ‘black ops’ and nega- tive campaigning. Finally, his plan involved ‘weakening the power of those who believe in big government’, meaning deliberate strategies and tactics to margin- alise anyone, even within the National Party itself, who did not hold hard right views. -
Patterns of Political Donations in New Zealand Under MMP: 1996-2019
Patterns of political donations in New Zealand under MMP: 1996-2019 Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple Working Paper 20/05 Working Paper 20/02 2020 INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND POLICY STUDIES WORKING PAPER 20/05 MONTH/YEAR November 2020 AUTHOR Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND School of Government POLICY STUDIES Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington 6140 New Zealand For any queries relating to this working paper, please contact [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this paper are strictly those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, the School of Government or Victoria University of Wellington. Introduction The issue of political donations in New Zealand is regularly in the news. While the media report on their immediately newsworthy dimensions, no systematic data work has been done on political donations in New Zealand in the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system (MMP) period. The most comprehensive analysis covering the first part of the MMP period and before, which is now somewhat dated but contains a good summary of the existing literature, is in Bryce Edwards’s doctoral thesis (Edwards, 2003), especially Chapter Seven, “Party Finance and Professionalisation”. Donations are, of course, a subset of sources of Party finance, and it is in this context that Edwards deals with them. He draws eclectically on several sources for his qualitative and quantitative analysis, including largely descriptive work of political scientists, government reports, former politicians’ memoirs, historians and media reports, as well as using data on donations from the Electoral Commission. -
[2016] Nzhc 2496
IN THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND AUCKLAND REGISTRY CIV-2015-404-1845 [2016] NZHC 2496 JORDAN HENRY WILLIAMS v COLIN GRAEME CRAIG Hearing: 28 September 2016 Counsel: P A McKnight and A J Romanos for plaintiff S J Mills QC and J Graham for first defendant Judgment: 19 October 2016 REASONS FOR JUDGMENT OF KATZ J [Defence of qualified privilege] This judgment was delivered by me on 19 October 2016 at 11:00am Pursuant to Rule 11.5 High Court Rules Registrar/Deputy Registrar Solicitors: Langford Law, Wellington Chapman Tripp, Auckland Counsel: S J Mills QC, Barrister, Auckland P A McKnight, Quayside Chambers, Wellington A Romanos, Barrister, Wellington Introduction [1] Jordan Williams is the founder and Executive Director of an organisation known as “the Taxpayers’ Union”. Colin Craig is the founder and former leader of the Conservative Party, a political party that unsuccessfully contested the 2011 and 2014 Parliamentary elections. [2] Mr Williams brought these proceedings against Mr Craig, in defamation. He alleged that Mr Craig defamed him in remarks he made at a press conference on 29 July 2015 (“Remarks”) and in a leaflet that was made available at that conference and was subsequently delivered nationwide (“Leaflet”). I will refer to the particular statements that are said to bear defamatory meanings as “the statements”. Mr Williams claimed, amongst other things, that the natural and ordinary meaning of the statements was that he had told lies about Mr Craig, including that Mr Craig had sexually harassed a person and that he had sent her sexually explicit text messages. Mr Williams further alleged that a reasonable person who read or heard the statements would understand them to mean that Mr Williams is dishonest, deceitful, a serial liar, cannot be trusted and lacks integrity. -
I Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic
Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury by R.M.Farquhar University of Canterbury 2006 I Contents. Abstract...........................................................................................................VI Introduction....................................................................................................VII Methodology....................................................................................................XIX Part 1. Chapter 1 Critical Theory: Conflict and change, marxism, Horkheimer, Adorno, critique of positivism, instrumental reason, technocracy and the Enlightenment...................................1 1.1 Mannheim’s rehabilitation of ideology and politics. Gramsci and social and political change, hegemony and counter-hegemony. Laclau and Mouffe and radical plural democracy. Talshir and modular ideology............................................................................11 Part 2. Chapter 2 Liberal Democracy: Dryzek’s tripartite conditions for democracy. The struggle for franchise in Britain and New Zealand. Extra-Parliamentary and Parliamentary dynamics. .....................29 2.1 Technocracy, New Zealand and technocracy, globalisation, legitimation crisis. .............................................................................................................................46 Chapter 3 Liberal Democracy-historical -
Chapter 4 Extract
EXTRACT FROM DIRTY POLITICS BY NICKY HAGER. PUBLISHED IN 2014 BY CRAIG POTTON PUBLISHING. CHAPTER 4 THE CRUSHER AND THE ATTACK DOG The attack bloggers’ point of contact in the National government, year after year, remained John Key’s office. But Cameron Slater had another close friend and ally in the government, Cabinet minister Judith Collins. They had much in common. One cultivated the iron woman persona of Crusher Collins, future prime minister, the other the reckless bully-boy persona of Whale Oil, crusading outsider. They were drawn together by right-wing politics and a shared attraction to aggressive and often petty attack politics. Slater was a devoted supporter of Collins, using his blog to promote her and to attack her critics. Collins, in return, fed a continuous supply of material to Slater: public press releases, political gossip, tip-offs and serious leaks. She boast- ed for him in 2013 that ‘you might not like it but Whaleoil is better informed and better read than any other news outlet or social media’.1 They talked often by phone, and in the evenings and weekends they chatted via Facebook. In work hours Collins e-mailed him directly from her sixth-floor Beehive office. Often their exchanges were about small events of the day. The following are typical of Collins’s messages: ‘You should whack these guys hard, they are truly pathetic’;2 ‘Cam, FYI. Another own goal for plughead’, her name for Labour MP Clayton Cosgrove;3 could he edit her Wikipedia page and replace an unflattering photo;4 and, forwarding a document, ‘I think I seri- ously annoyed certain people over it. -
ALCOHOL ACTION NZ ELECTION SPECIAL NEWSLETTER – SEPTEMBER 2014 Dear Colleague 1. Who to Vote For? 2. Alcohol & Cancer
ALCOHOL ACTION NZ ELECTION SPECIAL NEWSLETTER – SEPTEMBER 2014 Dear Colleague 1. Who to vote for? 2. Alcohol & Cancer conference – Wednesday 17 th June 2015 –Te Papa 3. Nigel Latta reflects on his TV1 series 4. Independent Expert Committee on Alcohol Advertising and Sponsorship (IECAAS) 5. The work of Katherine Rich behind the scenes 6. Progress on the Call for Action on Alcohol 7. Coalition agreements ***************************************************************************** 1. Who to vote for? The late Sir Paul Reeves referred to the state of alcohol in New Zealand as one of the most important social issues of our time. Perhaps our upcoming vote in the general election should take into account where the various parties stand on alcohol law reform. Simon Collins, senior reporter on social issues for the NZ Herald, has recently researched the nine main parties for their positions on adopting two fundamental policies to reduce harm from alcohol: a. Raise alcohol prices (excise tax and minimum price) b. Phase out alcohol advertising These are the two most important alcohol reform issues that AANZ is now focussing on with the Call for Action on Alcohol to the incoming government (see below). Here are the findings of Collins’ research, in order of Party support from least to most in three groupings: a. Pricing b. Advertising ACT No No United Future No No National No Undecided Labour Yes Undecided Conservative Yes Part-support Green Yes Yes NZ First Yes Yes Maori Yes Yes Internet-Mana Yes Yes If you’ve decided to vote for Green, NZ First, Maori, or Internet-Mana, you’ll be voting for effective alcohol law reform. -
Dirty Politics Hidden Agendas
DIRTY POLITICS and HIDDEN AGENDAS COLIN CRAIG VS THE DIRTY POLITICS BRIGADE . .AND THEIR CAMPAIGN OF LIES A STORY THAT HAD TO BE TOLD INSIDE: Dirty Politics [PAGES 3] THE PRACTICE OF ATTACK POLITICS IN NZ The Schemers [PAGES 4-5] IN THE PLOT AGAINST COLIN CRAIG The Campaign of Lies [PAGES 6-9] CHARACTER ASSASSINATION OF CRAIG Interview : Mr X [PAGES 10-11] SOMEONE WHO KNOWS SPEAKS OUT Thou shalt not bear false witness. THE NINTH COMMANDMENT PAGE 2 | DIRTY POLITICS & SECRET AGENDAS DIRTY POLITICS Dirty Politics is a phrase used to describe political activity that is unethical. To use a sporting comparison it is when players forget the rules and deliberately target an opposing player by any means. It is a professional foul on a grand scale and the corruption of a process that should be free and fair. In the case of those targeted by dirty politics the results can be damaging for a lifetime. book called “Dirty Politics”1 was written last We are a nation that believes in a fair go. We year and it talked about the corruption of want our referees to be fair and every game to be A public debate in New Zealand. It drew attention played in a sportsmanlike way. We do not like to the new media commentators who, rather than corrupt people, and honesty is one of our core being media professionals operating according values. We must therefore reject the “Dirty Politics to ethical codes, are, instead, highly opinionated Brigade” who are seeking to hijack the political commentators who have political agendas. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives . -
Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable
Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Authors: Hans Born, Ian Leigh and Aidan Wills Editorial assistants: Youngchan Kim and William McDermott Designer: Alice Lake-Hammond Cover photograph: Tobias Schwarz/AFP/Getty Images Cover photograph description: German intelligence service (BND) chief Gerhard Schindler arrives at the enquiry commission of the German Bundestag on the US intelligence agency NSA in Berlin, on 21 May 2015 Background cover image: polygraphus/Shutterstock.com This publication has been made possible by the generous support of the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Published by: Printing Office of the Parliament of Norway Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the institutional positions of either DCAF or the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Neither DCAF nor the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee are responsible for either the views expressed or the accuracy of facts and other forms of information contained in this publication. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and provided DCAF is given prior notice and supplied with a copy. ©2015 DCAF