An Examination of New Zealand's Response to the Rising Threat Of
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JMAD Media Ownership Report
JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1. -
Patterns of Political Donations in New Zealand Under MMP: 1996-2019
Patterns of political donations in New Zealand under MMP: 1996-2019 Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple Working Paper 20/05 Working Paper 20/02 2020 INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND POLICY STUDIES WORKING PAPER 20/05 MONTH/YEAR November 2020 AUTHOR Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND School of Government POLICY STUDIES Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington 6140 New Zealand For any queries relating to this working paper, please contact [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this paper are strictly those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, the School of Government or Victoria University of Wellington. Introduction The issue of political donations in New Zealand is regularly in the news. While the media report on their immediately newsworthy dimensions, no systematic data work has been done on political donations in New Zealand in the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system (MMP) period. The most comprehensive analysis covering the first part of the MMP period and before, which is now somewhat dated but contains a good summary of the existing literature, is in Bryce Edwards’s doctoral thesis (Edwards, 2003), especially Chapter Seven, “Party Finance and Professionalisation”. Donations are, of course, a subset of sources of Party finance, and it is in this context that Edwards deals with them. He draws eclectically on several sources for his qualitative and quantitative analysis, including largely descriptive work of political scientists, government reports, former politicians’ memoirs, historians and media reports, as well as using data on donations from the Electoral Commission. -
Key Police Disclosure
THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND CIV 2014-485-11344 WELLINGTON REGISTRY Under The Judicature Amendment Act 1972, Part 30 of the High Court Rules, the Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 In the matter of An application for judicial review And in the matter of A search warrant issued by Judge IM Malosi of the Manukau District Court on 30 September 2014 Between N A HAGER Applicant And HER MAJESTY’S ATTORNEY-GENERAL First Respondent And THE NEW ZEALAND POLICE Second Respondent And THE MANUKAU DISTRICT COURT Third Respondent Key Evidence Bundle Volume 4: Key Police Disclosure Solicitor Counsel Thomas Bennion Julian Miles QC Felix Geiringer Bennion Law Richmond Chambers Terrace Chambers L1, 181 Cuba Street L5, General Buildings No. 1 The Terrace PO Box 25 433 33 Shortland Street PO Box 10 201 Wellington 6146 PO Box 1008 Wellington 6143 Tel: +64 4 473 5755 Auckland 1140 Tel: +64 4 909 7297 Fax: +64 4 381 3276 Tel: + 64 9 600 5504 Fax: +64 4 909 7298 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 34 Radio LIVE 14/08/2014 MH Mike HOSKING NH Nicky HAGER MH Dirty Politics broadly claims that the government runs an attack type campaign using bloggers like Cameron SLATER to attack those they don’t like. Many of the allegations ironically come from leaked emails and Nicky HAGAR is with us, good morning. NH Good morning. MH Given this isn’t a long interview, give us your best shot. Is there anything corrupt or illegal here, anything that will bring the government down? NH It’s not my job to bring down the government. -
I Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic
Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury by R.M.Farquhar University of Canterbury 2006 I Contents. Abstract...........................................................................................................VI Introduction....................................................................................................VII Methodology....................................................................................................XIX Part 1. Chapter 1 Critical Theory: Conflict and change, marxism, Horkheimer, Adorno, critique of positivism, instrumental reason, technocracy and the Enlightenment...................................1 1.1 Mannheim’s rehabilitation of ideology and politics. Gramsci and social and political change, hegemony and counter-hegemony. Laclau and Mouffe and radical plural democracy. Talshir and modular ideology............................................................................11 Part 2. Chapter 2 Liberal Democracy: Dryzek’s tripartite conditions for democracy. The struggle for franchise in Britain and New Zealand. Extra-Parliamentary and Parliamentary dynamics. .....................29 2.1 Technocracy, New Zealand and technocracy, globalisation, legitimation crisis. .............................................................................................................................46 Chapter 3 Liberal Democracy-historical -
Chapter 4 Extract
EXTRACT FROM DIRTY POLITICS BY NICKY HAGER. PUBLISHED IN 2014 BY CRAIG POTTON PUBLISHING. CHAPTER 4 THE CRUSHER AND THE ATTACK DOG The attack bloggers’ point of contact in the National government, year after year, remained John Key’s office. But Cameron Slater had another close friend and ally in the government, Cabinet minister Judith Collins. They had much in common. One cultivated the iron woman persona of Crusher Collins, future prime minister, the other the reckless bully-boy persona of Whale Oil, crusading outsider. They were drawn together by right-wing politics and a shared attraction to aggressive and often petty attack politics. Slater was a devoted supporter of Collins, using his blog to promote her and to attack her critics. Collins, in return, fed a continuous supply of material to Slater: public press releases, political gossip, tip-offs and serious leaks. She boast- ed for him in 2013 that ‘you might not like it but Whaleoil is better informed and better read than any other news outlet or social media’.1 They talked often by phone, and in the evenings and weekends they chatted via Facebook. In work hours Collins e-mailed him directly from her sixth-floor Beehive office. Often their exchanges were about small events of the day. The following are typical of Collins’s messages: ‘You should whack these guys hard, they are truly pathetic’;2 ‘Cam, FYI. Another own goal for plughead’, her name for Labour MP Clayton Cosgrove;3 could he edit her Wikipedia page and replace an unflattering photo;4 and, forwarding a document, ‘I think I seri- ously annoyed certain people over it. -
Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives . -
Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable
Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Authors: Hans Born, Ian Leigh and Aidan Wills Editorial assistants: Youngchan Kim and William McDermott Designer: Alice Lake-Hammond Cover photograph: Tobias Schwarz/AFP/Getty Images Cover photograph description: German intelligence service (BND) chief Gerhard Schindler arrives at the enquiry commission of the German Bundestag on the US intelligence agency NSA in Berlin, on 21 May 2015 Background cover image: polygraphus/Shutterstock.com This publication has been made possible by the generous support of the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Published by: Printing Office of the Parliament of Norway Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the institutional positions of either DCAF or the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Neither DCAF nor the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee are responsible for either the views expressed or the accuracy of facts and other forms of information contained in this publication. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and provided DCAF is given prior notice and supplied with a copy. ©2015 DCAF -
ECHELON Interception System) (2001/2098(INI))
EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ««« « « « « 1999 « « 2004 ««« Session document FINAL A5-0264/2001 PAR1 11 July 2001 REPORT on the existence of a global system for the interception of private and commercial communications (ECHELON interception system) (2001/2098(INI)) Part 1: Motion for a resolution Explanatory statement Temporary Committee on the ECHELON Interception System Rapporteur: Gerhard Schmid RR\445698EN.doc PE 305.391 EN EN PE 305.391 2/194 RR\445698EN.doc EN ‘Sed quis custodiet ipsos custodes.’ Juvenal (ca. 60 to 130 AD), Sat. 6, 347 RR\445698EN.doc 3/194 PE 305.391 EN CONTENTS Page PROCEDURAL PAGE .............................................................................................................. 9 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION ............................................................................................ 10 EXPLANATORY STATEMENT ............................................................................................. 21 1. Introduction: .......................................................................................................21 1.1. The reasons for setting up the committee .................................................................21 1.2. The claims made in the two STOA studies on a global interception system codenamed ECHELON .............................................................................................21 1.2.1. The first STOA report of 1997 ..................................................................................21 1.2.2. The 1999 STOA reports.............................................................................................21 -
Witness Statement of Eric King
IN THE INVESTIGATORY POWERS TRIBUNAL Case No IPT/13/92/CH BETWEEN: PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL Claimants -and- (1) SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS (2) GOVERNMENT COMMUNICATION HEADQUARTERS Defendants WITNESS STATEMENT OF ERIC KING I, Eric King, Deputy Director, Privacy International, 62 Britton Street, London EC1M 5UY, SAY AS FOLLOWS: 1. I am the Deputy Director of Privacy International. 2. I hold a Bachelor of Laws from the London School of Economics and have worked on issues related to communications surveillance at Privacy International since 2011. My areas of interest and expertise are signals intelligence, surveillance technologies and communications surveillance practices. I regularly speak at academic conferences, with government policy makers, and to international media. I have spent the past year researching the “Five Eyes” intelligence-sharing arrangement and the materials disclosed by Edward Snowden. 3. I make this statement in support of Privacy International’s claim. The contents of this statement are true to the best of my knowledge, information and belief and are the product of discussion and consultation with other experts. Where I rely on other sources, I have endeavoured to identify the source . 4. In this statement I will address, in turn, the following matters: a. The transmission and interception of digital communications; b. The difference between internal and external communications under RIPA, as applied to the internet and modern communications techniques; c. Intelligence sharing practices among the US, UK, Australia, New Zealand and Canada (“the Five Eyes”); d. The UK’s consequent access to signals intelligence collected by the United States through its PRISM and UPSTREAM collection programmes; e. -
Government Communications Security Bureau
Government Communications Security Bureau The Government Communications Security Bureau Upon its establishment, the GCSB assumed responsibil- (GCSB)(Māori: Te Tira Tiaki, formerly Te Tari Whaka- ity for these three roles. Officially, the new organisation mau Irirangi) is the public service department of New was part of the Ministry of Defence, and its functions Zealand charged with promoting New Zealand’s national and activities were highly secret – even Cabinet was not security by collecting and analysing information of an in- informed. In the 1980s, however, information was grad- telligence nature. ually released, first about the GCSB’s security role, and According to the Bureau’s official website, its mission is then about its signals intelligence operations. to contribute to the national security of New Zealand by Also in the 1980s, the GCSB was split away from the providing: information assurance and cyber security, for- Ministry of Defence, becoming a separate organisa- eign intelligence, and assistance to other New Zealand tion. It was not until 2000, however, that it was de- government agencies.[1] cided to make the GCSB a government department in its own right. This decision was implemented through the Government Communications Security Bureau Act [2] 1 History 2003. In 2001, the Centre for Critical Infrastructure Protection was formed within the GCSB with a mandate to assist The Government Communications Security Bureau was in the protection of national critical infrastructure from created in 1977 on the instructions of Rob Muldoon, the information borne threats. The National Cyber Security Prime Minister. Centre was established within the GCSB in September 2011, and it absorbed the functions of the Centre for Crit- ical Infrastructure Protection.[3] 2 Staff and budget The GCSB is considered to be a government depart- ment in its own right with its head office in Pipitea St, Wellington. -
'No Spy Waihopai': How Does Praxis Inform the Theories of Pragmatic
‘No Spy Waihopai’: How does Praxis Inform the Theories of Pragmatic Nonviolence? Kyle Robert Matthews Peace and Conflict Studies I certify that this dissertation does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university; and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. Signed: Date: 22 February 2018 Word Count: 20362 Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Master in Peace and Conflict Studies. Abstract This research attempts to analyse whether the praxis of a failed nonviolence campaign informs Gene Sharp’s pragmatic nonviolence theories. It summarises the theory into an eleven point checklist, and then outlines the history of a thirty year campaign against a Five Eyes spy base at Waihopai, New Zealand. The case study is then analysed through the checklist to ascertain whether the successes and failures of the campaign are predicted by the theory, or if the case study reveals flaws in the theory. The research concludes that the theory is a good fit for the case study, and with minor modifications, remains relevant for this context. Table of Contents Abstract .............................................................................................................................................. i Table of Contents ............................................................................................................................. -
KEB Vol 4 Part
------ Detective O'lcio I~ /rT115._@r~ -=--- Taskforce Investigator ___, __ ___ I~ ! ~~!)- 180 Molesworth Street PO Box 3017. Wellington 6011, New Zealand . __ _ _ _ I_ I OJ/l \J/J DDl: ~ Mobile: [email protected] - - - --- . ~d:-~ I ._ --- -1· - --- /1/'UiJ -~ '!f-_ crt'f52 A.Qc~~ M~. Ce,(,,(~ - - ---J- - -- - };}_!ZtYVI ~ ._ ,AA"'.- 60~~ ~ ~~ --~~~ ----_ i: - Jl&./z,A c.~ (! - ~ ~ J~ _/~/1__q_JJ ~ · s~ , I - ~ .. ~ • siM-- ~c,__,, 1~ I I ~iv~~-- J_ 1~42 J1;v. ~,;-~~- ~ /(2___ ' -- - ~ ~v v '-1:YLJ r OOYY) 'fb/ /L~ k · , - ! -J~W1 . &_ JG(ft, Cfr:3 ~ ~. ( ~ ,.,,y. TeO ,;;z;,,z,k~e.,,T n}?/1,,~ {J,__6/b:) {a,,~?!£,~ ~ - . f , , ~ U r~~er ~ OY1~- l/tlvlf(__ I fl_ Jee). 6J ~ /3~o /<7/J.~ u - 7 -· - 1393 POL.90000.0203 POL.90000.0204 POL.90000.0205 AR61 SW 204560014226 APPLICATION FOR SEARCH WARRANT Section 6 of the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 To a Judge at Manukau. 1 I, Sergeant SIMON ANDREW BEAL, of Manukau, Auckland, apply for the issue of a search warrant under section 6 of the Search and Surveillance Act 2012, authorising every constable to search places situated at: • 73 GRAFTON ROAD, ROSENEATH, WELLINGTON CITY 6011; • 73B GRAFTON ROAD, ROSENEATH, WELLINGTON CITY 6011. 2 Period of warrant and number of occasions power to be exercised The power to enter and search pursuant to the search warrant is sought to be exercised on 1 occasion within 14 days from the date of issue. 3 Suspected offence on which the application is based I have reasonable grounds to suspect that: • the offence of Accessing a computer system for dishonest purpose under section 249 of Crimes Act 1961, and in respect of which section 6 of the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 authorises an application for a search warrant, has been committed.