Download Download

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Download Download MEDIA, CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY DAVID BEATSON is a broadcaster, communication consultant and writes for the political blog Pundit. Complacent media fails debate over ‘empire’ wars Other People’s Wars: New Zea- land in Afghanistan, Iraq and the war on terror, by Nicky Hager. Nelson: Craig Potton Publishing, 2011. 439 pp. ISBN 978-1-877517-69-3. foundation of thousands of govern- ICKY HAGER’S main charge ment documents, obtained under New Nin Other People’s Wars is that Zealand’s Official Information Act New Zealand’s defence and foreign and from confidential sources, and affairs establishment has developed copies of diplomatic cables that were a culture where some senior offic- dispatched from the United States ers ‘wanted to obey the government Embassy in Wellington and obtained only when they agreed with it’, and by Hager from the Wikileaks’ col- otherwise ‘quietly undermined’ its lection. policies and decisions. They be- Dismiss Hager’s analysis and lieved they could ‘go to war without conclusions, if you will, but it is dif- telling the public most of what they ficult to dismiss the original source did’—and Hager provides convin- material he uses to carve through the cing evidence that, for most of the New Zealand defence mythology that last decade, they have been success- has been spin-fed to a trusting public. ful. His sprawling, densely footnoted Myth 1: The ANZUS fracture and referenced book is built on a solid At the end of 1999, Helen Clark 214 PACIFIC JOURNALISM REVIEW 17 (2) 2011 MEDIA, CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY led her Labour-Alliance coalition preparing the five armies to integrate government into office, determined into an effective coalition force dur- to avoid any impression that it was ing conflicts in the 2001 to 2010 looking for a revival of the ANZUS timeframe. ANZUS may have been alliance. She walked into a wall of defunct since 1984, but the old mili- resistance from some of the coun- tary alliance club was still operating. try’s most senior defence and foreign affairs officials. Myth 2: 9/11 provoked the wars A member of Clark’s political Hager produces testimony from US staff told Hager that ‘every draft com- Secretary of State Colin Powell con- ing from defence and foreign affairs firming that, 24 hours before the 9/11 was worded to reshape the govern- attack, White House officials decid- ment’s new policies, back into the old ed to give the Taliban a final ultima- ones’. The issue quickly came to a tum: hand over Osama Bin Laden head when the officials delivered their or they would channel funds to anti- draft of the government’s Defence Taliban forces. If that failed, the US Policy Framework early in 2000. would intervene directly and throw Clark rewrote it personally. From them out. The next major conflict this point on, the New Zealand gov- of the new millennium was already ernment would contribute to global planned. The only surprise on 9/11 security and peacekeeping through was that Al Qaeda struck first. ‘participation in the full range of UN The next day, President Bush and other appropriate multilateral already had his eye on the next peace support and humanitarian relief target—Iraq. Citing US counter-ter- operations’. rorism co-ordinator Richard Clarke, The Clark Framework did not Hager portrays Bush in the White stop the officials’ drift back to the House situation room, muttering: ‘See old alliance relationship. Hager if Saddam did this … Look into Iraq, documents the presence of two NZDF Saddam.’ officers at the start of a week-long ‘interoperability’ discussion between Myth 3: NZ’s UN mandate representatives of the armies of Helen Clark was flying to Europe the United States, Britain, Canada, when the hijacked aircraft hit the Australia and New Zealand at Fort Twin Towers and the Pentagon. She Benning, Georgia, on 11 September rushed home to confront the first 2001. The focus of their discussions: pressure test of her Defence Policy PACIFIC JOURNALISM REVIEW 17 (2) 2011 215 MEDIA, CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY Framework. Five days after the 9/11 engage in military cooperation or attack, her government advised the exercises with the armed forces of US that ‘if there were a specific role a nation which sanctions the use of for New Zealand special forces, we their armed forces to suppress hu- would of course consider it’. man rights.’ Hager does not try to explain the It has taken nearly nine years Prime Minister’s sudden transforma- of digging by Hager and another tion from Helen the Peacemaker to independent New Zealand free-lance Helen the Warrior Princess. She did journalist, Jon Stephenson, to unearth not wait for the formation of the UN the unsavoury truth about the botched International Security Assistance raid by an American-Canadian-New Force before committing the SAS Zealand joint special operations task- to the war against terrorism. They force on the village of Band e Timur entered as part of US-controlled Op- in May 2002. Two 70-year-old village eration Enduring Freedom. That, to- leaders and a 6-year-old girl died in gether with their precise date of entry, the attack. 55 prisoners were taken, was concealed at the time under the transferred to US custody and beaten cone of silence that governing politi- and mistreated. Fifty were released cians and officials are both happy to without apology or compensation. place over SAS operations. Five are still unaccounted for. The Hager cracks the cone to produce New Zealand SAS led the raid, but the evidence that by the time SAS was not equipped to identify the troops set foot in Afghanistan the real prisoners taken and had no ability to war-fighting was over and Bin Laden track their welfare in custody. All this had left the country. The Kiwi troops was concealed, but is now conceded. found they had ‘no specific role’ to Nine years later, no-one is held play. Step by step, he shows how accountable, and intelligence botch- NZDF senior officers proceeded to ups, civilian deaths, and allegations invent one, and sold it to the Ameri- and evidence of the suppression of cans. Through no fault of the troops, human rights by New Zealand’s allies this new role would soon see the SAS in Afghanistan continue to plague the demolishing another tenet of the Clark operations of the SAS in and out of Defence Policy Framework. Kabul. Myth 4: Protecting human rights Myth 5: Saying No on Iraq The Clark Defence Policy Frame- When George Bush and Tony Blair work stated: ‘New Zealand will not started conditioning other alliance 216 PACIFIC JOURNALISM REVIEW 17 (2) 2011 MEDIA, CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY leaders for the invasion of Iraq in Official Development Assistance April 2002, Helen Clark was quick supported activities in Afghanistan’, to say no. She was not prepared to be dated June 2009. It concludes that involved in an intervention that did NZDF was ‘not an effective aid pro- not have a UN mandate. vider’ and ‘projects overseen by the New Zealand Navy frigates and NZDF through the PRT do not ap- RNZAF Orion aircraft were sent to pear to be sustainable in any way and the Persian Gulf from November anecdotal evidence is that some have 2002.Their assigned role was to break already failed’. None of the critical the Al Qaeda Gulf-Afghanistan sup- detail from this report appears in the ply line—not to protect the Gulf-Iraq publicly released government review invasion supply line. But US control- of Afghanistan policy, which, never- lers were running both operations in theless, recommended ‘civilianisa- the Gulf and made no such distinction. tion’ of New Zealand’s contribution The same problem arose In June 2003, to provincial reconstruction. when NZDF engineers arrived in Iraq The main function of NZDF at to support a UN-mandated recon- Kiwi Base has never been reconstruc- struction effort. They were embedded tion, as we use the word. Its main in a British unit that was part of the role is to operate security patrols, Operation Iraqi Freedom invasion gather signals intelligence, and build force. Hager shows that evidence of Afghan army and police capacity mission ‘blur’ was gathered by the to take over these roles. In military NZDF, but he leaves one crucial ques- operations, NZDF’s Bamiyan deploy- tion unanswered: was it ever drawn to ment answers to a US commander the government’s attention? in Bagram. A contingent of Ameri- can troops shares quarters with the Myth 6: Bamiyan reconstruction Kiwis at the base. Among them, Since September 2003, Kiwi Base, under the terms of an official NZ-US Bamiyan, has been the centre-piece administrative arrangement document of the NZDF’s campaign to project that Hager has discovered, can be the softer side of its war effort—as a ‘counter intelligence team at NZ the model of a successful provincial PRT Bamian (2-4 pers.)’. This is the reconstruction team. basis for his claim that New Zealand is Hager shatters some of the illu- contributing to the protection and sion by quoting from a previously support of a CIA base. It is probably unpublished report on ‘New Zealand the most debatable claim in his book. PACIFIC JOURNALISM REVIEW 17 (2) 2011 217 MEDIA, CULTURAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY Hager casts his net much further than this in Other People’s Wars, but these six myths have been pivotal in shaping the public perception of New Zealand’s involvement in the 9/11 wars. We are only now beginning to appreciate the yawning gap between the honey-coated vision of UN-driven peace-building, mentoring and aid- focused reconstruction and the blood and grit reality of our war-fighting in Afghanistan.
Recommended publications
  • JMAD Media Ownership Report
    JMAD New Zealand Media Ownership Report 2014 Published: 2014 December 5 Author: Merja Myllylahti This New Zealand Ownership Report 2014 is the fourth published by AUT’s Centre for Journalism, Media and Democracy (JMAD). The report finds that the New Zealand media market has failed to produce new, innovative media outlets, and that all the efforts to establish non-profit outlets have proved unsustainable. The report confirms the general findings of previous reports that New Zealand media space has remained highly commercial. It also confirms the financialisation of media ownership in the form of banks and fund managers. The report also observes that in 2014 convergence between New Zealand mass media and the communications sector generally was in full swing. Companies, such as Spark (former Telecom NZ), started to compete head-to-head with the traditional broadcasters on the online on-demand video and television markets. The American online video subscription service Netflix is entering the NZ market in March 2015. Additionally, the report notes evidence of uncomfortable alliances between citizen media, politicians, PR companies and legacy media. As Nicky Hager’s Dirty Politics book revealed, the National Party and PR practitioners used the Whale Oil blog to drive their own agendas. Also, events related to Maori TV, TVNZ and Scoop raise questions about political interference in media affairs. It is now evident that the boundaries between mainstream media, bloggers, public relations practitioners and politicians are blurring. Key events and trends concerning New Zealand media Financialisation of mass media ownership confirmed Substantial changes in Fairfax, APN and MediaWorks ownership Competition heats up in online television and video markets Turbulence at Maori TV Blurred lines among politicians, bloggers, journalists and PR practitioners The JMAD New Zealand media ownership reports are available here: http://www.aut.ac.nz/study- at-aut/study-areas/communications/media-networks/journalism,-media-and-democracy-research- centre/journalists-and-projects 1 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Patterns of Political Donations in New Zealand Under MMP: 1996-2019
    Patterns of political donations in New Zealand under MMP: 1996-2019 Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple Working Paper 20/05 Working Paper 20/02 2020 INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND POLICY STUDIES WORKING PAPER 20/05 MONTH/YEAR November 2020 AUTHOR Thomas Anderson and Simon Chapple INSTITUTE FOR GOVERNANCE AND School of Government POLICY STUDIES Victoria University of Wellington PO Box 600 Wellington 6140 New Zealand For any queries relating to this working paper, please contact [email protected] DISCLAIMER The views, opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this paper are strictly those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Governance and Policy Studies, the School of Government or Victoria University of Wellington. Introduction The issue of political donations in New Zealand is regularly in the news. While the media report on their immediately newsworthy dimensions, no systematic data work has been done on political donations in New Zealand in the Mixed Member Proportional electoral system (MMP) period. The most comprehensive analysis covering the first part of the MMP period and before, which is now somewhat dated but contains a good summary of the existing literature, is in Bryce Edwards’s doctoral thesis (Edwards, 2003), especially Chapter Seven, “Party Finance and Professionalisation”. Donations are, of course, a subset of sources of Party finance, and it is in this context that Edwards deals with them. He draws eclectically on several sources for his qualitative and quantitative analysis, including largely descriptive work of political scientists, government reports, former politicians’ memoirs, historians and media reports, as well as using data on donations from the Electoral Commission.
    [Show full text]
  • Key Police Disclosure
    THE HIGH COURT OF NEW ZEALAND CIV 2014-485-11344 WELLINGTON REGISTRY Under The Judicature Amendment Act 1972, Part 30 of the High Court Rules, the Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Search and Surveillance Act 2012 In the matter of An application for judicial review And in the matter of A search warrant issued by Judge IM Malosi of the Manukau District Court on 30 September 2014 Between N A HAGER Applicant And HER MAJESTY’S ATTORNEY-GENERAL First Respondent And THE NEW ZEALAND POLICE Second Respondent And THE MANUKAU DISTRICT COURT Third Respondent Key Evidence Bundle Volume 4: Key Police Disclosure Solicitor Counsel Thomas Bennion Julian Miles QC Felix Geiringer Bennion Law Richmond Chambers Terrace Chambers L1, 181 Cuba Street L5, General Buildings No. 1 The Terrace PO Box 25 433 33 Shortland Street PO Box 10 201 Wellington 6146 PO Box 1008 Wellington 6143 Tel: +64 4 473 5755 Auckland 1140 Tel: +64 4 909 7297 Fax: +64 4 381 3276 Tel: + 64 9 600 5504 Fax: +64 4 909 7298 [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 34 Radio LIVE 14/08/2014 MH Mike HOSKING NH Nicky HAGER MH Dirty Politics broadly claims that the government runs an attack type campaign using bloggers like Cameron SLATER to attack those they don’t like. Many of the allegations ironically come from leaked emails and Nicky HAGAR is with us, good morning. NH Good morning. MH Given this isn’t a long interview, give us your best shot. Is there anything corrupt or illegal here, anything that will bring the government down? NH It’s not my job to bring down the government.
    [Show full text]
  • I Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic
    Green Politics and the Reformation of Liberal Democratic Institutions. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the University of Canterbury by R.M.Farquhar University of Canterbury 2006 I Contents. Abstract...........................................................................................................VI Introduction....................................................................................................VII Methodology....................................................................................................XIX Part 1. Chapter 1 Critical Theory: Conflict and change, marxism, Horkheimer, Adorno, critique of positivism, instrumental reason, technocracy and the Enlightenment...................................1 1.1 Mannheim’s rehabilitation of ideology and politics. Gramsci and social and political change, hegemony and counter-hegemony. Laclau and Mouffe and radical plural democracy. Talshir and modular ideology............................................................................11 Part 2. Chapter 2 Liberal Democracy: Dryzek’s tripartite conditions for democracy. The struggle for franchise in Britain and New Zealand. Extra-Parliamentary and Parliamentary dynamics. .....................29 2.1 Technocracy, New Zealand and technocracy, globalisation, legitimation crisis. .............................................................................................................................46 Chapter 3 Liberal Democracy-historical
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 Extract
    EXTRACT FROM DIRTY POLITICS BY NICKY HAGER. PUBLISHED IN 2014 BY CRAIG POTTON PUBLISHING. CHAPTER 4 THE CRUSHER AND THE ATTACK DOG The attack bloggers’ point of contact in the National government, year after year, remained John Key’s office. But Cameron Slater had another close friend and ally in the government, Cabinet minister Judith Collins. They had much in common. One cultivated the iron woman persona of Crusher Collins, future prime minister, the other the reckless bully-boy persona of Whale Oil, crusading outsider. They were drawn together by right-wing politics and a shared attraction to aggressive and often petty attack politics. Slater was a devoted supporter of Collins, using his blog to promote her and to attack her critics. Collins, in return, fed a continuous supply of material to Slater: public press releases, political gossip, tip-offs and serious leaks. She boast- ed for him in 2013 that ‘you might not like it but Whaleoil is better informed and better read than any other news outlet or social media’.1 They talked often by phone, and in the evenings and weekends they chatted via Facebook. In work hours Collins e-mailed him directly from her sixth-floor Beehive office. Often their exchanges were about small events of the day. The following are typical of Collins’s messages: ‘You should whack these guys hard, they are truly pathetic’;2 ‘Cam, FYI. Another own goal for plughead’, her name for Labour MP Clayton Cosgrove;3 could he edit her Wikipedia page and replace an unflattering photo;4 and, forwarding a document, ‘I think I seri- ously annoyed certain people over it.
    [Show full text]
  • Inequality and the 2014 New Zealand General Election
    A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION A BARK BUT NO BITE INEQUALITY AND THE 2014 NEW ZEALAND GENERAL ELECTION JACK VOWLES, HILDE COFFÉ AND JENNIFER CURTIN Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Creator: Vowles, Jack, 1950- author. Title: A bark but no bite : inequality and the 2014 New Zealand general election / Jack Vowles, Hilde Coffé, Jennifer Curtin. ISBN: 9781760461355 (paperback) 9781760461362 (ebook) Subjects: New Zealand. Parliament--Elections, 2014. Elections--New Zealand. New Zealand--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Coffé, Hilde, author. Curtin, Jennifer C, author. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of figures . vii List of tables . xiii List of acronyms . xvii Preface and acknowledgements . .. xix 1 . The 2014 New Zealand election in perspective . .. 1 2. The fall and rise of inequality in New Zealand . 25 3 . Electoral behaviour and inequality . 49 4. The social foundations of voting behaviour and party funding . 65 5. The winner! The National Party, performance and coalition politics . 95 6 . Still in Labour . 117 7 . Greening the inequality debate . 143 8 . Conservatives compared: New Zealand First, ACT and the Conservatives .
    [Show full text]
  • Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable
    Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Making International Intelligence Cooperation Accountable Hans Born, Ian Leigh, Aidan Wills DCAF DCAF a centre for security, development and the rule of law Authors: Hans Born, Ian Leigh and Aidan Wills Editorial assistants: Youngchan Kim and William McDermott Designer: Alice Lake-Hammond Cover photograph: Tobias Schwarz/AFP/Getty Images Cover photograph description: German intelligence service (BND) chief Gerhard Schindler arrives at the enquiry commission of the German Bundestag on the US intelligence agency NSA in Berlin, on 21 May 2015 Background cover image: polygraphus/Shutterstock.com This publication has been made possible by the generous support of the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Published by: Printing Office of the Parliament of Norway Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the institutional positions of either DCAF or the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee. Neither DCAF nor the Norwegian Parliamentary Intelligence Oversight Committee are responsible for either the views expressed or the accuracy of facts and other forms of information contained in this publication. Reproduction and translation, except for commercial purposes, are authorized, provided the source is acknowledged and provided DCAF is given prior notice and supplied with a copy. ©2015 DCAF
    [Show full text]
  • An Examination of New Zealand's Response to the Rising Threat Of
    Privacy, Security and the Cyber Dilemma An Examination of New Zealand’s Response to the Rising Threat of Cyber-attack By Richard Gordon A Thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of International Relations (MIR) School of History, Philosophy, Political Science and International Relations Victoria University of Wellington 2014 1 “The Internet is a prime example of how terrorists can behave in a truly transnational way; in response, States need to think and function in an equally transnational manner.” Ban Ki-moon Secretary-General of the United Nations 2 Cyber-attacks present significant challenges to a modern, globalised world. Progressively used by criminal and terrorist organisations to attack or victimise non-state actors, governments are increasingly forced to pursue cyber-security strategies to ensure the security of their citizens and private sectors. An examination of New Zealand’s response to the threat of cyber-attacks shows that successive governments have taken steps to enhance New Zealand’s domestic cyber-security capacity and international cyber-security partnerships. These steps have been highly contentious where they have resulted in greater domestic surveillance capabilities. Despite this, New Zealand has enacted significant oversight mechanisms that provide reassurance that the New Zealand Government is mindful of the delicate steps it must take to maintain an appropriate balance between privacy and security. 3 Table of Contents Section
    [Show full text]
  • ECHELON Interception System) (2001/2098(INI))
    EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ««« « « « « 1999 « « 2004 ««« Session document FINAL A5-0264/2001 PAR1 11 July 2001 REPORT on the existence of a global system for the interception of private and commercial communications (ECHELON interception system) (2001/2098(INI)) Part 1: Motion for a resolution Explanatory statement Temporary Committee on the ECHELON Interception System Rapporteur: Gerhard Schmid RR\445698EN.doc PE 305.391 EN EN PE 305.391 2/194 RR\445698EN.doc EN ‘Sed quis custodiet ipsos custodes.’ Juvenal (ca. 60 to 130 AD), Sat. 6, 347 RR\445698EN.doc 3/194 PE 305.391 EN CONTENTS Page PROCEDURAL PAGE .............................................................................................................. 9 MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION ............................................................................................ 10 EXPLANATORY STATEMENT ............................................................................................. 21 1. Introduction: .......................................................................................................21 1.1. The reasons for setting up the committee .................................................................21 1.2. The claims made in the two STOA studies on a global interception system codenamed ECHELON .............................................................................................21 1.2.1. The first STOA report of 1997 ..................................................................................21 1.2.2. The 1999 STOA reports.............................................................................................21
    [Show full text]
  • Witness Statement of Eric King
    IN THE INVESTIGATORY POWERS TRIBUNAL Case No IPT/13/92/CH BETWEEN: PRIVACY INTERNATIONAL Claimants -and- (1) SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AND COMMONWEALTH AFFAIRS (2) GOVERNMENT COMMUNICATION HEADQUARTERS Defendants WITNESS STATEMENT OF ERIC KING I, Eric King, Deputy Director, Privacy International, 62 Britton Street, London EC1M 5UY, SAY AS FOLLOWS: 1. I am the Deputy Director of Privacy International. 2. I hold a Bachelor of Laws from the London School of Economics and have worked on issues related to communications surveillance at Privacy International since 2011. My areas of interest and expertise are signals intelligence, surveillance technologies and communications surveillance practices. I regularly speak at academic conferences, with government policy makers, and to international media. I have spent the past year researching the “Five Eyes” intelligence-sharing arrangement and the materials disclosed by Edward Snowden. 3. I make this statement in support of Privacy International’s claim. The contents of this statement are true to the best of my knowledge, information and belief and are the product of discussion and consultation with other experts. Where I rely on other sources, I have endeavoured to identify the source . 4. In this statement I will address, in turn, the following matters: a. The transmission and interception of digital communications; b. The difference between internal and external communications under RIPA, as applied to the internet and modern communications techniques; c. Intelligence sharing practices among the US, UK, Australia, New Zealand and Canada (“the Five Eyes”); d. The UK’s consequent access to signals intelligence collected by the United States through its PRISM and UPSTREAM collection programmes; e.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Communications Security Bureau
    Government Communications Security Bureau The Government Communications Security Bureau Upon its establishment, the GCSB assumed responsibil- (GCSB)(Māori: Te Tira Tiaki, formerly Te Tari Whaka- ity for these three roles. Officially, the new organisation mau Irirangi) is the public service department of New was part of the Ministry of Defence, and its functions Zealand charged with promoting New Zealand’s national and activities were highly secret – even Cabinet was not security by collecting and analysing information of an in- informed. In the 1980s, however, information was grad- telligence nature. ually released, first about the GCSB’s security role, and According to the Bureau’s official website, its mission is then about its signals intelligence operations. to contribute to the national security of New Zealand by Also in the 1980s, the GCSB was split away from the providing: information assurance and cyber security, for- Ministry of Defence, becoming a separate organisa- eign intelligence, and assistance to other New Zealand tion. It was not until 2000, however, that it was de- government agencies.[1] cided to make the GCSB a government department in its own right. This decision was implemented through the Government Communications Security Bureau Act [2] 1 History 2003. In 2001, the Centre for Critical Infrastructure Protection was formed within the GCSB with a mandate to assist The Government Communications Security Bureau was in the protection of national critical infrastructure from created in 1977 on the instructions of Rob Muldoon, the information borne threats. The National Cyber Security Prime Minister. Centre was established within the GCSB in September 2011, and it absorbed the functions of the Centre for Crit- ical Infrastructure Protection.[3] 2 Staff and budget The GCSB is considered to be a government depart- ment in its own right with its head office in Pipitea St, Wellington.
    [Show full text]
  • 'No Spy Waihopai': How Does Praxis Inform the Theories of Pragmatic
    ‘No Spy Waihopai’: How does Praxis Inform the Theories of Pragmatic Nonviolence? Kyle Robert Matthews Peace and Conflict Studies I certify that this dissertation does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university; and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text. Signed: Date: 22 February 2018 Word Count: 20362 Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree of Master in Peace and Conflict Studies. Abstract This research attempts to analyse whether the praxis of a failed nonviolence campaign informs Gene Sharp’s pragmatic nonviolence theories. It summarises the theory into an eleven point checklist, and then outlines the history of a thirty year campaign against a Five Eyes spy base at Waihopai, New Zealand. The case study is then analysed through the checklist to ascertain whether the successes and failures of the campaign are predicted by the theory, or if the case study reveals flaws in the theory. The research concludes that the theory is a good fit for the case study, and with minor modifications, remains relevant for this context. Table of Contents Abstract .............................................................................................................................................. i Table of Contents .............................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]