Paula Nuttall Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child: Italian Renaissance sculpture reimagined

Hans Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin, the central panel of a triptych painted in for a distinguished Florentine patron (fg. 1), belongs to a group of small devotional paintings by the artist which have long been acknowledged as the earliest Netherlandish paintings to employ the distinctly Italianate, all’antica motif of putti and garlands, widely associated with Renaissance sculpture. The other works in this group are the triptych of the Virgin and Child and an unknown donor in Vienna, the Resurrection triptych in the Louvre, and the Virgin and Child in Washington, all of which have been speculatively associated with Italian patronage, because of their use of the putto motif.1 In my view, on grounds of quality of execution and inventiveness of design, the Pagagnotti triptych is the prime version in this group. Now divided between the Ufzi and the National Gallery, London, it was painted for the Dominican Benedetto Pagagnotti, bishop of Vaison in Provence, who resided in and was one of the most important churchmen in the city.2 It should probably be dated no later than 1480, since the detail of the mill from the background of its central panel, much cited by late ffeenth-century Florentine painters, frst appears in an altarpiece by Filippino Lippi of 1482–83.3 Pagagnotti’s desire to own a Netherlandish devotional image is explicable given the vogue for Netherlandish painting in Florence at the time, but Pagagnotti did not himself visit the Netherlands, and must have placed the commission through a middleman, perhaps his nephew Paolo Pagagnotti, who did visit Bruges.4 It is likely that Memling introduced the putti and garlands as a gesture to his Italian patron, together with other details of apparently Italianate inspiration which have hitherto largely escaped notice: in the upper corners, the fgures of Samson rending the jaws of the lion, and Cain slaying Abel, painted to resemble gilded sculptures, and the decorative detail of the arch itself. This article will consider the possible sources for these Italianate elements. Working in Bruges ofered Memling ample contacts with the many Italians resident there, and with Italian visitors.5 These included some of his most important clients in the 1470s, such as the manager of the , , and the Venetian ambassador to the Burgundian court, Bernardo Bembo. Such individuals ofered the potential for artistic exchange, whether through the commissioning of locally produced artworks such as tapestries, for which drawings were ofen sent from , or as the owners of personal possessions brought from Italy, such as the sestertius of the Emperor Nero held by Bembo, a noted antiquarian, in his presumed portrait

25 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child https://doi.org/10.3828/sj.2017.26.1.5 1. , the Pagagnotti by Memling (Antwerp, Koniklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten), an object triptych, c. 1478–80, oil on panel, 57 x 42 cm (central panel), 57.5 x that the artist studied closely.6 Confraternity membership provided another 17.3 cm (lef wing), 57.5 x 17.1 cm (right wing). Galleria degli Ufzi, means of communication: Memling was a member of the Confraternity of Florence (central panel) and Our Lady of the Snow, to which several members of Bruges’ Italian community National Gallery, London (wings) 7 (photo: © The National Gallery, also belonged. London) Contacts between Italy and the Low Countries extended well beyond the mercantile community to princes, nobles, diplomats, prelates and legists, whose travels to Italy must have generated a fow of artefacts from south to north, such as the gold chain presented to the distinguished Burgundian nobleman Philippe de Croy on his mission to Naples in 1472.8 There were also numerous Italians employed in various capacities at the Burgundian court during the reign of the Italophile duke, (ruled 1467–77).9 These included the Neapolitan nobleman and ducal secretary Giovanni di Candida, who in the 1470s produced the frst Renaissance portrait medals in the Netherlands.10 The Florentine goldsmith Niccolò di Forzore Spinelli, also known as Niccolò Fiorentino, was appointed in 1468 as maker of ducal seals.11 It is possible that both these artists brought with them drawings and other artworks from Italy. By 1498, when Gerard David cited them in The Justice of Cambyses (Bruges, Groeningemuseum), it was possible to see in Bruges versions of two antique gems from the Medici collection, the famous and much-reproduced ‘Sigillo di Nerone’ of Apollo, Olympos and Marsyas, and the so-called Ceres and

26 | Sculpture Journal 26.1 [2017] Triptolemus.12 Both were widely reproduced in bronze plaquettes in late ffeenth-century Italy, and it is usually thought that David must have seen examples of these. It is possible, however, that he knew the designs through other intermediaries, notably casts, drawings or – in the case of the Apollo and Marsyas, which was reproduced in some Italian manuscripts – through books.13 The most spectacular example of Italian sculpture to reach the Low Countries was surely the tomb by Andrea della Robbia, in the Abbey of St-Bertin at Saint-Omer, made for the eminent Burgundian bishop and Chancellor of the Order of the Golden Fleece, Guillame Fillastre.14 Severely damaged in the French Revolution, it survives only in fragments in the Musée Sandelin and the churches of St Denis and St Martin-au-Laërt, at Saint-Omer. There is no record of its original appearance, although the surviving elements suggest that in addition to the tomb, Fillastre’s commission to della Robbia may have included an altarpiece.15 Probably ordered on one of three visits Fillastre made to Italy, in 1463, 1465 and 1467, it arrived at Sluys, the port of Bruges, in 1469–70, its transportation organized through Angelo Tani and Tommaso Portinari of the Medici bank. Portinari was perhaps also instrumental in procuring the glazed terracotta tondo of the Virgin and Child 2. Circle of Maso Finiguerra, attributed to Benedetto Buglioni in the prestigious church of St James’s, corner-pieces and clasps, 1470s, silver niello, The Hours of Jean Bruges, where members of the court and the Italian community, including de Carpentin, 145 x 105 mm. Portinari himself, had chapels.16 The tondo is now in the chapel of Jean Gros, London, Sam Fogg (photo: Sam Fogg) treasurer of the Order of the Golden Fleece; it is unknown whether this was its original location, nor has its original owner been identifed. Portinari himself must have commissioned, from an unknown Netherlandish sculptor, the pair of stone tondi with the busts of Lorenzo de’ Medici and his wife Clarice Orsini, in the courtyard of the Bladelinhof, his residence and the premises of the Medici bank in Bruges, probably around the time of Lorenzo’s marriage in 1469.17 Although the faces are generic and unlikely to depend on portrait drawings made from life (unlike the head of Caterina Tanagli, the donatrix in Memling’s triptych of the Last Judgement, certainly based on a drawing sent from Florence), Italian drawings must surely have furnished Clarice’s Italian hairstyle and necklace, and the all’antica motifs of putto and lion heads adorning the busts. Italian designs must also have been employed for another of Portinari’s additions to the Bladelinhof, the Florentine-style garlands of fruit and leaves surrounding the ceiling bosses decorated with the Medici palle in the courtyard. This motif, and also the putto-head on the bust of Clarice, [AQ] is similar to that

27 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child framing the roundel of the Virgin and Child by Antonio Rossellino in the Cardinal of Portugal’s chapel at San Miniato al Monte, Florence, completed in 1466, a project sponsored by Isabella of Portugal, Duchess of Burgundy. It is worth speculating whether drawings for the chapel were sent to Isabella, through whose agency they may have been known to Portinari, who was closely associated with the court and additionally with the duchess through their mutual sponsorship of religious institutions in Bruges, or whether Rossellino’s workshop was involved in producing designs for the Bladelinhof sculptures.18 Books ofered another important point of contact with Italian culture through the travels to Italy of high-ranking prelates such as the humanist bibliophile Cardinal Jean Joufroy, bishop of Arras, whose library included volumes illuminated in Rome and Florence.19 The court ofered another channel; Margaret of York, Duchess of Burgundy, for instance, acquired around 1470 a lavishly decorated Ferrarese manuscript of Justinus’s popular textbook, In Trogi Pompei historias, which she later gifed to her son-in-law Maximilian of Austria.20 As a centre of book production, Bruges, with its Italian connections, was itself in the front line of the spread of humanism in the Low Countries.21 The Italian scribe Francesco Florio – together with the Greek Georgius Hermonymus, who had previously worked in Rome – was employed at Bruges in the 1470s copying classical texts in humanist script for Jan Crabbe, abbot of the important abbey of Ten Duinen near Bruges.22 Crabbe, himself a patron of Memling’s, had visited Rome in 1458 and enjoyed close relations with the Medici bank, facilitators of the abbey’s fnancial transactions with the Roman Curia.23 Another great bibliophile and collector of humanist texts, Raphael de Marcatellis, the illegitimate son of Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy, was intimately connected with the Italian community through his stepfather, a member of the Venetian Marcatelli family, whose name he took.24 Marcatellis was abbot of St Bavo, Ghent, from 1478, but was said to have dwelt ‘always in Bruges, among the merchants of his family’.25

3. Hans Memling, the Pagagnotti triptych, c. 1478–80, detail of the Virgin

28 | Sculpture Journal 26.1 [2017] Contacts with Italy served the Bruges book industry in other, more unexpected, ways. The binding of the luxurious book of hours made in Bruges in the 1470s for the Burgundian courtier Jean de Carpentin, with illuminations by the Master of the Dresden Prayer Book, is decorated with fgurative niello corner-pieces and clasps that are clearly of Florentine manufacture, close in style to Maso Finiguerra (fg. 2).26 Nothing is known about the production and marketing of such niello fttings, although it may be that there was a high-end speculative trade in these artefacts between Florence and Bruges, where the luxury 4. Lorenzo Ghiberti, north book industry would have provided a ready market.27 Yet whether obtained doors of the Florence Baptistery, 1403–24, detail of inner frame. on the open market or commissioned specifcally for this book, they certainly Florence, Museo dell’ Opera del Duomo added an exotic fnishing touch to an already precious object. (photo: author) Clearly, then, although by no means as numerous as the examples of northern art reaching Italy, it was possible in the 1470s to see Italian Renaissance and antique works in Bruges, and to exchange ideas and visual knowledge with Italians themselves, including individuals involved in the purveying and production of art objects. This provides a context for exploring the Italianate elements in Memling’s Pagagnotti triptych, which I would argue were assembled by him from a range of visual sources available locally. The architecture of the triptych contains a number of decorative elements that must have been suggested by Italian models. The Virgin and Child are presented under an ornate round-headed arch, the outer rim of which carries an all’antica motif of half rosettes (fg. 3), while the Gothic arches on the wings are bordered with palmettes. The capitals on the tall, barley-twist columns of gilded metal supporting the fctive sculptures of Samson, Cain and Abel in the upper corners of the central panel have a tongued motif of all’antica inspiration. The gleaming columns of reddish marble with gold capitals and bases, in both the central panel and the wings, are a feature of Memling’s work and refect the type of coloured marble column, albeit with stone capitals and bases, found in Netherlandish painting from Jan van Eyck onwards. The gold capitals and bases seem, however, to have been Memling’s innovation and may have been suggested by comparable examples in Italian manuscript paintings of the 1460s and 1470s.28 While the capitals in the central panel are decorated with a Gothic vegetal motif, those on the wings suggest Corinthian capitals, being comprised of a motif similar to the Corinthian acanthus leaf in overall shape if not in actual detail, surmounted by an abacus. They are glimpsed through and carefully framed by late Gothic arches of delicate stone tracery. This seems to be an intentional juxtaposition of the most up-to-date architectural languages from north and south of the Alps.29 The travels of northern masons to Italy may account for Memling’s knowledge of Italianate architectural forms and decorative motifs; tapestry designs with

29 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child 5. Bartolomeo Sanvito and Gaspare Padovano, St Jerome’s translation of Eusebius’ Chronica, c. 1485–88, pigment and gold leaf on parchment, 334 x 233 mm. London, British Library, MS Royal 14 C.III (photo: ©The British Library Board)

architectural elements may have been another source, as might the Fillastre tomb, which presumably had architectural decoration.30 The inner rim of the central arch is decorated with a vine on the lef, alluding to the Eucharist, like the four mill in the background, and ivy on the right, associated with immortality.31 Although painted to simulate sculpture in gilded or polished metal, or possibly wood, these plants are concomitantly a tour de force of naturalistic observation, with their curling tendrils and delicate roots, as are the two pairs of a snail and a lizard beneath them: a sophisticated play on the painter’s skill at rivalling both sculpture and nature. Intriguingly, there is a close parallel between these forms and

30 | Sculpture Journal 26.1 [2017] the decoration of the inner frames of Lorenzo Ghiberti’s north doors for the Florentine Baptistery (1403–24), where naturalistic gilt bronze ivy leaves are interspersed with small creatures, including a snail and a lizard (fg. 4). The resemblance is striking, though difcult to explain, since Memling did not visit Italy. One possible intermediary may have been tapestry design. A very similar vine motif occurs, among a range of plants, in the border of a tapestry of Arithmetic and Astronomy, woven in the Netherlands to Florentine designs, from a set of the Liberal Arts now in Rochester, New York, made for the chapter house of Santa Maria Novella in the 1470s, which perhaps coincidentally, as a Dominican, Pagagnotti would have known.32 At the same time, it is worth considering whether there might be a connection with northern goldsmiths’ work. Naturalistically rendered leaves not unlike Ghiberti’s occur in examples of Parisian goldsmiths’ work of c. 1400, and Ghiberti’s interest in this type of object is well known .33 Perhaps, then, rather than Memling citing a Florentine sculptural motif, the similarity might be explained as Ghiberti having been 6. Hans Memling, the Pagagnotti inspired by a northern one. triptych, c. 1478–80, detail of Samson and the Lion By contrast, the garland-bearing putti atop the arch and columns are a motif incontrovertibly associated with Renaissance sculpture.34 The Fillastre tomb can, I think, be dismissed as a possible source, as there are no close parallels for this particular arrangement of putti perched on architecture in works of this date by della Robbia – although it is possible that della Robbia helped to inspire the fruits and fowers in the garland. The motif of putti and garlands is particularly associated with Donatello, who introduces it on the Cavalcanti tabernacle (Florence, S. Croce, 1433).35 Memling’s pairs of garland- bearing putti – and indeed some of his architectural decoration – certainly share afnities with this. Yet by Memling’s day the motif was widespread, notably in northern Italy, in monumental stone sculpture and reproducible media. One could cite, among many examples, Amadeo’s Colleoni Chapel façade in Bergamo, a Paduan terracotta relief of the Virgin and Child in the

7. Hans Memling, the Pagagnotti Liechtenstein Collection, and the slightly later Paduan bronze plaquette of triptych, c. 1478–80, detail of the Virgin and Child with Angels and Putti of 1480–1500, known in numerous Cain and Abel versions.36 But the motif was also widespread in other media. Arguably the closest parallels with Memling’s imagery are to be found in the architectural frontispieces of Paduan and Venetian books of the 1470s by Benedetto Bordon, the Master of the London Pliny, and the celebrated Rome-based Paduan scribe and illuminator duo, Bartolomeo Sanvito and Gaspare Padovano.37 In these works, dainty, playful putti are deployed on all’antica cornices and capitals, or lounge at the tops of arches, like sculptures brought to life, their fesh colour juxtaposed with the gilt or stone-coloured surfaces of architecture and architectural sculpture, in the same way as in the Pagagnotti Virgin. Bernardo Bembo owned two volumes by Sanvito and Gaspare with such frontispieces (fg. 5), although they were almost certainly made afer his return to Italy; nevertheless it is easy to imagine that similar books might have found their way into the hands of prelates or diplomats travelling from Italy to Flanders.38

31 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child Probably the most strikingly all’antica elements of the Pagagnotti Virgin are the fctive sculptures of Cain and Abel, and Samson and the lion (fgs. 6, 7). As Old Testament types for Christ as victim and Christ triumphant, they belong to a Netherlandish pictorial tradition exemplifed by Jan van Eyck’s Van der Paele Virgin, where they appear as fctive stone statuettes on either side of the Virgin’s throne.39 Yet Memling’s presentation of them is utterly novel: they simulate gilded metal or polished brass rather than stone; they are clean-shaven, with short curls, rather than bearded and shaggy-haired; and above all, they are naked. In physique and proportions they are manifestly more Italianate than Netherlandish. They appear to suggest direct quotation from antique or Renaissance sources, most obviously bronze 8. Circle of Maso Finiguerra, statuettes or plaquettes. Few Renaissance bronzes are datable to before 1480, Samson rending the jaws of the lion, 1470s, silver niello, however, and those few do not resemble Memling’s fgures either stylistically dimensions ??, The Hours of Jean de Carpentin, 145 x 105 mm. or compositionally, making it unlikely that this type of object was in fact his London, Sam Fogg source. (photo: Alixe Bovey) The pose of the Pagagnotti Samson might suggest knowledge of Italian Renaissance images of Hercules and the Nemean lion, similar to Amadeo’s marble relief from the Colleoni Chapel façade, or Antico’s later gilded bronze medallion in the Bargello, which themselves adopt the straddling pose traditional to Samson iconography, rather than the antique type showing Hercules upright and in profle.40 The naked Samson, in turn inspired by Hercules imagery, is highly unusual as a type, but, perhaps signifcantly, appears on one of the Florentine niello corner-plates of the Carpentin Hours (fg. 8). Yet rather than the faithful imitation of a Renaissance type, Memling’s Samson might be seen as an all’antica reimagining of a Netherlandish one, such as that in the Van der Paele Virgin, which it closely resembles, with the crouched fgure astride the lion, viewed at an angle to the picture plane. Abel’s pose, lying on his back and dramatically foreshortened, with the crown of his curly head and upturned face closest to the viewer, is unlike any rendition of this fgure in traditional Netherlandish imagery. The pose in fact bears a striking resemblance to that of a fallen man in Benozzo Gozzoli’s fresco of The Burning of Sodom formerly in the Camposanto, Pisa, datable to 1473–77 and known through an engraving of 1832 by Giovanni Paolo Lasinio (fg. 9).41 This pose in turn relates to a sheet from the so-called Rotterdam sketchbook, a collection of study drawings made in Gozzoli’s workshop in the 1460s, showing a foreshortened male nude lying on his back alongside a study of a man in the pose of the Spinario.42 It is unclear whether the recumbent nude in this drawing refects an unidentifed antique source or is a Gozzoli invention (perhaps, as Francis Ames-Lewis has suggested, based on a sculpted model in clay or wax), but it was evidently a stock Gozzoli pose

32 | Sculpture Journal 26.1 [2017] and recurs with variations in other fgures from the Camposanto frescos.43 It would seem that a version of this pose, presumably in the form of a drawing, was known in Bruges in the 1470s, furnishing inspiration for the Pagagnotti Abel. Intriguingly, it was also known to Memling’s Bruges contemporary, the Master of the Dresden Prayerbook, who employed it for the fgure of a male nude tormented by demons in the border decoration to the Gradual Psalms in the Carpentin Hours (fg. 10). The preceding miniature in the Carpentin Hours, the Penitential Psalms, includes in its border the kneeling fgure of a resurrected man almost identical in pose to the Pagagnotti Cain (fg. 11). Memling’s Cain and Abel appear to be a confation of these two poses, inventively integrated to create a novel, dynamic fgure group, translated into the idiom of Renaissance sculpture. Together with his all’antica reimagining of traditional Samson imagery, this is extraordinary testimony to Memling’s knowledge of the visual language of Italy, and his ability to work in that idiom. A creative approach to sources is also suggested by the other paintings in 9. Afer Benozzo Gozzoli, The the Pagagnotti group, which employ similar motifs but never repeat them Burning of Sodom (detail), 1473–77, fresco, formerly exactly. This is evident if, for instance, the Pagagnotti Cain and Abel are Camposanto, Pisa. Engraving by compared with their counterparts in the Louvre triptych, or from comparison Giovanni Paolo Lasinio, 1832 (photo: author) of the putti across the group. The inference is of an imaginative reworking of drawings within the workshop, rather than the careful imitation of particular models. This still raises a number of questions. What was the relationship between Memling and the Master of the Dresden Prayerbook? Is there a direct connection between the presence of Florentine nielli and the use of a Florentine fgural pose in the Carpentin Hours, and Memling’s Italianate fgures? What might have been Memling’s source for the all’antica musculature of Cain, Abel and Samson, which is far from his preferred skinny body type? Again, this may have been two-dimensional rather than three-dimensional, perhaps a drawing afer an antique sculpture such as the Belvedere torso.44 If Memling did not in fact see Renaissance bronze statuettes, how did he come so successfully to represent these objects? Did Italian manuscripts with fctive gold sculptural decoration help him to envision all’antica sculpture in the round? Was his depiction of imagined golden statuettes prompted by knowledge of Ghiberti’s gilded fgurines on the Gates of Paradise, perhaps transmitted orally through one of his Florentine clients? Was it an imaginative transposition of local goldsmiths’ work, such as Gerard Loyet’s Charles the Bold reliquary, into a Renaissance idiom? Indeed, is it goldsmiths’ work that is invoked here, or another

33 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child 10. Master of the Dresden 11. Master of the Dresden Prayerbook, The Hours of Jean Prayerbook, The Hours of Jean de Carpentin, fol. 224r (detail), de Carpentin, fol. 200r (detail), 1470s, pigment and gold leaf on 1470s, pigment and gold leaf on parchment, 145 x 105 mm (whole parchment, 145 x 105 mm (whole page). London, Sam Fogg page). London, Sam Fogg (photo: Sam Fogg) (photo: Sam Fogg)

local sculptural form, namely the brass statuettes atop slender columns placed around altars, now known only from paintings of Netherlandish church interiors due to the poor survival rate of ffeenth-century Netherlandish metal sculpture?45 Whatever the answers, Memling emerges in a new and unexpected light as a sophisticated, knowledgeable and versatile interpreter of Italian imagery. The Pagagnotti triptych is a tour de force, pictorially, technically and conceptually. It evokes Italian sculpture in a variety of ways, complex and surprising, involving a sophisticated reimagining of diverse visual sources drawn from a range of media, Netherlandish as well as Italian. This was surely intended to delight and impress its distinguished Florentine owner. Concomitantly it invokes a long-standing Netherlandish pictorial tradition going back to van Eyck and van der Weyden, in which the representation of sculpture creates multiple realities within the painted image, challenging the viewer’s perception and inviting admiration for the painter’s skill at reproducing the forms and materials of sculpture on a fat surface, and his ability to blur the boundaries between animate and inanimate forms. With the introduction of Italian sculptural elements in the Pagagnotti Virgin, Memling takes this paragone to a new level.

34 | Sculpture Journal 26.1 [2017] I am grateful to Marika Leino, Peta 2008, p. 103; Borchert, as at note 1, plaquette’, in The Study and Criticism Helion Joufroy, Paris, CNRS Éditions, Motture, Susie Nash, Catherine p. 204. On Bembo as an antiquarian of Italian Sculpture, New York, 2012. Reynolds, Arie Wollaert and Lisa and his architectural interests, see D. Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1980, 20. A. Derolez, ‘A Renaissance Wiersma for their suggestions Gasparotto, ‘Il mito della collezione’, pp. 192–222; Janssens de Bisthoven, manuscript in the hands of Margaret during the preparation of this article in G. Beltramini, D. Gasparotto as at note 12, pp. 106–07; N. Dacos, ‘Le of York’, in T. Kren (ed.), Margaret of and the conference paper on which and A Tura (eds), Pietro Bembo e rôle des plaquettes dans la difusion York, Simon Marmion and the Visions it is based. l’invenzione del Rinascimento (exh. des gemmes antiques: le case de la of Tondal, Malibu, J. Paul Getty 1. B. Lane, Hans Memling. Master cat), Palazzo del Monte di Pietà, collection Médicis’, Studies in the Museum, 1992, pp. 99–102. Painter in Fifeenth-century Bruges, Padua, 2013, pp. 53–57; H. Burns, History of Art, 22, Symposium Papers 21. A. Arnould, ‘Monastic libraries Turnhout, Brepols-Harvey Miller, ‘Bernardo Bembo, Padre di Piero’, in IX: Italian Plaquettes, 1989, pp. 71–91; and the introduction of humanism 2009, p. 200; T. H. Borchert (ed.), ibid., pp. 112–25. E. Wyss, The Myth of Apollo in the in Flanders’, in A. Arnould and J. M. Memling: Rinascimento fammingo 7. R. Strohm, Music in Late Art of the Italian Renaissance: An Massing (eds), Splendours of Flanders (exh. cat.), Scuderie del Quirinale, Medieval Bruges, Oxford, Oxford Inquiry into the Meaning of Images, (exh. cat.), Fitzwilliam Museum, Rome, 2014, pp. 166–69. See also D. University Press, 1990, p. 47; Newark, DE, University of Delaware Cambridge, 1993, pp. 204–05. De Vos, Hans Memling: The Complete Galoppini, as at note 5, pp. 323–25. Press, 1996, pp. 43–60; Caglioti and 22. N. Geirnaert, ‘De Bibliotheek Works, London, Thames and Hudson, 8. R. Walsh, ‘The coming of Gasparotto, as at note 12, pp. 14–19; van de Duinenabt Jan Crabbe 1994, pp. 212–16, 268, 276, and L. humanism to the Low Countries. M. Leino, Fashion, Devotion and (1457/59–1488)’, in Vlaamse Kunst Campbell, ‘Review: Hans Memling, Some Italian infuences at the court Contemplation: The Status and op Perkament. Handschrifen the Complete Works by Dirk de Vos’, of Charles the Bold’, Acta Lovaniensia, Functions of Italian Renaissance en miniaturen te Brugge, van de Burlington Magazine, CXXXVII, 1995, XXV, 1976, pp. 146–97. Plaquettes, Oxford, Peter Lang, 2013, 12de tot de 16de eeuw, (exh. cat.), pp. 253–54; D. De Vos, Hans Memling 9. R. Walsh, Charles the Bold pp. 34–35. Gruuthusemuseum, Bruges, 1981, (exh. cat.), Groeningemuseum, and Italy, 1467–1477. Politics and 14. A. Marquand, Andrea della pp. 176–80, 184–86; N. Geirnaert, Bruges, 1994, pp. 228–29. Personnel, Liverpool, Liverpool Robbia and his Atelier, 2 vols, ‘Classical texts in Bruges around 2. M. Rohlmann, ‘Memling’s University Press, 2005, pp. 154–340. Princeton, NJ, Princeton University 1473: cooperation of Italian Pagagnotti Triptych’, Burlington 10. On Candida, see G. F. Hill, Press, 1922, vol. II, pp. 4–8; J. R. scribes, Bruges parchment rulers, Magazine, CXXXVI, 1995, pp. 438–45; A Corpus of Italian Medals of the Gaborit, ‘Le tombeau de Guillaume illuminators and bookbinders P. Nuttall, From Flanders to Florence. Renaissance before Cellini, 2 vols, Fillastre’, Bulletin de la Société for Johannes Crabbe, Abbot of Les The Impact of Netherlandish Painting, London, British Museum, 1930, vol. Nationale des Antiquaires de France, Dunes Abbey (C.U.L. Ms Nr III.5)’, 1400–1500, New Haven, CT, Yale I, pp. 213–17; S. K. Scher (ed.), The 2003, pp. 50–63; [AQ] J. R. Gaborit and Transactions of the Cambridge University Press, 2004, pp. 123–24, Currency of Fame. Portrait Medals of M. Bormand (eds), Les Della Robbia. Bibliographical Society, 10, 1992, 133–35; Lane, as at note 1, pp. 203–04, the Renaissance (exh. cat.), National Sculptures en terre cuite émaillée de pp. 173–81; G. Tournoy, ‘An Italian 284; M. Rohlmann in B. W. Meijer Gallery of Art, Washington, and Frick la Renaissance italienne (exh. cat.), scribe at Bruges in the second half (ed.), Firenze e gli antichi Paesi Bassi, Collection, New York, 1994, pp. 121–25; Musée national Message Biblique of the ffeenth century: Francesco 1430–1530, dialoghi tra artisti: da Jan Walsh, as at note 9, p. 100 and passim; Marc Chagall, Nice, and Musée Florio’, in G. H. M. Claassens and W. van Eyck a Ghirlandaio, da Memling S. Marti, T. H. Borchert and G. Keck national de Céramique, Sèvres, Verbeke (eds), Medieval Manuscripts a Rafaello (exh. cat.), Palazzo Pitti, (eds), Charles le Téméraire. Faste et 2002–03, pp. 124–05. in Transition: Tradition and Creative Florence, 2008, pp. 142–43; Borchert, declin de la cour de Bourgogne (exh. 15. Gaborit, as at note 14, pp. 61–62. Recycling, Leuven, Leuven University as at note 1, p. 162. cat.), Musée Historique, Berne, and 16. G. Gentilini, I Della Robbia, 2 Press, 2006, pp. 269–71. 3. Millard Meiss, ‘A new Groeningemuseum, Bruges, 2008, vols, , Skira, 1992, vol. II, p. 405; 23. N. Geirnaert, ‘Johannes monumental painting by pp. 224–29. Nuttall, as at note 2, p. 46. The claim Crabbe, Abbot of Ten Duinen, Filippino Lippi’, Art Bulletin, 11. On Spinelli, see Hill, as at note by A. Vandewalle (ed.), Les marchands 1457–88’, in J. Marciari (ed.), Hans 55, 1973, pp. 479–93; M. 10, pp. 243–76; Scher, as at note 10, de la Hanse det la banque des Medicis. Memling: Portraiture, Piety and a Rohlmann, ‘Zitate fämischer pp. 132–36; Marti et al., as at note 11, Bruges, marché d’échanges culturels, Reunited Altarpiece (exh. cat.), The Landschafsmotive in Florentiner no. 146, p. 334. Bruges, Stichting Kunstboek, Morgan Library and Museum, New Quattrocentomalerei’, in J. Poeschke 12. For David’s Justice of Cambyses, 2002, p. 85, that it was originally York, 2016, pp. 63–72. (ed.), Italienische Frührenaissance und see A. Janssens de Bisthoven, Les in the is without 24. A. Derolez, The Library of nordeuropäisches Spätmittelalter, Primitifs Flamands, I. Corpus de foundation. Raphael de Marcatellis, Abbot of St Munich, Hirmer, 1993, pp. 244–45. la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas 17. Nuttall, as at note 2, pp. 48–49; Bavon’s, Ghent, 1437–1508, Ghent, E. 4. For the reception of méridionaux aux quinzième siècle. M. Buyle, ‘Florentijnse renaissance- Story-Scientia, 1979; Arnould, as at Netherlandish painting in Florence, Musée Comunal des Beaux-Arts prinsen in het 15-de eeuwse Brugge: note 21, pp. 204–05. see Nuttall, as at note 2; for Paolo (Musée Groeninge), Bruges, de conservering van de stenen 25. Derolez, as at note 24, p. 1. Pagaganotti, see Rohlmann, 1994, as Brussels, Centre national de portret bustes van Lorenzo de Medici 26. A. Bovey, Jean de Carpentin’s at note 2, p. 441; Meijer, as at note 2, recherches ‘primitfs famands’, en Clarice Orsini’, Monumenten en Book of Hours. The Genius of the pp. 150–53. 1983, pp. 102–29. On the Apollo and Landschappen, VII/I, 1989, pp. 4–19. Master of the Dresden Prayer Book, 5. On the Italian community Marsyas and Ceres and Triptolemus, 18. On the Cardinal of Portugal’s London, Paul Holberton, 2011, in Bruges, see Nuttall, as at note 2, see E. Molinier, Les plaquettes: les chapel, see G. Corti, F. Hartt and C. p. 34. For comparable nielli by pp. 43–51; L. Galoppini, Mercanti bronzes de la renaissance: catalogue Kennedy, The Chapel of the Cardinal Maso Finiguerra, see A. M. Hind, toscani e Bruges nel tardo medioevo, raisonée, 2 vols, Paris, J. Rouam, of Portugal (1434–1459) at San Miniato Nielli, Chiefy Italian, of the Fifeenth Pisa, Pisa University Press, 2010. 1886, vol. I, pp. 2–6, 8–9; N. Dacos, in Florence, Philadelphia, University Century: Plates, Sulphur Casts 6. On drawings sent from Italy, ‘La fortuna delle gemme medicee of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. On and Prints Preserved in the British see Nuttall, as at note 2, pp. 80–88; nel rinascimento’, in N. Dacos, A. Portinari’s connections to Isabella, Museum, London, British Museum, P. Nuttall, ‘Memling e la pittura Giuliano and U. Pannuti (eds), Il see Strohm, as at note 7, pp. 72–73; 1936, nos. 2–11, pls. V, VI, notably italiana’, in Borchert, as at note 1, Tesoro di Lorenzo il Magnifco: Le Nuttall, as at note 2, pp. 46, 51. the corner-plate of the Judgement p. 49. On Memling’s Bembo portrait, gemme (exh. cat.), Palazzo Medici 19. C. Fierville, Le Cardinal Jean of Solomon; J. G. Phillips, Early see for example T. H. Borchert (ed.), Riccardi, Florence, 1972, pp. 137–39, Joufroy et son temps (1412–1473), Florentine Designers and Engravers, Memling’s Portraits (exh. cat.), Museo 158–60, 161; F. Caglioti and D. Paris, Hachette, 1874, pp. 2–15; M. Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Thyssen-Bornemisza, Madrid, Gasparotto, ‘Lorenzo Ghiberti, il Desachy and G. Toscano (eds), Le Press, 1955, pp. 11–17, pl. 12 B. Groeningemuseum, Bruges, and “Sigillo di Nerone” e le origini della Gôut de la Renaissance Italienne. 27. For a comparative practice, Frick Collection, New York, 2005, placchetta “antiquaria”’, Prospettiva, Les manuscrits enluminés de see the import of Spanish tarsia in p. 160; P. Nuttall, ‘Memling and the 85, 1997, pp. 2–38; M. Bullard and N. Jean Joufroy, cardinal d’Albi the 1460s for the manufacture of European Renaissance portrait’, Rubinstein, ‘Lorenzo de’ Medici’s (1412–1473) (exh. cat.), Médiathèque games boards, combs and caskets, in ibid., pp. 78–80; L. Campbell, M. acquisition of the “Sigillo di Nerone”’, d’agglomération Pierre-Amalric, discussed in P. Nuttall, ‘The Bargello Falomir, J. Fletcher and L. Syson (eds), Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Albi, 2010; M. Desachy, Deux gamesboard: a north-south hybrid’, Renaissance Faces: Van Eyck to Titian Institutes, LXII, 1999, pp. 281–86. bibliophiles humanistes: Jean et Burlington Magazine, CLII, 2010, (exh. cat.), National Gallery, London, 13. J. Pope-Hennessy, ‘The Italian pp. 716–22.

35 | Nuttall: Memling’s Pagagnotti Virgin and Child 28. See, for example, J. J. 31. De Vos, as at note 1, p. 318, [AQ] Strozzi, Florence, and Musée du nel Camposanto di Pisa, Florence, Alexander (ed.), The Painted discusses the symbolism, although Louvre, Paris, 2013, pp. 111–17. 1832, pl. 28; a related fgure raised on Page. Italian Renaissance Book misreads the foliage on the right 36. J. Kohl, Fama und Virtus: his right arm, and with his lef arm Illumination, 1450–1550 (exh. cat.), as part of the vine. On the mill, see Bartolomeo Colleonis Grabkapelle, defensively lifed, appears at bottom Royal Academy of Arts, London, further E. Kirschbaum (ed.), Lexikon Berlin, Akademie Verlag, 2004, lef in the fresco of Abraham’s Victory and Pierpont Morgan Library, New der Christlichen Ikonographie, 8 pp. 115–18; D. Banzato, A. De Nicolò over the Assyrian Kings, ibid., pl. 26. York, 1995, pp. 79–80, cat. 22, 101, vols, Rome, Herder, 1968–76, vol. III, Salmazo and A. M. Spiazi (eds), On the Camposanto frescoes, see cat. 37, 163, cat. 78, 166–67, cat. 81, pp. 298–300. Mantegna e Padova 1445–1460 (exh. D. Cole Ahl, Benozzo Gozzoli, New 171, cat. 84. A. M. Piazzoni (ed), La 32. Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cat.), Musei Civici, Padua, 2006, Haven, CT, Yale University Press, Bibbia di Federico da Montefeltro, 2 cour d’ Urbino (exh. cat.), Museum pp. 16–17, 246–49, cat. 49; Molinier, 1996, pp. 157–94. vols, Vatican, Biblioteca Apostolica voor Schone Kunsten, Ghent, 1957, as at note 12, vol. II, p. 35, no. 381; J. 42. B. Degenhart and A. Schmitt, Vaticana, vol. II, pp. 57, 60, 83. pp. 158–60; Nuttall, as at note 2, p. 82. Pope-Hennessy, Renaissance Bronzes Corpus der italienischen Zeichnungen, 29. See further, on the concurrent 33. See, for example, the Goldene from the Samuel H. Kress Collection, 1300–1450, I: Süd- und Mittelitalien, use of Gothic and Renaissance Rössl (Altötting, Stifskirche) or the London, Phaidon Press, 1965, 4 vols, Berlin, Mann, 1968, vol. style, E. M. Kavaler, Renaissance so-called Abbesses’ Clasps (Essen, pp. 86–87. II, pp. 478–90, p. 485, no. 452; F. Gothic. Architecture and the Arts in Schatzkammer), reproduced in R. 37. G. Mariani Canova, La Ames-Lewis, Drawing in Early Northern Europe, New Haven, CT, Baumstark (ed.), Das Goldene Roessel. Miniatura Veneta del Rinascimento, Renaissance Italy, New Haven, CT, Yale University Press, 2012, pp. 14–17, Ein Meisterwerk der Pariser Hofunst 1450–1500, Venice, Alferi, 1969, Yale University Press, 1981, pp. 80–81; 239–40. um 1400 (exh. cat.), Bayerisches pp. 108–09; L. Armstrong, Ames-Lewis, as at note 30, p. 394; 30. For ffeenth-century National Museum, Munich, 1995, Renaissance Miniature Painters A. J. Elen, Italian Late-Medieval and architectural drawings, see W. pp. 248–51. and Classical Imagery. The Master Renaissance Drawing-Books from Steadman Sheard, Antiquity in the 34. First noted by E. Muntz, of the Putti and his Venetian Giovannino de’ Grassi to Palma Renaissance (exh. cat.), Smith College ‘Les infuences classiques et la Workshop, London, Harvey Giovane, a Codicological Approach, Museum of Art, Northampton, renouvellement de l’art dans les Miller, 1981, pp. 44–46, 131, cat. 44; Leiden, University of Leiden, 1995, MA, 1978, Introduction (n.p.); H. Flandres au XVe siècle’, Gazette Alexander, as at note 28, pp. 84–87, pp. 222–26. Egger, Codex Escurialensis. Ein des Beaux-Arts, XL, 1898, p. 478; cat. 28, 104–06, cat. 39, 152–54, cat. 71, 43. Ames-Lewis, as at note 30, Skizzenbuch aus der Werkstatt des C. Aschenheim, Der italienische 162–63, cat. 77, 192–95, cat. 97; A. C. de p. 394. Domenico Ghirlandaios, Vienna, Einfuss in der vlämischen Malerei la Mare and L. Nuvoloni, Bartolomeo 44. On the Belvedere torso in the Hölder, 1906; C. Hülsen, Il Libro der Frührenaissance, Strassburg, Sanvito: The Life and Work of a ffeenth century, see P. P. Bober and di Giuliano da Sangallo, Codice Heitz and Mundel, 1910, pp. 3–4; M. Renaissance Scribe, Paris, Association R. Rubinstein, Renaissance Artists Vaticano Barberiniano Latino 4424, 2 J. Friedländer, Early Netherlandish international de bibliophilie, 2009. and Antique Sculpture, London, vols, Leipzig, Harrassowitz, 1910; B. Painting, 14 vols, Leiden and 38. Alexander, as at note 28, Harvey Miller, 2nd edn, 2010, no. 132, Degenhart and A. Schmitt, Corpus der Brussels, 1967–76, vol. VI, pp. 20–21; pp. 156–58, cats. 73, 74. pp. 181–84. Italienischen Zeichnungen, 1300–1450, M. Comblen-Sonkes and P. Lorentz, 39. L. Réau, Iconographie de 45. See, for example, Rogier I. Süd- und Mittelitalien, Berlin, Les Primitifs Flamands, I. Corpus l’art chrétien, 3 vols, Paris, Presses van der Weyden’s Exhumation Mann Verlag, 1968, vol. II, pp. 478-81, de la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas universitaires de France, 1955–59, of St Hubert (London, National vol. IV, pl. 327; A Nesselrath, méridionaux aux quinzième vol. II/1, pp. 96, 240–42; Janssens de Gallery) and Mary of Burgundy at ‘Monumenta Antiqua Romana. siècle, 17, Musée du Louvre, Paris, Bisthoven, as at note 12, pp. 196–97. Prayer from the Hours of Mary of Ein illustrierter Rom Traktat des II, Brussels, Centre national de 40. R. Schofeld, ‘Avoiding Burgundy (Vienna, Österreichische Quattrocento’, in R. Harpath and recherches ‘primitifs famands’, 1995, Rome: an introduction to Lombard Nationalbibliothek). For an overview H. Wrede (eds), Antikenzeichnung pp. 231–32. sculptors and the antique’, Archivio of Netherlandish metal sculpture, und Antikenstudium in Renaissance 35. W. Bode, ‘Versuche der Storico Lombardo, 20, 1992, pp. 38–39; see L. Wiersma, ‘Monumental und Frühbarock. Akten des Ausbildung des Genre und der A. Allison, ‘The bronzes of antico’, dinanderie. Achievement and Internationalen Symposions Putto in der Florentiner Plastik Jahrbuch des Kunsthistorisches tradition of metal sculpture in the 8–10 September 1986 in Coburg, der Quattrocento’, Jahrbuch der Sammlungen in Wien, 89–90, Low Countries in the late Gothic and Mainz, Philipp von Zabern, 1989, Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, II, 1993–94, p. 64; Kohl, as at note 36, Renaissance period’, in N. Thomas pp. 22–37; F. Ames-Lewis, ‘Benozzo 1890, pp. 253–79; H. W. Janson, The pp. 120–21, 126–29. On Hercules and and P. Dandridge (eds), Medieval Gozzoli’s Rotterdam sketchbook Sculpture of Donatello, Princeton, the Nemean lion in relation to Samon Copper, Bronze and Brass: History, revisited’, Master Drawings, 33, NJ, Princeton University Press, 1963, iconography, see A. E. Popham and J. archaeology and archaeometry 1995, pp. 388–404; A. Nesselrath, ‘Il pp. 103–08; C. Dempsey, Inventing Wilde, The Italian Drawings of the XV of the production of brass, bronze Codice Escurialense’, in Domenico the Renaissance Putto, Chapel Hill, and XVI Centuries at Windsor Castle, and other copper alloy objects in Ghirlandaio: Atti del Convegno, NC, University of North Carolina London, Phaidon Press, 1949, p. 247; medieval Europe (12th–16th centuries), Florence, Centro Di, 1996, pp. 184, Press, 2001, pp. 1–61; M. Bormand, A. Mottola Molfno and M. Natale Proceedings of the symposium in 187; A. Nesselrath, ‘Disegnare Roma’, ‘The “Spiritelli” of the Renaissance’, (eds), Le muse e il principe: arte di Dinant and Namur, 15–17 May 2014, in F. P. Fiore (ed.), La Roma di Leon in B. Paolozzi Strozzi and M. corte nel Rinascimento padano (exh. Études et documents, Archéologie, Battista Alberti (exh, cat.), Capitoline Bormand (eds), The Springtime of the cat.), 2 vols, , Namur, 2017, in press. Museums, Rome, 2005, pp. 45–55, Renaissance. 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