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Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
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Columbia University Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Human Rights Studies Master of Arts Program Silencing “Breaking the Silence”: The Israeli government’s agenda respecting human rights NGOs activism since 2009 Ido Dembin Thesis Adviser: Prof. Yinon Cohen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts 12 September, 2018 Abstract This research examines a key aspect in the deterioration of Israeli democracy between 2009-2018. Mainly, it looks at Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's Right-wing governments utilization of legislative procedure to limit the right to free speech. The aspects of the right to free speech discussed here pertain to dissenting and critical activism against these government’s policies. The suppression of said right is manifested in the marginalization, delegitimization and ultimately silencing of its expression in Human Rights NGOs activism. To demonstrate this, the research presents a case study of one such NGO – “Breaking the Silence” – and the legal and political actions designed to cause its eventual ousting from mainstream Israeli discourse. The research focuses on the importance and uniqueness of this NGO, as well as the ways in which the government perceives and acts against it. First, it analyzes the NGO’s history, modus operandi and goals, emphasizing the uniqueness that makes it a particularly fascinating case. Then, it researches the government’s specific interest in crippling and limiting its influence. Finally, it highlights the government’s toolbox and utilization thereof against it. By shining a light on this case, the research seeks to show the process of watering down of a fundamental right within Israeli democracy – which is instrumental to understanding the state’s risk of decline towards illiberal democracy. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
The Life and Death of Socialist Zionism
The Life and Death of Socialist Zionism Jason Schulman (Published in New Politics, vol. 9, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 35, Summer 2003) In previous decades it was not uncommon for democratic leftists, Jewish ones in particular, to believe that the state of Israel was on the road to exemplifying—as Irving Howe once put it—“the democratic socialist hope of combining radical social change with political freedom.”1 But times have obviously changed. Today, no one would argue with the assertion that Israeli socialism is “is going the way of the kibbutz farmer,” even if the government continues to be the major shareholder in many Israeli banks, retains majority control in state-owned enterprises, owns a considerable percent of the country's land, and exerts considerable influence in most sectors of the economy.2 The kibbutzim themselves, held up as “the essence of the socialist-Zionist ideal of collectivism and egalitarianism,” are fast falling victim “to the pursuit of individual fulfillment.”3 The Labor Party is ever more estranged from Israel’s trade union movement, and when it governs it does so less and less like a social-democratic party, and its economic program has become ever more classically liberal. To many Israelis, who remember the years of Labor bureaucratic power, “socialism” means little more than “state elitism.” In examining “what happened,” it is worthwhile to ask what precisely the content of Israeli socialism was from its inception. There are essentially two narratives of “actually-existing” Labor (Socialist) Zionism. One argues that the most important of the Zionist colonists were utopian socialists who had no intent to be either exploiter or exploited. -
Online Appendices
REMKO VOOGD RE-ASSESSING THE DISSATISFIEDDISSATISFIED VOLATILE VOTER Political Support as Cause and Consequence of Electoral Volatility Online Appendices RE-ASSESSING THE DISSATISFIED VOLATILE VOTER Political Support as Cause and Consequence of Electoral Volatility Remko Voogd 1 Content of Appendices Appendices to Chapter 3 ................................................................................................................................................... 3 Appendix 3A Full Tables LISS Panel Data .................................................................................................................. 3 Appendix 3B Robustness Checks (LISS Panel Data)................................................................................................... 8 Appendix 3C Description of 1VOP Data ................................................................................................................... 16 Appendix 3D Tables 1VOP Data ............................................................................................................................... 22 Appendices to Chapter 4 ................................................................................................................................................. 25 Appendix 4A Validity of the reported and recalled vote choice questions (CSES data) ............................................ 25 Appendix 4B: Elections Included in the Analyses: Voting Patterns (Recall-Current) ............................................... 28 Appendix 4C Party System -
One Nation Under Arms? Military Participation Policy and the Politics of Identity
Security Studies 14, no. 3 ( July–September 2005): 529–564 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Inc. DOI: 10.1080/09636410500323245 One Nation under Arms? Military Participation Policy and the Politics of Identity RONALD R. KREBS Students of comparative military organizations have advanced three hypotheses to explain when armed forces adopt more liberal manpower policies: when a major security threat looms, when the military professionalizes, or when the surrounding society grows more tolerant of difference. This article argues that all three are the- oretically and empirically problematic: they potentially have much to contribute, but only in conjunction with a perspective that is more appreciative of the centrality of political processes. Enduring reform of the military’s participation policies is more productively viewed through the lens of the struggle over national and commu- nal identity. To illustrate the power of this alternative approach, this article reconsiders cases commonly cited in support of the existing hypotheses: the racial desegregation of the U.S. military, the integra- tion of the Druze into the Israel Defense Forces, and the imperial and independent Indian armies’ policies with respect to what the British termed “class.” The participation (or manpower) policies of armed forces determine who serves in the military and in what capacity. Accused of disloyalty or incom- petence, communal minorities have often faced discrimination in military institutions. They have been segregated. They have been limited to support units in which it was claimed they could do the least damage to national security or to which it was asserted they were best suited by virtue of their intellectual and physical endowments. -
Who Will Save the Redheads?
:+2:,//6$9(7+(5('+($'6"72:$5'6$1 $17,%8//<7+(25<2)-8',&,$/5(9,(:$1' 3527(&7,212)'(02&5$&< <DQLY5R]QDL Dedicated in memory of Israeli Supreme Court Justice Mishael Cheshin, a brilliant jurist; bold protector of democracy and judi- cial independence; and a redhead. 'HPRFUDF\LVLQFULVLVWKURXJKRXWWKHZRUOG$QGFRXUWVSOD\DNH\UROHZLWKLQ WKLVSURFHVVDVDPDLQWDUJHWRISRSXOLVWOHDGHUVDQGLQOLJKWRIWKHLUDELOLW\WRKLQGHU DGPLQLVWUDWLYHOHJDODQGFRQVWLWXWLRQDOFKDQJHV)RFXVLQJRQWKHDELOLW\RIFRXUWV WREORFNFRQVWLWXWLRQDOFKDQJHVWKLV$UWLFOHDQDO\]HVWKHPDLQWHQVLRQVVLWXDWHGDW WKHKHDUWRIGHPRFUDWLFHURVLRQSURFHVVHVDURXQGWKHZRUOGWKHFRQIOLFWEHWZHHQ VXEVWDQWLYHDQGIRUPDOQRWLRQVRIGHPRFUDF\DFRQIOLFWEHWZHHQEHOLHYHUVDQGQRQ EHOLHYHUVWKDWFRXUWVFDQVDYHGHPRFUDF\DQGWKHWHQVLRQEHWZHHQVWUDWHJLFDQG OHJDOFRQVLGHUDWLRQVFRXUWVFRQVLGHUZKHQWKH\IDFHSUHVVXUHIURPSROLWLFDOEUDQFKHV $VVRFLDWH 3URIHVVRU +DUU\ 5DG]\QHU /DZ 6FKRRO ,QWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\ &HQWHU ,'& +HU]OL\D7KLV$UWLFOHLVDUHYLVHGDQGHODERUDWHGYHUVLRQRIDSDSHUSUHVHQWHGDWWKHFRQIHUHQFH ³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD'HPRFUDFLD´KHOGLQ2YLHGRIURPWKHWKWRWKHVW RI0D\DQGSXEOLVKHGLQ6SDQLVKLQWKHERRN³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD 'HPRFUDFLD´E\WKH&HQWURGH(VWXGLRV3ROtWLFRV\&RQVWLWXFLRQDOHVDOORIZKLFKKDVEHHQSRV VLEOHWKDQNVWRWKHUHVHDUFKJUDQWRIWKH6SDQLVK0LQLVWU\RI(FRQRP\DQG&RPSHWLWLYHQHVV 0,1(&2'(53,ZLVKWRWKDQN%HQLWR$ODH]&RUUDOIRULQYLWLQJPHWRMRLQWKLV LPSRUWDQWSURMHFWRQFRQVWLWXWLRQDODPHQGPHQWVDQGWKHGHIHQVHRIGHPRFUDF\$QHDUOLHUYHUVLRQ ZDVDOVRSUHVHQWHGDWWKH&RPSDUDWLYH&RQVWLWXWLRQDO/DZ5HVHDUFK6HPLQDU &KLQHVH8QLYHUVLW\ RI+RQJ.RQJ2FWREHU &HQWHUIRU&RPSDUDWLYHDQG3XEOLF/DZ6HPLQDU -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 470 344 SO 034 268 AUTHOR Schiffman, Eitan TITLE Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel. PUB DATE 2001-08-00 NOTE 27p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (San Francisco, CA, August 30- September 2, 2001). PUB TYPE Reports Research (143) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Educational Research; Elementary Education; Foreign Countries; *Political Issues; *Political Parties; Religious Education IDENTIFIERS Empirical Research; Exploratory Studies; *Israel; Religious Fundamentalism; Research in Progress ABSTRACT This paper presents the foundation of an exploratory study about the effects of primary school education provision by the ultra-orthodox Shas party on electoral support for the party in Israel. Specifically, the research explores the question of whether and to what extent religious organizations that provide services for their clients are able to redirect the loyalties of their targeted communities away from the state and its ideology and toward the ideological goals of their organization. In addition to the discussion of prevailing theories for Shas's party success, the paper theorizes how the success of Shas can be regarded and tested as a case of political clientelism, manifested through the provision of services by the party's publicly funded education network, the Wellspring of Torah Education. Currently, the Shas school system operates schools (n=101) and kindergarten classrooms (n=484). The empirical research for this project is a work in progress. Therefore, no definitive conclusions are presented at this time, pending completion of field research in Israel. -
Israel As a Jewish State
ISRAEL AS A JEWISH STATE Daniel J.Elazar Beyond Israel's self-definition as a Jewish state, the question remains as to what extent Israel is a continuation of Jewish political history within the context of the Jewish political tradition. This article addresses that question, first by looking at the realities of Israel as a Jewish state and at the same time one compounded of Jews of varying ideologies and per suasions, plus non-Jews; the tensions between the desire on the part of many Israeli Jews for Israel to be a state like any other and the desire on the part of others for it to manifest its Jewishness in concrete ways that will make it unique. The article explores the ways in which the tradi tional domains of authority into which power is divided in the Jewish po litical tradition are manifested in the structure of Israel's political sys tem, both structurally and politically; relations between the Jewish reli gion, state and society; the Jewish dimension of Israel's political culture and policy-making, and how both are manifested through Israel's emerging constitution and the character of its democracy. Built into the founding of every polity are certain unresolved ten sions that are balanced one against another as part of that founding to make the existence of the polity possible, but which must be resolved anew in every generation. Among the central tensions built into the founding of the State of Israel are those that revolve around Israel as a Jewish state. on Formally, Israel is built themodern European model of central ized, reified statehood. -
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments - Institutional Cooperation Unit Source: Comparative Requests and Answers via European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation N° 28 - March 2020 Preventive and sanitary measures in Parliaments Following the COVID-19 outbreak and its consequences on the functioning of Parliaments, many national Parliaments followed the example of the European Parliament to adopt preventive and sanitary measures. Spotlight N0 28 focusses on sanitary preventive measures, changes in the work of the Parliament, travel and visitors, and the need for a statement and medical examination when entering premises. It is based on requests 4333 and 4350 submitted by the Polish Sejm on 26 February and 13 March 2020. In total 44 chambers replied to request 4333 and 39 chambers replied to request 4350. Due to the rapidly changing context of this crisis, the current situation may vary from the one outlined in this document. For updates, please contact the editor. General trends in national Parliaments Cancellation of events, suspension of visits and travel were the main trends in most national Parliaments. 37 Chambers mentioned the introduction of hand sanitizers and 30 Chambers mentioned some form of communication to staff via email, posters or intranet. Another general trend was the request to work from home, teleworking. In many Parliaments, a ‘skeleton staff’, only those who are essential for the core business, were required to go to work. Certain groups were allowed to stay at home, either because they were vulnerable to the virus (60+, medical history, pregnant) or because they had possibly contracted the virus (travelled to an affected area, in contact with a person who got affected, feeling unwell). -
Taxonomy of Minority Governments
Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design Volume 3 Article 1 10-17-2018 Taxonomy of Minority Governments Lisa La Fornara [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd Part of the Administrative Law Commons, American Politics Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Comparative Politics Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, International Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Legislation Commons, Public Law and Legal Theory Commons, Rule of Law Commons, and the State and Local Government Law Commons Recommended Citation La Fornara, Lisa (2018) "Taxonomy of Minority Governments," Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design: Vol. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ijcd/vol3/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Indiana Journal of Constitutional Design by an authorized editor of Digital Repository @ Maurer Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Taxonomy of Minority Governments LISA LA FORNARA INTRODUCTION A minority government in its most basic form is a government in which the party holding the most parliamentary seats still has fewer than half the seats in parliament and therefore cannot pass legislation or advance policy without support from unaffiliated parties.1 Because seats in minority parliaments are more evenly distributed amongst multiple parties, opposition parties have greater opportunity to block legislation. A minority government must therefore negotiate with external parties and adjust its policies to garner the majority of votes required to advance its initiatives.2 This paper serves as a taxonomy of minority governments in recent history and proceeds in three parts.