Voter Protection Laws in National Elections
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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Haiti: Real Progress, Real Fragility a Special Report by the Inter-American Dialogue and the Canadian Foundation for the Americas
November 2007 Haiti: Real Progress, Real Fragility A Special Report by the Inter-American Dialogue and the Canadian Foundation for the Americas Haitian President René Préval says that working with the United Nations and other his country no longer deserves its “failed international partners – including a core state” stigma, and he is right. Haiti’s recent group of Latin American countries, the progress is real and profound, but it is United States and Canada – has achieved jeopardized by continued institutional modest but discernible progress in improv- dysfunction, including the government’s ing security and establishing, at least mini- inexperience in working with Parliament. mally, a democratic governing structure. There is an urgent need to create jobs, But institutions, both public and private, attract investment, overhaul and expand are woefully weak, and there has not been Haiti access to basic social services, and achieve significant economic advancement. Unem- tangible signs of economic recovery. Now ployment remains dangerously high and a that the United Nations has extended its majority of the population lives in extreme peacekeeping mandate until October 2008, poverty. Still, Haiti should be viewed today the international community must seek with guarded optimism. There is a real pos- ways to expand the Haitian state’s capacity sibility for the country to build towards a to absorb development aid and improve the better future. welfare of the population. The alternative could be dangerous backsliding. The Good News President René Préval was inaugurated in Haiti is beginning to emerge from the May 2006 following presidential and parlia- chaos that engulfed it in recent years. -
Haiti: Fact Sheet
Received by NSD/FARA Registration Unit 07/09/2021 11:33:58 AM HAITI: FACT SHEET 2016 Election • President MoYse received 32.8% of votes in the first round of the 2015 elections held on October 25, 2015, qualifying for a runoff with the second-place finisher, Jude Celestin. • Jude Celestin subsequently raised, without evidence, allegations that the votes for President MoYse in the October poll were fraudulent. Violence was instigated by his supporters and in turn caused the cancellation of the second round. o These claims emerged despite the Organization of American States, who had "125 observers from 27 countries present from the opening of the polls up to the counting of the votes in all 10 departments of the country, visiting 487 voting centers", officially declaring that "in spite of some isolated instances, Haitian citizens with the will to vote were able to cast their ballots." o "Schools that serve as election centres and voting stations in various towns have been attacked and set on fire in recent days, and election materials in a border town were hijacked by gunmen" Haiti cancels presidential election as violence erupts. Associated Press, Jan 23, 2016 • Following the cancellation of the 2015 elections due to the violence, the former head of Haiti's Senate and National Assembly, Jocelerme Privert, was elected interim president by Parliament following a vote that took nearly 12 hours on February 14, 2016. • Fresh elections were re-run on November 20, 2016 and overseen by the Provisional Electoral Council (CEP). President MoYse won 55.6% of the popular vote and was inaugurated on February 7, 2017. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in SWEDEN 9Th September 2018
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN SWEDEN 9th September 2018 European Swedish General Elections: Elections monitor breakthrough expected by rightwing populists Corinne Deloy 7.3 million Swedes, i.e. 98,000 people more than in the previous election on 14th September 2014 are being called to ballot on 9th September to appoint the 349 members of the Riksdag, the only house of parliament, and all of their regional and local councillors. The Swedes renew all of their political representatives once every four years on the second Analysis Sunday in September. Swedes living abroad are allowed to take part in the vote and they can do so early during the 18 days preceding the election. According to the most recent polls the general election is government to push its budget through and as a result due to be unique in its genre. Indeed, three parties lead denying the Democrats of Sweden any influence over in terms of voting intentions: the Social Democratic Party parliament,” says Nicholas Aylott, a professor of political (SAP), the Moderate Party (M) and the Democrats of science at the University Södertörn. Sweden (SD). This situation will probably make it difficult to form the next government. The Populist Threat We might note that a few months after the general Sweden will not escape the breakthrough made by election in 14th September 2014 the government led by populist parties, a trend now affecting all European Stefan Löfven (SAP) was in the minority after the vote on countries, notably the Nordic States. Indeed, the populists the budget (153 votes against 182), since the Democrats participate in government in Finland (Blue Reform, after of Sweden and the right-wing opposition voted against scission from the True Finns), and in Norway (the Progress the project. -
The Swedish General Election 2014 and the Representation of Women
Research and Information Service Research Paper 1 October 2014 Michael Potter The Swedish General Election 2014 and the Representation of Women NIAR 496-14 This paper reviews the Swedish general election of September 2014 from the perspective of the representation of women in politics. Paper 93/14 01 October 2014 Research and Information Service briefings are compiled for the benefit of MLAs and their support staff. Authors are available to discuss the contents of these papers with Members and their staff but cannot advise members of the general public. We do, however, welcome written evidence that relates to our papers and this should be sent to the Research and Information Service, Northern Ireland Assembly, Room 139, Parliament Buildings, Belfast BT4 3XX or e-mailed to [email protected] NIAR 496-014 Research Paper Key Points This paper seeks to explain the relatively high proportion of female political representatives in Sweden (45% in national and 43% in local legislatures) through analysis of the general election to the Swedish parliament (Riksdag) on 14 September 2014. Some contributory factors to consider are as follows: Context – Sweden has a range of provisions to facilitate women’s participation in wider society and to promote gender equality, for example: o Equality mainstreaming in government policy, including in budgets o Relatively generous parental leave, part of which must be taken by the second parent o Public childcare provision o Legislation considered conducive to the protection and autonomy of women o Statutory -
ITA Parliamentary 2013
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 24 and 25 February 2013 OSCE/ODIHR NEEDS ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT 7-10 January 2013 Warsaw 22 January 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................... 1 III. FINDINGS .............................................................................................................................................. 3 A. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT ............................................................................................. 3 B. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................................. 3 C. ELECTORAL SYSTEM ............................................................................................................................. 4 D. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ................................................................................................................. 5 E. VOTING METHODS ................................................................................................................................ 6 F. VOTER RIGHTS AND REGISTRATION ...................................................................................................... 7 G. CANDIDATE RIGHTS AND REGISTRATION -
Tecniche Normative
tecniche normative Lara Trucco The European Elections in Italy* SUMMARY: 1. The main features of the Italian electoral system for the EU Parliament election. – 2. The electoral campaigns for the EP election. – 3. From Europe towards the Italian results. – 4. The regional effects of the results of the EU elections. – 5. The crises of the “Yellow-Green” Government. 1. The main features of the Italian electoral system for the EU Parliament election In Italy, the elections of the members of the European Parliament were held on the 26th May 2019. Firstly, the decision of the European Council no. 937 of 2018 should be considered. According to this, 76 seats of the EP were allocated to Italy starting from the 2019 legislature (as we know, the MEPs are 751). However, as specified by the Court of Cassation on the 21st May 2019, of these 76 European parliamentarians assigned to Italy, only 73 will take over immediately, while the remaining 3 seats will be given only after the UK has effectively left the EU. This means that if the UK does not leave the EU, Italy will have 73 seats for the entire Legislature. We voted with the electoral system established by law no. 18 of 1979 (law about the “Election of the Italian members of the European Parliament”). The right to vote is exercised by citizens at least 18 years old, while for candidates, the minimum age is 25 years. Let’s look in more detail: 1) The electoral districts The Italian national territory is divided into 5 plurinominal districts, in which the seats are allocated in proportion to the population. -
Who Will Save the Redheads?
:+2:,//6$9(7+(5('+($'6"72:$5'6$1 $17,%8//<7+(25<2)-8',&,$/5(9,(:$1' 3527(&7,212)'(02&5$&< <DQLY5R]QDL Dedicated in memory of Israeli Supreme Court Justice Mishael Cheshin, a brilliant jurist; bold protector of democracy and judi- cial independence; and a redhead. 'HPRFUDF\LVLQFULVLVWKURXJKRXWWKHZRUOG$QGFRXUWVSOD\DNH\UROHZLWKLQ WKLVSURFHVVDVDPDLQWDUJHWRISRSXOLVWOHDGHUVDQGLQOLJKWRIWKHLUDELOLW\WRKLQGHU DGPLQLVWUDWLYHOHJDODQGFRQVWLWXWLRQDOFKDQJHV)RFXVLQJRQWKHDELOLW\RIFRXUWV WREORFNFRQVWLWXWLRQDOFKDQJHVWKLV$UWLFOHDQDO\]HVWKHPDLQWHQVLRQVVLWXDWHGDW WKHKHDUWRIGHPRFUDWLFHURVLRQSURFHVVHVDURXQGWKHZRUOGWKHFRQIOLFWEHWZHHQ VXEVWDQWLYHDQGIRUPDOQRWLRQVRIGHPRFUDF\DFRQIOLFWEHWZHHQEHOLHYHUVDQGQRQ EHOLHYHUVWKDWFRXUWVFDQVDYHGHPRFUDF\DQGWKHWHQVLRQEHWZHHQVWUDWHJLFDQG OHJDOFRQVLGHUDWLRQVFRXUWVFRQVLGHUZKHQWKH\IDFHSUHVVXUHIURPSROLWLFDOEUDQFKHV $VVRFLDWH 3URIHVVRU +DUU\ 5DG]\QHU /DZ 6FKRRO ,QWHUGLVFLSOLQDU\ &HQWHU ,'& +HU]OL\D7KLV$UWLFOHLVDUHYLVHGDQGHODERUDWHGYHUVLRQRIDSDSHUSUHVHQWHGDWWKHFRQIHUHQFH ³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD'HPRFUDFLD´KHOGLQ2YLHGRIURPWKHWKWRWKHVW RI0D\DQGSXEOLVKHGLQ6SDQLVKLQWKHERRN³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD 'HPRFUDFLD´E\WKH&HQWURGH(VWXGLRV3ROtWLFRV\&RQVWLWXFLRQDOHVDOORIZKLFKKDVEHHQSRV VLEOHWKDQNVWRWKHUHVHDUFKJUDQWRIWKH6SDQLVK0LQLVWU\RI(FRQRP\DQG&RPSHWLWLYHQHVV 0,1(&2'(53,ZLVKWRWKDQN%HQLWR$ODH]&RUUDOIRULQYLWLQJPHWRMRLQWKLV LPSRUWDQWSURMHFWRQFRQVWLWXWLRQDODPHQGPHQWVDQGWKHGHIHQVHRIGHPRFUDF\$QHDUOLHUYHUVLRQ ZDVDOVRSUHVHQWHGDWWKH&RPSDUDWLYH&RQVWLWXWLRQDO/DZ5HVHDUFK6HPLQDU &KLQHVH8QLYHUVLW\ RI+RQJ.RQJ2FWREHU &HQWHUIRU&RPSDUDWLYHDQG3XEOLF/DZ6HPLQDU -
English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 4 March 2018 ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report Warsaw 6 June 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................... 3 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................. 4 V. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .............................................................................................................. 5 VI. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .............................................................................................. 6 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION .......................................................................................................... 8 VIII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ................................................................................................ 9 IX. ELECTION CAMPAIGN .......................................................................................................... 11 X. CAMPAIGN FINANCE............................................................................................................. 12 XI. MEDIA ....................................................................................................................................... -
Right-Wing Extremism in Europe I Ii Right-Wing Extremism in Europe Right-Wing Extremism
Ralf Melzer, Sebastian Serafin (Eds.) RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE Country Analyses, Counter-Strategies and Labor-Market Oriented Exit Strategies COUNTRY ANALYSES SWEDEN FES GEGEN RECHTS EXTREMISMUS Forum Berlin RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE I II RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN EUROPE Country Analyses, Counter-Strategies and Labor-Market Oriented Exit Strategies COUNTRY ANALYSES SWEDEN n Ralf Melzer, Sebastian Serafi (Eds.) ISBN: 978-3-86498-940-7 Friedrich-Ebert-StiftungEdited for: by Ralf Melzer(Friedrich and SebastianEbert Foundation) Serafin “Project on Combatting Right-Wing Extremism” Forum Berlin/Politischer Dialog Hiroshimastraße 17, 10785 Berlin Sandra Hinchman, Lewis Hinchman Proofreading: zappmedia GmbH,Translations: Berlin Pellens Kommunikationsdesigndpa PictureGmbH, Alliance BonnPhotos: Design: Projekt „GegenCopyright Rechtsextremismus“, 2014 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung, Forum Berlin RIGHT-WINGThe spelling, grammar, and other linguistic conventions in this publication reflect The judgments and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author. They do not necessarily represent the views of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation or of the editors. This publication was compiled as part of a project entitled “Confronting right-wing extremism Editors’ notes: by developing networks of exit-oriented assistance.” That project, in turn, is integral to the American English usage. XENOS special program known as “exit to enter” which has received grants from both the EXTREMISMGerman Federal Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs and the European Social Fund. IN CountryEUROPE analyses, Counter-strategies and labour-market oriented Exit-strategies RECHTSEXTREMISMUS IN EUROPA IN RECHTSEXTREMISMUS ISBN: 978 - 3 - 86498 - 522 - 5 S FE GEGEN S RECHT S Forum Berlin MISMU EXTRE Inhalt 1. Introduction .............................................................................................. -
Israel As a Jewish State
ISRAEL AS A JEWISH STATE Daniel J.Elazar Beyond Israel's self-definition as a Jewish state, the question remains as to what extent Israel is a continuation of Jewish political history within the context of the Jewish political tradition. This article addresses that question, first by looking at the realities of Israel as a Jewish state and at the same time one compounded of Jews of varying ideologies and per suasions, plus non-Jews; the tensions between the desire on the part of many Israeli Jews for Israel to be a state like any other and the desire on the part of others for it to manifest its Jewishness in concrete ways that will make it unique. The article explores the ways in which the tradi tional domains of authority into which power is divided in the Jewish po litical tradition are manifested in the structure of Israel's political sys tem, both structurally and politically; relations between the Jewish reli gion, state and society; the Jewish dimension of Israel's political culture and policy-making, and how both are manifested through Israel's emerging constitution and the character of its democracy. Built into the founding of every polity are certain unresolved ten sions that are balanced one against another as part of that founding to make the existence of the polity possible, but which must be resolved anew in every generation. Among the central tensions built into the founding of the State of Israel are those that revolve around Israel as a Jewish state. on Formally, Israel is built themodern European model of central ized, reified statehood. -
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments - Institutional Cooperation Unit Source: Comparative Requests and Answers via European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation N° 28 - March 2020 Preventive and sanitary measures in Parliaments Following the COVID-19 outbreak and its consequences on the functioning of Parliaments, many national Parliaments followed the example of the European Parliament to adopt preventive and sanitary measures. Spotlight N0 28 focusses on sanitary preventive measures, changes in the work of the Parliament, travel and visitors, and the need for a statement and medical examination when entering premises. It is based on requests 4333 and 4350 submitted by the Polish Sejm on 26 February and 13 March 2020. In total 44 chambers replied to request 4333 and 39 chambers replied to request 4350. Due to the rapidly changing context of this crisis, the current situation may vary from the one outlined in this document. For updates, please contact the editor. General trends in national Parliaments Cancellation of events, suspension of visits and travel were the main trends in most national Parliaments. 37 Chambers mentioned the introduction of hand sanitizers and 30 Chambers mentioned some form of communication to staff via email, posters or intranet. Another general trend was the request to work from home, teleworking. In many Parliaments, a ‘skeleton staff’, only those who are essential for the core business, were required to go to work. Certain groups were allowed to stay at home, either because they were vulnerable to the virus (60+, medical history, pregnant) or because they had possibly contracted the virus (travelled to an affected area, in contact with a person who got affected, feeling unwell).