Israel As a Jewish State
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Privatizing Religion: the Transformation of Israel's
Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious- Zionist community BY Yair ETTINGER The Brookings Institution is a nonprofit organization devoted to independent research and policy solutions. Its mission is to conduct high-quality, independent research and, based on that research, to provide innovative, practical recommendations for policymakers and the public. The conclusions and recommendations of any Brookings publication are solely those of its author(s), and do not reflect the views of the Institution, its management, or its other scholars. This paper is part of a series on Imagining Israel’s Future, made possible by support from the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund. The views expressed in this report are those of its author and do not represent the views of the Morningstar Philanthropic Fund, their officers, or employees. Copyright © 2017 Brookings Institution 1775 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, D.C. 20036 U.S.A. www.brookings.edu Table of Contents 1 The Author 2 Acknowlegements 3 Introduction 4 The Religious Zionist tribe 5 Bennett, the Jewish Home, and religious privatization 7 New disputes 10 Implications 12 Conclusion: The Bennett era 14 The Center for Middle East Policy 1 | Privatizing religion: The transformation of Israel’s Religious-Zionist community The Author air Ettinger has served as a journalist with Haaretz since 1997. His work primarily fo- cuses on the internal dynamics and process- Yes within Haredi communities. Previously, he cov- ered issues relating to Palestinian citizens of Israel and was a foreign affairs correspondent in Paris. Et- tinger studied Middle Eastern affairs at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and is currently writing a book on Jewish Modern Orthodoxy. -
Religious Compromise in Israeli Schools Since 1953. PUB DATE 89 0 NOTE 6P
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 308 :34 SU 020 127 AUTHOR Parker, Franklin TITLE Religious Compromise in Israeli Schools since 1953. PUB DATE 89 0 NOTE 6p. PUB TYPE Reports - Research/Technical (143) -- Historical Materials (060) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Educational Change; *Educational Legislation; Educational Policy; Elementary Secondary Education; Foreign Countries; *Jews; *Religion; Religious Differences; Religious Education; *Religious Factors IDENTIFIERS Educational Ideologies; Educational Issues; *Israel; Israeli Arabs; Israelis; Jewish Studies ABSTRACT Jewish schools, before statehood in 1948, were run by political parties. The "General Stream" (1913), formed by the General Zionist and Revisionist parties, agreed to have secular subjects taught in European-like schools, and to forego formal religious instruction. The "Religious Stream" (1920), formed by Zionist religious parties,' focused on religious and Zionist emphases in its schools. The "Labor Stream" (1926) arose mainly among rural and urban workers, and was imbued with child- centered educational ideals. These three school systems were joined by a fourth group, the "Ultra-Orthodox Agudat Israel Stream" (1948), led by the most religiously demanding group of zealots. A religious and political compromise in 1953, which placed all schools under a Ministry of Education and Culture, is the basis for the five kinds of schools currently operating. State Secular schools enroll 65% of Jewish youths and are considered to be religiously neutral. State Religious schools enroll 25% of Jewish youths, teach the "Bible" as the Word of God, and emphasize the religious nature of holy days. Ultra-Orthodox schools enroll 6.5% of Jewish youths, are extremely religious, require "Bible" study, and are governed by religion in all aspects of life. -
Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel?
Journal of Military and Strategic VOLUME 20, ISSUE 3 Studies Opinion New Government, New President, New Israel? Melanie Carina Schmoll, PhD Israel in summer 2021 – the end of the pandemic seems to be near. Israel opens up, almost all mask requirements are cancelled, international travel groups are welcome and even the individual guests are allowed to travel to the Holy Land with almost no restrictions. It seems Israel is back in pre-pandemic times. But it is not the same country anymore. Some fundamental changes have happened over the last few weeks. When, in March 2021, the Israelis had to vote again for the Israeli Parliament, the Knesset, it was for the fourth time within two and a half years. The outcome was almost the same as the three times before. Benjamin Nethanyahu, Israel´s long-time prime minister, won most of the seats with his Likud party. As the State of Israel is a parlamentary democracy the executive branch or the government draws its authority from the Parliament (the legislative branch) and needs its confidence. Therefore, the prime minister is not decided directly by the voters but depends instead on a process of bargaining among the various fractions elected to parliament. In Israel, no single party holds most of the seats in Parliament and thus the process of forming a government is long and complicated.1 Israel also has an extreme proportional system of government, 1 For more information see Melanie Carina Schmoll, “Israel and the permanent siege: The people have spoken - who will find an answer to the needs of the voters?” Journal of Military and Strategic Studies 20, 1 (2019). -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath. -
General 'Zionist Gain, Mapoi Strength Maik Vote
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The Evolution of the Israeli Party System Gyula Gazdik
The evolution of the Israeli party system Gyula Gazdik he Israelis pride themselves in being the only democracy in the Middle East. At first sight this claim seems to be the case. It is true to say that while the region's TIslamic countries made numerous attempts during the past decades to reform their institutional system - by contrast to the Jewish state - they made little progress with respect to the liberalisation of society and executive control. However, such comparison can only be ostensible, since the exercise of power is largely influenced by the historical and cultural diversity of the countries under scrutiny. The situation of the Palestinian population of Israel is the primary target of various critiques with respect to Israeli democracy.1 Israel - with a population of six million - is a multiethnic, multi-religious and multicultural country.2 Eighty per cent of the population is Jewish and - besides the 17 per cent-strong Arab community - there are also Druses, Circassians and other minorities. The coexistence of three regional monotheistic religions makes the country unique. While one half of the Jewish population was in Israel, the other half comprises immigrants from 70 countries. As a consequence of the wave of large-scale immigration from the successor states of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s, approximately 800,000 people arrived in the country. This enduring multicultural environment had an intrinsic effect on national integration. Whereas this persistent hostile environment, which has endured since the creation of the state in 1948, coupled with the feeling of insecurity following the Arab- Israeli conflict reinforced this process, the continuing division between the various Jewish communities retarded integration. -
The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically. -
Who Will Save the Redheads?
:+2:,//6$9(7+(5('+($'6"72:$5'6$1 $17,%8//<7+(25<2)-8',&,$/5(9,(:$1' 3527(&7,212)'(02&5$&< <DQLY5R]QDL Dedicated in memory of Israeli Supreme Court Justice Mishael Cheshin, a brilliant jurist; bold protector of democracy and judi- cial independence; and a redhead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³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD'HPRFUDFLD´KHOGLQ2YLHGRIURPWKHWKWRWKHVW RI0D\DQGSXEOLVKHGLQ6SDQLVKLQWKHERRN³5HIRUPD&RQVWLWXFLRQDO\'HIHQVDGHOD 'HPRFUDFLD´E\WKH&HQWURGH(VWXGLRV3ROtWLFRV\&RQVWLWXFLRQDOHVDOORIZKLFKKDVEHHQSRV VLEOHWKDQNVWRWKHUHVHDUFKJUDQWRIWKH6SDQLVK0LQLVWU\RI(FRQRP\DQG&RPSHWLWLYHQHVV 0,1(&2'(53,ZLVKWRWKDQN%HQLWR$ODH]&RUUDOIRULQYLWLQJPHWRMRLQWKLV LPSRUWDQWSURMHFWRQFRQVWLWXWLRQDODPHQGPHQWVDQGWKHGHIHQVHRIGHPRFUDF\$QHDUOLHUYHUVLRQ ZDVDOVRSUHVHQWHGDWWKH&RPSDUDWLYH&RQVWLWXWLRQDO/DZ5HVHDUFK6HPLQDU &KLQHVH8QLYHUVLW\ RI+RQJ.RQJ2FWREHU &HQWHUIRU&RPSDUDWLYHDQG3XEOLF/DZ6HPLQDU -
Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv. -
L1teracy As the Creation of Personal Meaning in the Lives of a Select Group of Hassidic Women in Quebec
WOMEN OF VALOUR: L1TERACY AS THE CREATION OF PERSONAL MEANING IN THE LIVES OF A SELECT GROUP OF HASSIDIC WOMEN IN QUEBEC by Sharyn Weinstein Sepinwall The Department of Integrated Studies in Education A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research , in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Education Faculty of Education McGiII University National Library Bibliothèque nationale 1+1 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A ON4 Ottawa ON K1A ON4 canada Canada Our fie Notre réIérfInœ The author bas granted a non L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library ofCanada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies ofthis thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur fonnat électronique. The author retains ownership ofthe L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts from it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son pemnsslOn. autorisation. 0-612-78770-2 Canada Women of Valour: Literacy as the Creation of Personal Meaning in the Lives of a Select Group of Hassidic Women in Quebec Sharyn Weinstein Sepinwall 11 Acknowledgments One of my colleagues at McGiII in the Faculty of Management was fond of saying "writing a dissertation should change your life." Her own dissertation had been reviewed in the Wall Street Journal and its subsequent acclaim had indeed, 1surmised, changed her life. -
Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel
DOCUMENT RESUME ED 470 344 SO 034 268 AUTHOR Schiffman, Eitan TITLE Schools and Votes: Primary Education Provision and Electoral Support for the Shas Party in Israel. PUB DATE 2001-08-00 NOTE 27p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association (San Francisco, CA, August 30- September 2, 2001). PUB TYPE Reports Research (143) Speeches/Meeting Papers (150) EDRS PRICE EDRS Price MF01/PCO2 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Educational Research; Elementary Education; Foreign Countries; *Political Issues; *Political Parties; Religious Education IDENTIFIERS Empirical Research; Exploratory Studies; *Israel; Religious Fundamentalism; Research in Progress ABSTRACT This paper presents the foundation of an exploratory study about the effects of primary school education provision by the ultra-orthodox Shas party on electoral support for the party in Israel. Specifically, the research explores the question of whether and to what extent religious organizations that provide services for their clients are able to redirect the loyalties of their targeted communities away from the state and its ideology and toward the ideological goals of their organization. In addition to the discussion of prevailing theories for Shas's party success, the paper theorizes how the success of Shas can be regarded and tested as a case of political clientelism, manifested through the provision of services by the party's publicly funded education network, the Wellspring of Torah Education. Currently, the Shas school system operates schools (n=101) and kindergarten classrooms (n=484). The empirical research for this project is a work in progress. Therefore, no definitive conclusions are presented at this time, pending completion of field research in Israel. -
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe
Spotlight on Parliaments in Europe Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments - Institutional Cooperation Unit Source: Comparative Requests and Answers via European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation N° 28 - March 2020 Preventive and sanitary measures in Parliaments Following the COVID-19 outbreak and its consequences on the functioning of Parliaments, many national Parliaments followed the example of the European Parliament to adopt preventive and sanitary measures. Spotlight N0 28 focusses on sanitary preventive measures, changes in the work of the Parliament, travel and visitors, and the need for a statement and medical examination when entering premises. It is based on requests 4333 and 4350 submitted by the Polish Sejm on 26 February and 13 March 2020. In total 44 chambers replied to request 4333 and 39 chambers replied to request 4350. Due to the rapidly changing context of this crisis, the current situation may vary from the one outlined in this document. For updates, please contact the editor. General trends in national Parliaments Cancellation of events, suspension of visits and travel were the main trends in most national Parliaments. 37 Chambers mentioned the introduction of hand sanitizers and 30 Chambers mentioned some form of communication to staff via email, posters or intranet. Another general trend was the request to work from home, teleworking. In many Parliaments, a ‘skeleton staff’, only those who are essential for the core business, were required to go to work. Certain groups were allowed to stay at home, either because they were vulnerable to the virus (60+, medical history, pregnant) or because they had possibly contracted the virus (travelled to an affected area, in contact with a person who got affected, feeling unwell).