Saur Revolution in Afghanistan - [April 27, 1978]: Notes for UPSC
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Revolution in Afghanistan
Fred Halliday Revolution in Afghanistan On 27 April 1978 the world heard that there had been a successful military coup in Afghanistan. The régime headed by Mohammad Daud, which had itself come to power through a coup in July 1973, had been suddenly overthrown by tanks and jet planes that struck in the Afghan capital, Kabul. At first it seemed as if this was yet another military intervention which, although violent and abrupt, involved no major shift in the policies, social character or international alignment of those in power: a change comparable to Daud’s own coup, or to others in neighbouring Pakistan, Bangladesh, and the Arab world. Yet within days it became clear that the announcements of radical change coming over Radio Kabul were more than just the ritual demagogy of military coups: something rather more substantial had occurred. In the first place, the coup, although carried out by the military, reflected much wider political forces. It had been preceded by mass popular demonstrations in Kabul, and as thousands of people flocked to inspect Daud’s conquered palace, 3 now renamed the House of the People, it became evident that it had ousted a hated régime and at least temporarily embodied the hopes of a wide section of the population. At the same time it became clear that the coup was not just the product of a conspiracy within the military, but had been carried out on the instructions of an underground Marxist political organization whose membership was overwhelmingly civilian. This at once distinguished the new rulers from other radical military régimes in the Arab world, South Asia or Ethiopia. -
Les Nouvelles D'afghanistan
Trente-troisième année N°139 Décembre 2012 (4ème trimestre) 6 Euros Les Nouvelles d’AFGHANISTAN spécial ISSN 0249-0072 ISSN Afghanistan-Pakistan Editorial Les Nouvelles d’Afghanistan SOMMAIRE N°139 Afghanistan et Pakistan deux destins indissociables d’une histoire commune Dépasser les malentendus par Pierre LAFRANCE 3 Pourquoi tant d’acharnement ? par Zia FARHANG 12 On sait qu’une des clefs du problème afghan se trouve au Pakistan. Nous Les ambitions du Pakistan en Afghanistan avons donc décidé d’ouvrir dans ce numéro le dossier des relations entre le par Homayoun Chah ASSEFY 15 Pakistan et l’Afghanistan. Dossier bien délicat. Pierre Lafrance montre dans son étude approfondie de la préhistoire de ces relations, combien les siècles La Ligne Durand par Léa MÉRILLON 18 ont fait bouger les peuples et les dynasties, au point que Pakistan et Afghanis- tan sont héritiers d’une histoire commune, tout en se disputant une partie de Survol des relations économiques cet héritage. Ah qu’il est difficile d’être frères sur des terres si voisines ! afghano-pakistanaises Notre dossier n’épuise pas le sujet. Bien d’autres aspects auraient pu être par Daood MOOSA 20 étudiés : par exemple les relations entre tribus pachtouns des deux côtés de la Les relations indo-pakistanaises frontière. Certes, la ligne Durand est le fait d’un arbitraire colonial. Mais il serait et l’Afghanistan intéressant d’étudier s’il y a des différences entre les Pachtouns d’Afghanistan par Olivier BLAREL 23 et ceux qu’on appelle Pathans côté pakistanais. Nous pourrons compléter ce dossier dans nos numéros à venir. -
The Cooperation Between China and Afghanistan Under the “Belt and Road Initiative”
International Relations and Diplomacy, June 2018, Vol. 6, No. 6, 359-368 doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2018.06.005 DDAVID PUBLISHING The Cooperation Between China and Afghanistan Under the “Belt and Road Initiative” YAN Wei Northwest University, Shaanxi, China Afghanistan is a neighboring country to China. The Afghanistan issue has had an important impact on China’s national security. Since the establishment of the new Afghan government in 2001, China has been committed to promoting Afghanistan’s economic, social, and security reconstruction, and has invested heavily resources in Afghanistan’s reconstruction. The main cause of the Afghan problem is that the Afghan government lacked enough resources and can only rely on the foreign powers’ aids. Afghanistan eventually loses its independence, and triggers interference in big powers. At present, Afghanistan still has not escaped this predicament. Near 50% of the Afghan government’s revenue comes from foreign aids. In 2013, the “Belt and Road Initiative” proposed by China provided opportunity for the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Afghanistan, as the crossroads of the land Silk Road and the heart of Asia, has become more prominent in its geopolitical status for “Belt and Road Initiative”. By participating “Belt and Road Initiative”, Afghanistan can help to activate its own economic vitality and promote the cross-border trade. It has changed the situation that Afghanistan is highly dependent on external aids. This helps to solve the problems of reconstruction in Afghanistan. Keywords: China, Afghanistan, Belt and Road Initiative The Rise of Afghan Problem: From the Cross of Silk Road to Buffer State From a geographic perspective, Afghanistan is a crossroads of Asia (Carter, 1989) and the hub of the ancient Silk Road. -
The Blind Leading the Blind
WORKING PAPER #60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky, January 2010 COLD War INTernaTionaL HISTorY ProjecT Working Paper No. 60 The Blind Leading the Blind: Soviet Advisors, Counter-Insurgency and Nation-Building in Afghanistan By Artemy Kalinovsky THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Mircea Munteanu Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources on “the other side” of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. The project supports the full and prompt release of historical materials by governments on all sides of the Cold War, and seeks to accelerate the process of integrating new sources, materials and perspectives from the former “Communist bloc” with the historiography of the Cold War which has been written over the past few decades largely by Western scholars reliant on Western archival sources. It also seeks to transcend barriers of language, geography, and regional specialization to create new links among scholars interested in Cold War history. Among the activities undertaken by the project to promote this aim are a periodic BULLETIN to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for young historians from the former Communist bloc to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars; and publications. -
The Kgb in Afghanistan
THE KGB IN AFGHANISTAN RALPH PICKARD Figure 1: A display case of a KGB officer’s grouping showing his known Soviet and Afghanistan medals and award booklets earned during his service in the KGB. There has been much written over the years about the intent of stabilizing the Afghan government from the history of the Soviet forces occupation of Afghanistan deterioration that was occurring throughout the region and during the Cold War. However, less has been written especially the souring relationship with the government from the collecting community perspective about the prior to December 1979. The Soviet forces’ intent was Afghanistan medals and award booklets that were earned to seize all important Afghan government facilities and by Soviet personnel during that same time period. The other important areas.1 Within days after the Soviet forces intent of this article is to shed a little light on a few of invasion into Afghanistan and occupation of the capital the Afghanistan medals that were awarded during the of Kabul, the Afghanistan President was assassinated Cold War through a unique group that belonged to a and replaced with the more pro-Soviet government of KGB officer (Figure 1). This grouping provides strong President, Babrak Karmal, who had promised his loyalty indications that this officer served multiple tours and earlier to the Soviet government. 2,3,4 continued to operate in Afghanistan even after February 1989. However, prior to illustrating more about the group Prior to the invasion of Afghanistan by the Soviets the in this article, a brief overview of the Soviet invasion and two governments had an ongoing relationship dating back available history of the KGB in Afghanistan during the to the early 1920s with Soviet advisors and technicians Cold War will be presented. -
"Jamiat Islam" Of
VOL. XVIII, NO. 102 TUESDAY, JULY 22, 1980 SARATAN 31, 1353 A.II ) Price Afs. 6 Holy Koran Glwr compatriots fight Kabul religious scholars Congratulatory I.; recitation , telegram sent Revolution back j Soviet Union ' enemies of from in Arg KABUL, July 22, (Bak- CIIEGIICIIARAN, July21, (Bakhtar).-"T- he DRAGovernment after the ' KABUL, July 22, (Bakhtar)- .- The delegation htar). A congratulatory victory of the December 27, 1979 uprising fulfillswhatever it has promised of religious scholars, clergymen and elders from telegram has been sent Mosque ends in the light of the new phase of Saur Revolution.We defend our revolution- Kabul returned home yesterday after a friendly on behalf of Babrak Kar-ma- l, ary government like a tower of strength and sendthe enemies of Saur Rev visit to the Soviet Republics of Tajikistan and Uzb- General Secretary of KABUL, July 22, (Bak-htar- ). olution to history's dust bin". ekistan and visiting sacredplaces and mosques and the PDPA CC, President Recitation of the -- above was stated propaganda by the enem part in the struggle agai- holding talks with a number of local scholars and of RC and DRA Prime holy Koran starting in the The by a few villagers living ies of the glorious Saur nst the recognized enem-Me- s clergymen. , Minister to Warsaw to Ed- Arg: Mosque by Qari Mo- near the centre of Ghor Revolution that "a number of Saur Revolution". , ward Gierek, First Secre- hammad Omar last Mon- oppressors parasit- Mullah Nek Mohamm- Deputy secretary to the banned but facilitated. Our tary of the Central Comt - province in an interview of and day evening- ended last en- with a Bakhtar reporter. -
Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2
The Polish Journal of the Arts and Culture. New Series 5 (1/2017): 67–87 [article] DOI: 10.4467/24506249PJ.17.004.6811 Visual Propaganda in the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan – Part 2. Leading Role of the Party Mateusz M. Kłagisz Abstract In this article, a single poster of the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afgh- anistan is discussed. The starting point for the project is the statement that persuasion is more effective than compulsion and the fact that the Afghan communists did not find any formula to start an effective dia- logue with their society. The primary question for the article is: what kind of communication, and what sort of themes and motifs played a significant role in conveying revolutionary ideology aimed at a society where a majority, with political potential, could not read or write? Keywords: Party, masses, leading role, unity, cooperation Dr. Mateusz M. Kłagisz is an assistant professor at the Depart- ment of Iranian Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków. His main area of research on Afghanistan includes the question of modern- isation and regression in twentieth-century Afghanistan, especially in the communist period (1978–1992). e-mail: [email protected] Kłagisz, Visual Propaganda… 68 Our party is our school / And our laughter / We are its guard / We follow its path / (…) / We are scouts / And we are equal / If you fight with the enemy / You are the scoutsʼ friend1 The article, as a continuation of a text published in20152, is part of a re- search project on the propaganda employed by the would-be Leninist gov- ernment represented by the Peopleʼs Democratic Party of Afghanistan (here- after: PDPA)3. -
Revolutionary Afghanistan Is No Exception
CONTENTS PREFACE 1. In Search of Hafizullah Amin 6 2. Three Revolutionaries 12 3. A House Divided: the PDPA, 1965-1973 25 4. The Making of a Revolution: the PDPA, 1973-1978 39 5. The Inheritance: Afghanistan, 1978 53 6. Strategy for Reform 88 7. The Eid Conspiracy 106 8. A Treaty and a Murder: Closing the American Option 120 9. The Question of Leadership 133 10. The Summer of Discontent 147 11. The End Game 166 12. ‘. And the People Remain’ 186 Select Bibliography 190 PREFACE PREFACE The idea for this book arose from a visit to Kabul in March 1979 when it became immediately obvious that what was happening in Afghanistan bore little relation to reports appearing in the Western media. Further research subsequently reinforced that impression. Much of the material on which the book is based was collected in the course of my 1979 field trip which took me to India, Pakistan and the United Kingdom as well as Afghanistan and during a follow-up trip to India and Pakistan from December 1980 to January 1981. Unfortunately by then times had changed and on this second occasion the Afghan government refused me a visa. Texts of speeches and statements by Afghan leaders and other Afghan government documents have for the most part been taken from the Kabul Times, since these are in effect the official version. I have however taken the liberty where necessary of adjusting the syntax of the Afghan translator. The problem of transliteration is inescapable, and at the risk of offending the purists I have chosen what appears to be the simplest spelling of Afghan names and have tried to be consistent. -
Afghan Women at the Crossroads: Agents of Peace—Or Its Victims?
AFGHAN WOMEN AT THE CROSSROADS: AGENTS OF PEACE—OR ITS VICTIMS? ORZALA ASHRAF NEMAT A CENTURY FOUNDATION REPORT The Century Foundation Headquarters: 41 East 70th Street, New York, New York 10021 D 212.535.4441 D.C.: 1333 H Street, N.W., 10th floor, Washington, D.C. 20005 D 202.387.0400 THE CENTURY FOUNDATION PROJECT ON AFGHANISTAN IN ITS REGIONAL AND MULTILATERAL DIMENSIONS This paper is one of a series commissioned by The Century Foundation as part of its project on Afghanistan in its regional and multilateral dimensions. This initiative is examining ways in which the international community may take greater collective responsibility for effectively assisting Afghanistan’s transition from a war-ridden failed state to a fragile but reasonably peaceful one. The program adds an internationalist and multilateral lens to the policy debate on Afghanistan both in the United States and globally, engaging the representatives of governments, international nongovernmental organizations, and the United Nations in the exploration of policy options toward Afghanistan and the other states in the region. At the center of the project is a task force of American and international figures who have had significant governmental, nongovernmental, or UN experience in the region, co-chaired by Lakhdar Brahimi and Thomas Pickering, respectively former UN special representative for Afghanistan and former U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs. The views expressed in this paper are those of the authors. Nothing written here is to be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of The Century Foundation or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress. -
Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author
1 Human Security Centre – Written evidence (AFG0019) Produced by the Human Security Centre Lead Author: Simon Schofield, Senior Fellow, In consultation with Rohullah Yakobi, Associate Fellow 2 1 Table of Contents 2. Executive Summary .............................................................................5 3. What is the Human Security Centre?.....................................................10 4. Geopolitics and National Interests and Agendas......................................11 Islamic Republic of Pakistan ...................................................................11 Historical Context...............................................................................11 Pakistan’s Strategy.............................................................................12 Support for the Taliban .......................................................................13 Afghanistan as a terrorist training camp ................................................16 Role of military aid .............................................................................17 Economic interests .............................................................................19 Conclusion – Pakistan .........................................................................19 Islamic Republic of Iran .........................................................................20 Historical context ...............................................................................20 Iranian Strategy ................................................................................23 -
Pakistan Courting the Abyss by Tilak Devasher
PAKISTAN Courting the Abyss TILAK DEVASHER To the memory of my mother Late Smt Kantaa Devasher, my father Late Air Vice Marshal C.G. Devasher PVSM, AVSM, and my brother Late Shri Vijay (‘Duke’) Devasher, IAS ‘Press on… Regardless’ Contents Preface Introduction I The Foundations 1 The Pakistan Movement 2 The Legacy II The Building Blocks 3 A Question of Identity and Ideology 4 The Provincial Dilemma III The Framework 5 The Army Has a Nation 6 Civil–Military Relations IV The Superstructure 7 Islamization and Growth of Sectarianism 8 Madrasas 9 Terrorism V The WEEP Analysis 10 Water: Running Dry 11 Education: An Emergency 12 Economy: Structural Weaknesses 13 Population: Reaping the Dividend VI Windows to the World 14 India: The Quest for Parity 15 Afghanistan: The Quest for Domination 16 China: The Quest for Succour 17 The United States: The Quest for Dependence VII Looking Inwards 18 Looking Inwards Conclusion Notes Index About the Book About the Author Copyright Preface Y fascination with Pakistan is not because I belong to a Partition family (though my wife’s family Mdoes); it is not even because of being a Punjabi. My interest in Pakistan was first aroused when, as a child, I used to hear stories from my late father, an air force officer, about two Pakistan air force officers. In undivided India they had been his flight commanders in the Royal Indian Air Force. They and my father had fought in World War II together, flying Hurricanes and Spitfires over Burma and also after the war. Both these officers later went on to head the Pakistan Air Force. -
The Road to Afghanistan
Introduction Hundreds of books—memoirs, histories, fiction, poetry, chronicles of military units, and journalistic essays—have been written about the Soviet war in Afghanistan. If the topic has not yet been entirely exhausted, it certainly has been very well documented. But what led up to the invasion? How was the decision to bring troops into Afghanistan made? What was the basis for the decision? Who opposed the intervention and who had the final word? And what kind of mystical country is this that lures, with an almost maniacal insistence, the most powerful world states into its snares? In the nineteenth and early twentieth century it was the British, in the 1980s it was the Soviet Union, and now America and its allies continue the legacy. Impoverished and incredibly backward Afghanistan, strange as it may seem, is not just a normal country. Due to its strategically important location in the center of Asia, the mountainous country has long been in the sights of more than its immediate neighbors. But woe to anyone who arrives there with weapon in hand, hoping for an easy gain—the barefoot and illiterate Afghans consistently bury the hopes of the strange foreign soldiers who arrive along with battalions of tanks and strategic bombers. To understand Afghanistan is to see into your own future. To comprehend what happened there, what happens there continually, is to avoid great tragedy. One of the critical moments in the modern history of Afghanistan is the period from April 27, 1978, when the “April Revolution” took place in Kabul and the leftist People’s Democratic Party seized control of the country, until December 27, 1979, when Soviet special forces, obeying their “international duty,” eliminated the ruling leader and installed 1 another leader of the same party in his place.