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On the Good Faith
On the Good Faith Zoroastrianism is ascribed to the teachings of the legendary prophet Zarathustra and originated in ancient times. It was developed within the area populated by the Iranian peoples, and following the Arab conquest, it formed into a diaspora. In modern Russia it has evolved since the end of the Soviet era. It has become an attractive object of cultural produc- tion due to its association with Oriental philosophies and religions and its rearticulation since the modern era in Europe. The lasting appeal of Zoroastrianism evidenced by centuries of book pub- lishing in Russia was enlivened in the 1990s. A new, religious, and even occult dimension was introduced with the appearance of neo-Zoroastrian groups with their own publications and online websites (dedicated to Zoroastrianism). This study focuses on the intersectional relationships and topical analysis of different Zoroastrian themes in modern Russia. On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge [email protected] www.sh.se/publications On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola 2012 Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications Cover Image: Anna Tessmann Cover Design: Jonathan Robson Layout: Jonathan Robson & Per Lindblom Printed by E-print, Stockholm 2012 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 68 ISSN 1652-7399 ISBN 978-91-86069-50-6 Avhandlingar utgivna vid -
Internet Freedom in Vladimir Putin's Russia: the Noose Tightens
Internet freedom in Vladimir Putin’s Russia: The noose tightens By Natalie Duffy January 2015 Key Points The Russian government is currently waging a campaign to gain complete control over the country’s access to, and activity on, the Internet. Putin’s measures particularly threaten grassroots antigovernment efforts and even propose a “kill switch” that would allow the government to shut down the Internet in Russia during government-defined disasters, including large-scale civil protests. Putin’s campaign of oppression, censorship, regulation, and intimidation over online speech threatens the freedom of the Internet around the world. Despite a long history of censoring traditional media, the Russian government under President Vladimir Putin for many years adopted a relatively liberal, hands-off approach to online speech and the Russian Internet. That began to change in early 2012, after online news sources and social media played a central role in efforts to organize protests following the parliamentary elections in December 2011. In this paper, I will detail the steps taken by the Russian government over the past three years to limit free speech online, prohibit the free flow of data, and undermine freedom of expression and information—the foundational values of the Internet. The legislation discussed in this paper allows the government to place offending websites on a blacklist, shut down major anti-Kremlin news sites for erroneous violations, require the storage of user data and the monitoring of anonymous online money transfers, place limitations on 1 bloggers and scan the network for sites containing specific keywords, prohibit the dissemination of material deemed “extremist,” require all user information be stored on data servers within Russian borders, restrict the use of public Wi-Fi, and explore the possibility of a kill-switch mechanism that would allow the Russian government to temporarily shut off the Internet. -
Survey of Russian Elites 2020
SURVEY OF RUSSIAN ELITES 2020 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY July 28, 2020 Sharon Werning Rivera, Professor and Chair of Government Sterling Bray ’20 James Cho ’22 Max Gersch ’23 Marykate McNeil ’20 Alexander Nemeth ’22 Spencer Royal ’22 John Rutecki ’22 Huzefah Umer ’21 (Hamilton College, Clinton, NY) With Jack Benjamin (Northwestern University ’20) Funding for the 2020 wave of the Survey of Russian Elites was provided by the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SES-1742798); the Arthur Levitt Public Affairs Center and Office of the Dean of Faculty at Hamilton College; and the Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies, Weiser Center for Europe and Eurasia, Center for Political Studies, and Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan. Questions and comments should be directed to Prof. Sharon Rivera at [email protected]. Media inquiries can be directed to Vige Barrie at [email protected]. 1 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since the end of the “reset” in US-Russian relations in 2012, the bilateral relationship has been marked by acrimony and mutual recriminations. At the same time, Russia under President Vladimir Putin has pursued a more muscular foreign policy around the globe, whether in Syria, Africa, or the post-Soviet region. Russia and the West are often at odds over the scope and purpose of these interventions. New data from the Survey of Russian Elites (SRE) suggest that US-Russian relations will not improve any time soon, at least insofar as they depend on the foreign policy attitudes of high-ranking Russians. Collected between February and March 2020, the data show that although the percentage of Russian elites who view the US as a threat is down considerably from the last survey in 2016, respondents are also more inclined to worry about both the growth of US military power and the possibility of information warfare emanating from the West. -
Journal of Eurasian Studies
JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES _____________________________________________________________________________________ Journal of the Gábor Bálint de Szentkatolna Society Founded: 2009. Internet: www.federatio.org/joes.html _____________________________________________________________________________________ Volume II., Issue 1. / January — March 2010 ____________________ ISSN 1877‐4199 January‐March 2010 JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES Volume II., Issue 1. _____________________________________________________________________________________ Publisher Foundation ʹStichting MIKES INTERNATIONALʹ, established in The Hague, Holland. Account: Postbank rek.nr. 7528240 Registered: Stichtingenregister: S 41158447 Kamer van Koophandel en Fabrieken Den Haag Distribution The periodical can be downloaded from the following Internet‐address: http://www.federatio.org/joes.html If you wish to subscribe to the email mailing list, you can do it by sending an email to the following address: mikes_int‐[email protected] The publisher has no financial sources. It is supported by many in the form of voluntary work and gifts. We kindly appreciate your gifts. Address The Editors and the Publisher can be contacted at the following addresses: Email: [email protected] Postal address: P.O. Box 10249, 2501 HE, Den Haag, Holland Individual authors are responsible for facts included and views expressed in their articles. _____________________________________ ISSN 1877‐4199 © Mikes International, 2001‐2010, All Rights Reserved _____________________________________________________________________________________ -
Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-Years After the Fall of the Soviet Union
Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe Vol 11, No 2, 2012, 103-135 Copyright © ECMI 21 December 2012 This article is located at: http://www.ecmi.de/publications/detail/issue-22012-vol-11-254/ Renewed Circassian Mobilization in the North Caucasus 20-years after the Fall of the Soviet Union Lars Funch Hansen* University of Copenhagen The renewed ethnic mobilization among Circassians in the North Caucasus region in Russia that has unfolded since the latter half of the 2000s is illustrated by the establishment of new civil society organizations and a substantially increased number of internet-based initiatives. All of this reflects a new and increased form of agency and unity among the Circassians in which youth activism has played key role. It also illustrates how Circassian civil society actors and cyber-activists have not only been able to establish a counter-public sphere or develop a new space for action, but also increasingly have been able to move key issues from Circassian spheres into the wider public sphere of mainstream Russian media and politics. The upcoming 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi, Russia, in particular, has functioned as a lever in this process, which has also resulted in increasing support among Circassians for calls for recognition of the nineteenth century forced expulsion of the majority of the Circassians from the Caucasus as an act of genocide. In this manner, a mega-event such as the Sochi Olympics has contributed to generating a more radical or politicized understanding or framing of the Caucasian exodus that, since the fall of the Soviet Union, has generally been known as “our national tragedy”. -
On the Good Faith
On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola 2012 Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications Cover Image: Anna Tessmann Cover Design: Jonathan Robson Layout: Jonathan Robson & Per Lindblom Printed by E-print, Stockholm 2012 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 68 ISSN 1652-7399 ISBN 978-91-86069-50-61650-6 Avhandlingar utgivna vid Institutionen för litteratur, idéhistoria och religion, Göteborgs universitet 25 ISBN 978-91-88348-47-0 Contents Abbreviations ........................................................................................................................................ vii Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................... ix Chapter 1: Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Point of departure and previous research ............................................................................. 4 1.2. Aims, scope and delimitations of the study ........................................................................ 10 1.3. Outline of the thesis ................................................................................................................ 13 1.4. Sources and selection procedure ........................................................................................... 14 1.5. Notes on transliteration ........................................................................................................ -
Moscow´S Digital Offensive: Building Sovereignty in Cyberspace
TECHNOLOGY AND SECURITY POLICY Moscow's Digital Offensive – Building Sovereignty in Cyberspace Carolina Vendil Pallin and Mattias Hjelm Summary • Russia is pursuing a long-term policy that aims to build its cyber sovereignty. • The law on a “sovereign internet” appeared in 2019, but the concrete plans were evident in 2014 and present among the security services as long-term aspirations even further back. • The goals are strategic – to escape what Russia sees as U.S. dominance in the cyber sphere and to increase control over information flows within the “Russian segment of the internet”. • Russia has built up a capability to perform cyber operations over at least two decades, from relying on “mercenary” hackers and crude distributed denial of service attacks (DDoS) to employing its own specialists and utilising advanced malware. • Russia’s current bid for an international treaty on information security goes back to the late 1990s. • Moscow aims to achieve a high degree of coordination for this policy across different government ministries, agencies and services as well as with parliament and the leading Russian internet companies. Building sovereignty in cyberspace 1 What the West perceives as a Russian digital offensive left for Russian authorities was always to hammer out so- stems to a considerable degree from a deep-seated sense mething approaching a territorially defined information of insecurity in Moscow – both of being under attack and space and claim Russian sovereignty. Russia has also deve- of lagging behind technologically. Russia’s intelligence and loped its capability to conduct cyber operations and step security community, moreover, has been keenly aware of by step built a coalition of likeminded countries around how the global internet infrastructure setup affects the its bid on how to frame international information security. -
Mapping Runet Politics and Mobilization
Public Discourse in the Russian Blogosphere: Mapping RuNet Politics and Mobilization By Bruce Etling, Karina Alexanyan, John Kelly, Robert Faris, John Palfrey, and Urs Gasser at Harvard University Berkman Center Research Publication No. 2010-11 October 19, 2010 Public Discourse in the Russian Blogosphere Table of Contents Abstract 1. Introduction 2. The Russian Media Ecology 2.1 Traditional Media in Russia 2.2 Internet Penetration and Usage in Russia 3. Methods Overview and Network Structure 3.1 The Structure of the Russian Blogosphere 4. Political Discourse and Mobilization in the Russian Blogosphere 4.1 Internationally-linking Public Discourse 4.2 Russian Media-focused Public Discourse 4.3 Nationalist 4.4 Democratic Opposition 4.5 Business, Economics, and Finance 4.6 Social and Environmental Activism 5. Outlinks and News Sources 5.2 YouTube and Politics 6. Conclusion Future Research Questions About this paper The Berkman Center for Internet & Society at Harvard University, with funding from the MacArthur Foundation, is undertaking a two-year research project to investigate the role of the Internet in Russian society. The study will include a number of interrelated areas of inquiry that contribute to and draw upon the Russian Internet, including the Russian blogosphere, Twitter, and the online media ecology. In addition to investigating a number of core Internet and communications questions, a key goal for the project is to test, refine, and integrate various methodological approaches to the study of the Internet more broadly. More information about the project is available on the Berkman Center website: http://cyber.law.harvard.edu. The authors would like to thank our coders: Gregory Asmolov, Slava Nepomnyashchy, Veronica Khokhlova, Marina Reshetnyak, Masha Pipenko, Aleksei Gornoi, Ivan Popov, Sergei Rubliov, and Egor Panchenko. -
Ideology, Image-Making and the Media in Putin's Russia
Ideology, Image-making and the Media in Putin's Russia. A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF PhD IN RUSSIAN IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CANTERBURY BY GREGORY J. SIMONS University of Canterbury 2004 L ?_(:1t l )t INDEX. LIST OF ABREVIATIONS ... v GLOSSARY ... VI ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ... Vll ABSTRACT ... Vll INTRODUCTION. ... 1 CHAPTER 0: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK FOR THE THESIS. 0.0 Chapter Objectives ... 14 0.1 Media Theory ... 14 0.1.1 The Significance of the Mass Media ... 14 0.1.2 Social Functions of the Media ... 15 0.1.3 Requirements for Freedom of the Press ... 16 0.1.4 Political Communication ... 17 0.2 Critical Theory ... 20 0.3 Semiotics ... 22 0.4 Ideology ... 23 0.5 Jean Baudrillard' s Theories of Simulation and Simulacra ... 27 0.6 Image Theory ... 30 0.7 TV and Power ... 32 0.8 Making the News ... 36 0.9 Chapter Summary ... 39 CHAPTER I: VLADIMIR PUTIN AND THE DEBATE ON THE EMERGENCE OF CULT OF PERSONALITY. 1.0 Chapter Objectives. ...41 1.1 Definition of Cult of Personality. .. 42 I 1.2 Cult of Personality in the Soviet Union. ... 45 1.3 Does a 'Cult of Putin' Really Exist? ... 49 1.3.1 Creating Putin. ... 50 1.3.2 Creating an 'Acceptable' Public Personality. ... 51 1.3.3 Reinforcing the Image. ... 52 1.3.4 Putin's Initial Public Profile: A Summary. ... 59 1.3.5 Putin: The Passionate Lover of Literature. ... 60 1.3.6 Putin For Sale: The Industry Dealing in Putin Paraphernalia. ... 61 1.3.7 Cultural Putin: Art and Culture Dedicated to Putin. -
What the North Caucasus Means to Russia
What the North Caucasus Means to Russia Alexey Malashenko July 2011 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2011 ISBN: 978-2-86592-865-1 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org A. Malashenko / North Caucasus Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy-oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Welcoming the Dragon: the Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Center for Global Communication Studies Internet Policy Observatory (CGCS) 2-2015 Welcoming the Dragon: The Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation Gregory Asmolov Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/internetpolicyobservatory Part of the Communication Commons Recommended Citation Asmolov, Gregory. (2015). Welcoming the Dragon: The Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation. Internet Policy Observatory. Retrieved from https://repository.upenn.edu/internetpolicyobservatory/8 Click here for the Russian version. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/internetpolicyobservatory/8 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Welcoming the Dragon: The Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation Abstract This reflection on the eporr t “Benchmarking Public Demand for Internet Freedom: Russia’s Appetite for Internet Control,” argues that protecting internet freedom is not possible without a shift in public opinion. Using Russian examples, Asmolov suggests that public opinion concerning internet regulation is a function of whether the online communications environment is perceived as dangerous–giving officials a chance to play an instrumental role in fostering a sense of peril online and fomenting an “internet as threat” narrative in the minds of the public. Disciplines Communication Comments Click here for the Russian version. Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 International License. This report is available at ScholarlyCommons: https://repository.upenn.edu/internetpolicyobservatory/8 Welcoming the Dragon The Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation Gregory Asmolov 1 Welcoming the Dragon: The Role of Public Opinion in Russian Internet Regulation Gregory Asmolov (LSE) 1. -
Russian Digital Dualism: Changing Society, Manipulative State
Russian Digital Dualism: Changing Society, Manipulative State Alexey Sidorenko December 2011 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2011 ISBN: 978-2-86592-960-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues.