"General Country of Origin Information Report for the Russian Federation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation April 2021 1 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Publication details Location The Hague Prepared by Country of Origin Information Reports Section (AB) 2 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Contents Publication details ............................................................................................2 Contents ........................................................................................................3 Introduction ....................................................................................................4 3 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 Introduction This country of origin information report is based on the questions and points of focus in the Terms of Reference (ToR) drawn up by the Ministry of Justice and Security. The ToR for this report were adopted on 8 July 2020. An anonymised version of these ToR, together with the country of origin information report, is available on the website of the Dutch Government. This country of origin information report describes the situation in the Russian Federation insofar as it is relevant for the assessment of asylum applications by persons originating from that country and for decisions related to the return of rejected Russian asylum seekers. This report is an update of the country of origin information report for the Russian Federation of December 2018. The reporting period covers the period from December 2018 up to and including March 2021. The main features of relevant developments that are important in answering the questions asked have been taken into account up to the date of publication. This report is a factual, neutral and objective representation of the findings that were made during the period under consideration and does not include any policy recommendations. The Russian Federation will also be referred to as Russia in this country of origin information report. This official country of origin information report was created on the basis of public and confidential sources, using carefully selected, analysed and verified information. Information from non-governmental organisations (NGOs), specialist literature, media coverage and the relevant government agencies was used to create this official country of origin information report. Unless stated otherwise or when the facts are generally undisputed, the passages in this country of origin information report are based on multiple sources. The public sources that were consulted are listed in the appendices. Some of the confidential information used was obtained through interviews with relevant and expert sources on location. Confidential information originating from the diplomatic missions of the Netherlands in the Russian Federation was also used. The information obtained on a confidential basis has chiefly been used to support and add to passages based on public information. The confidential sources are marked as a ‘confidential source’ in the footnotes and are provided with a date. Disclaimer: The Dutch version of this report is leading. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands cannot be held accountable for misinterpretations based on the English version of the report. 4 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 1 Political developments The Russian Federation is a presidential republic in which the president, Vladimir Putin, plays a central role and has far-reaching powers. The position of the president was further strengthened by a constitutional amendment passed on 1 July 2020. For example, the president now determines domestic and foreign policy, heads the armed forces, can veto legislative processes, appoints the prime minister after confirmation by the State Duma1, dismisses the prime minister without consultation with parliament, independently appoints the heads of the state security departments such as Foreign Affairs, Defence and the investigation and intelligence service FSB (Federal'naya sluzhba bezopasnosti Rossiyskoy Federatsii) after consultation with the Federation Council. He also appoints and dismisses the highest prosecutors and federal judges, has a leading voice in citizenship matters and can pardon detainees. Following the recent constitutional amendment, the maximum term for the office of president remains two times six years. However, because earlier terms do not count after the amendment, the current president could theoretically stay on until 2036 and could serve a total of six terms. In addition, the new constitution changed the balance of power in favour of the central power – for example by involving regional and central authorities in the formation of local government.2 See also section 1.3, which deals with the constitutional amendments. The lower house, called the State Duma, and the upper house, called the Federation Council, together make up the national parliament and are under the control of the president. In the State Duma, President Putin's party, United Russia3, is the strongest party with three quarters of the seats. With this number of seats, United Russia can pass constitutional changes without the support of other parties. Besides United Russia, there are other parties sitting in the State Duma, the main players of which are the communist CPRF4, the ultra-nationalist LDPR5 and the centre-left CR6. These parties are regarded by critics as systemic opposition that are loyal to President Putin's party line and are therefore tolerated by United Russia.7 The non- systemic opposition is formed by parties and groups that are not part of the political system and are therefore not registered as parties or are registered as parties but have not reached the 5% electoral threshold.8 During the reporting period, the government continued to take increasingly repressive action against political opposition in society, such as during demonstrations, but displayed more flexibility in relation to apolitical protests about environmental issues, for example. For example, the authorities continued to crack down on protests in Khabarovsk against the arrest of Governor Sergei Furgal, the exclusion of political opposition members from local elections in Moscow in 2019- 2020, and the prosecution of individual political opposition members, journalists and NGOs. During demonstrations following the arrest of Alexei Navalny in January 1 If the State Duma refuses the nominated candidate three times, the president can also appoint the prime minister without the consent of the State Duma. See Article 111 of the Russian Constitution. 2 US Department of State, Russia 2019 Human Rights Report, p. 1; Raam op Rusland, Ruslands nieuwe constitutionele orde: een sterke staat gebouwd op het verleden, 18 June 2020; Russian Politics 5 (2020), Elizabeth Teague, Russia’s Consititutional Reforms of 2020, p. 301-328, 25 August 2020. 3 Jedinaja Rossija 4 CPRF stands for Kommunisticheskaya Partiya Rossiyskoy Federatsii, Communist Party of the Russian Federation. 5 LDPR stands for Liberalno-demokraticheskaya Partiya Rossii, Liberal Democratic Party of Russia. 6 CR stands for Spravedlivaja Rossiya, A Fair Russia. 7 Meduza, We don’t need a show, What Vladimir Putin thinks about the Russian opposition and state-supported ‘political competition’, 17 March 2020; see also the interview with President Putin on YouTube: Error! Hyperlink reference not valid. 8 Raam op Rusland, Verenigd Rusland won via slimme sluipwegen, 26 September 2016. 5 Country of origin information report for the Russian Federation | April 2021 2021, thousands of protesters were arrested. On the other hand, the government did respond to demands from protesters who spoke out on less political topics, such as protests against the building of a church in a popular park in Yekaterinburg, against a waste depot in Shiyes and against an industrial mine on Mount Kushtau.9 Change of government After President Putin proposed a number of constitutional changes in January 2020, Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and his cabinet resigned. The head of the Russian tax authorities, Mikhail Mishustin, was appointed as the new prime minister and was approved unanimously by the State Duma. Ex-Prime Minister Medvedev was appointed deputy head of the Security Council, which is chaired by President Putin. The new cabinet, comprising nine deputy prime ministers and 21 ministers, was announced on 21 January 2020 and included new appointees to the posts of ministers for health, sports, education and the economy. Three veteran deputy prime ministers and twelve ministers were reappointed, including Minister of Foreign Affairs Sergey Lavrov and Minister of Defence Sergei Shoigu. Most of the members of this new cabinet come from federal monitoring services.10 Elections Overall, President Putin's United Russia party remained the strongest party in the regional elections held in September 2019 and September 2020. For a description of opposition parties and activists, see section 5.4. In Moscow and a number of other major cities, the exclusion of political candidates in the run-up to the local elections in September 2019 sparked widespread protests in which around 1,400 protesters were violently attacked by police and arrested and fined for unsubstantiated facts or for throwing plastic bottles.11 The ruling United Russia party lost a third of its seats in the city parliament, but held on to its majority.12 In St. Petersburg, United Russia
Recommended publications
  • Fabulously Tidal — Issue 117, 1 January 2018
    Fabulously Tidal — Issue 117, 1 January 2018 SPONSORED FEATURE — PHILIP SAWYERS' THIRD SYMPHONY Alice McVeigh: 'This is a fabulously tidal symphony, with wild expanses of differing moods, but it begins with a ripple of unease. We in the cello section were told to play the opening with as much stillness as possible, allowing the first theme to grow as it weaves into violins and violas, into threads of flute and oboe, and — from there — into a tempestuous section of interweaving themes. The argument descends into a woodwind quarrel, resolved by flute and oboe, decorated by horns — while the strings continue to niggle and churn away at any sense of calm. 'Then solo bassoon ignites a new, still tenser, section. The violins take over, lightly but resolutely, answered by middle strings conveying a sense of tenderness — but with a bitter aftertaste. (This is incidentally one of Sawyers' most characteristic strengths: a tenderness, never saccharine, often undermined by subtle discontent.) From the brass comes the first glimpse of escape: the powerful broken octave theme over which the other themes furiously contend. 'The cellos at the recapitulation, now deepened and enriched, are twisted by Sawyers into something passionate and grounded in lower brass, reinforced by timpani. The movement ends with the heavy brass seemingly triumphant over the strings' stubborn reiteration of the theme. Still, the lower strings' pessimism prevails. 'Tutti violins kick-start the second movement with a dramatic leap from their richest register, only yielding to keening solo oboe. 'The sobered strings leave the solo winds to mourn, yet, with characteristic Sawyers intensity, something is brewing at subterranean depths: eventually, the violas' chuntering is answered by full insistent brass, in a stormily ecstatic tantrum.
    [Show full text]
  • Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves
    No. 2088 November 29, 2007 Advancing Freedom in Russia Steven Groves The current Moscow power establishment is The Moscow leadership seems impervious to leading Russia back in time. Instead of moving for- America’s and Europe’s pleas to foster democracy. ward toward a nation that cherishes and protects While the U.S. and its allies wait for a more oppor- freedom and democracy, the establishment is creat- tune time to reengage, they should consider refo- ing a state and body politic dominated by a new cusing their efforts on Russia’s neighbors that are breed of oligarchic groups composed of security willing to democratize. Ultimately, the Russians officers and their business allies. themselves need to realize that they can benefit The Russian media are no longer free and unre- more by integrating into the West and developing stricted. With the exception of a few minor show- democratic institutions that will preserve and pro- case outlets and the Internet, the media are tect their freedoms. dominated by the Kremlin and its allies. The major- On the other hand, Washington cannot ignore ity of political parties are under state control, and Moscow. Too many pressing issues—from Iran and the activities of nongovernmental organizations nuclear proliferation to arms control treaties and the (NGOs) with foreign ties are under severe scrutiny. future of conventional forces in Europe—are on the Russia is no longer a free nation. table. Even during the Soviet era, Washington and A return to authoritarianism is not in the interests Moscow at times had a robust diplomatic engage- of the Russian people, their European neighbors, or ment, despite viewing the world very differently.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Good Faith
    On the Good Faith Zoroastrianism is ascribed to the teachings of the legendary prophet Zarathustra and originated in ancient times. It was developed within the area populated by the Iranian peoples, and following the Arab conquest, it formed into a diaspora. In modern Russia it has evolved since the end of the Soviet era. It has become an attractive object of cultural produc- tion due to its association with Oriental philosophies and religions and its rearticulation since the modern era in Europe. The lasting appeal of Zoroastrianism evidenced by centuries of book pub- lishing in Russia was enlivened in the 1990s. A new, religious, and even occult dimension was introduced with the appearance of neo-Zoroastrian groups with their own publications and online websites (dedicated to Zoroastrianism). This study focuses on the intersectional relationships and topical analysis of different Zoroastrian themes in modern Russia. On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge [email protected] www.sh.se/publications On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola 2012 Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications Cover Image: Anna Tessmann Cover Design: Jonathan Robson Layout: Jonathan Robson & Per Lindblom Printed by E-print, Stockholm 2012 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 68 ISSN 1652-7399 ISBN 978-91-86069-50-6 Avhandlingar utgivna vid
    [Show full text]
  • Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
    Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back.
    [Show full text]
  • Russi-Monitor-Monthl
    MONTHLY May 2020 CONTENTS 3 17 28 POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN BELARUS RAMPS UP RUSSIAN ECONOMY COMES CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC DIVERSIFICATION EFFORTS BADLY BECAUSE OF PANDEMIC PIPE PROJECT TO CHALLENGE WITH U.S. AND GULF CRUDE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE PURCHASES POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC PIPE PROJECT CORONAVIRUS IN RUSSIA: BAD NEWS FOR 3 TO CHALLENGE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE 20 THE COUNTRY MOSCOW: THE CAPITAL RUSSIA UNVEILS RESCUE PLAN FOR OIL 5 OF RUSSIAN CORONAVIRUS OUTBREAK 22 SECTOR VLADIMIR PUTIN SUFFERS PRESTIGIOUS 6 FAILURE IN VICTORY DAY CELEBRATIONS 23 TENSIONS RISE IN THE BLACK SEA RUSSIA EASES LOCKDOWN YET OFFERS ROSNEFT, TRANSNEFT IN NEW FEUD OVER 8 LITTLE SUPPORT TO CITIZENS 25 TRANSPORTATION TARIFFS ROSNEFT’S SECHIN ASKS OFFICIALS FOR NEW TAX RELIEFS DESPITE RECENT GAZPROM IS TURNING TOWARDS CHINA, 10 MISHAPS 27 BUT THERE ARE PROBLEMS FRADKOV REMAINS AT THE HELM OF THE RUSSIAN ECONOMY COMES BADLY 12 KREMLIN’S “INTELLIGENCE SERVICE” 28 BECAUSE OF PANDEMIC RUSSIA STEPS UP DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS AS RUSSIA AIMS TO BOOST MILITARY FACILITIES 14 KREMLIN AIDE KOZAK VISITS BERLIN 30 IN SYRIA GAZPROM’S NATURAL GAS EXPORT RUSSIA–NATO TENSIONS CONTINUE ON 16 REVENUE DECLINED DRAMATICALLY IN Q1 32 BOTH FLANKS BELARUS RAMPS UP DIVERSIFICATION RUSSIA, BELARUS SQUABBLE OVER GAS EFFORTS WITH U.S. AND GULF CRUDE DELIVERIES IN NEW CHAPTER OF ENERGY 17 PURCHASES 34 WAR RUSSIA’S ROSNEFT HAS NEW OWNERSHIP RUSSIA FACES BIGGEST MILITARY THREAT 19 STRUCTURE BUT SAME CEO 36 FROM WEST, SHOIGU SAYS 2 www.warsawinstitute.org 4 May 2020 POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC PIPE PROJECT TO CHALLENGE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE Construction of a major gas pipeline from Norway is to begin in the coming days, Polish President Andrzej Duda said in the morning of May 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Brave New World Service a Unique Opportunity for the Bbc to Bring the World to the UK
    BRAVE NEW WORLD SERVIce A UNIQUE OPPORTUNITY FOR THE BBC TO BRING THE WORLD TO THE UK JOHN MCCaRTHY WITH CHARLOTTE JENNER CONTENTS Introduction 2 Value 4 Integration: A Brave New World Service? 8 Conclusion 16 Recommendations 16 INTERVIEWEES Steven Barnett, Professor of Communications, Ishbel Matheson, Director of Media, Save the Children and University of Westminster former East Africa Correspondent, BBC World Service John Baron MP, Member of Foreign Affairs Select Committee Rod McKenzie, Editor, BBC Radio 1 Newsbeat and Charlie Beckett, Director, POLIS BBC 1Xtra News Tom Burke, Director of Global Youth Work, Y Care International Richard Ottaway MP, Chair, Foreign Affairs Select Committee Alistair Burnett, Editor, BBC World Tonight Rita Payne, Chair, Commonwealth Journalists Mary Dejevsky, Columnist and leader writer, The Independent Association and former Asia Editor, BBC World and former newsroom subeditor, BBC World Service Marcia Poole, Director of Communications, International Jim Egan, Head of Strategy and Distribution, BBC Global News Labour Organisation (ILO) and former Head of the Phil Harding, Journalist and media consultant and former World Service training department Director of English Networks and News, BBC World Service Stewart Purvis, Professor of Journalism and former Lindsey Hilsum, International Editor, Channel 4 News Chief Executive, ITN Isabel Hilton, Editor of China Dialogue, journalist and broadcaster Tony Quinn, Head of Planning, JWT Mary Hockaday, Head of BBC Newsroom Nick Roseveare, Chief Executive, BOND Peter
    [Show full text]
  • Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011
    Department of Informatics and Media Social Science – major in Media and Communication Studies Fall 2013 Master Two Years Thesis Social Media and Civil Society in the Russian Protests, December 2011 The role of social media in engagement of people in the protests and their self- identification with civil society Daria Dmitrieva Fall 2013 Supervisor: Dr. Gregory Simons Researcher at Uppsala Centre for Russian and Eurasian Studies 1 2 ABSTRACT The study examines the phenomenon of the December protests in Russia when thousands of citizens were involved in the protest movement after the frauds during the Parliamentary elections. There was a popular opinion in the Internet media that at that moment Russia experienced establishment of civil society, since so many people were ready to express their discontent publically for the first time in 20 years. The focus of this study is made on the analysis of the roles that social media played in the protest movement. As it could be observed at the first glance, recruiting and mobilising individuals to participation in the rallies were mainly conducted via social media. The research analyses the concept of civil society and its relevance to the protest rhetoric and investigates, whether there was a phenomenon of civil society indeed and how it was connected to individuals‘ motivation for joining the protest. The concept of civil society is discussed through the social capital, social and political trust, e- democracy and mediatisation frameworks. The study provides a comprehensive description of the events, based on mainstream and new media sources, in order to depict the nature and the development of the movement.
    [Show full text]
  • Internet Freedom in Vladimir Putin's Russia: the Noose Tightens
    Internet freedom in Vladimir Putin’s Russia: The noose tightens By Natalie Duffy January 2015 Key Points The Russian government is currently waging a campaign to gain complete control over the country’s access to, and activity on, the Internet. Putin’s measures particularly threaten grassroots antigovernment efforts and even propose a “kill switch” that would allow the government to shut down the Internet in Russia during government-defined disasters, including large-scale civil protests. Putin’s campaign of oppression, censorship, regulation, and intimidation over online speech threatens the freedom of the Internet around the world. Despite a long history of censoring traditional media, the Russian government under President Vladimir Putin for many years adopted a relatively liberal, hands-off approach to online speech and the Russian Internet. That began to change in early 2012, after online news sources and social media played a central role in efforts to organize protests following the parliamentary elections in December 2011. In this paper, I will detail the steps taken by the Russian government over the past three years to limit free speech online, prohibit the free flow of data, and undermine freedom of expression and information—the foundational values of the Internet. The legislation discussed in this paper allows the government to place offending websites on a blacklist, shut down major anti-Kremlin news sites for erroneous violations, require the storage of user data and the monitoring of anonymous online money transfers, place limitations on 1 bloggers and scan the network for sites containing specific keywords, prohibit the dissemination of material deemed “extremist,” require all user information be stored on data servers within Russian borders, restrict the use of public Wi-Fi, and explore the possibility of a kill-switch mechanism that would allow the Russian government to temporarily shut off the Internet.
    [Show full text]
  • Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat
    Transnational Crime MSCR 640 Regis University Week 2 Post-Soviet “Russian” Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat John Giduck © By John Giduck, all rights reserved, 1995, 2017 1 The Need of Define ROC. One of the greatest difficulties facing those individuals and organizations which must deal with the impact of Russian Organized Crime (ROC) is answering the question, exactly what is Russian organized crime? This difficulty derives in part from the extreme secrecy with which ROC members have always functioned; and has been exacerbated by both news media and law enforcement agencies, whose own particular ends are better served by sensationalized and exaggerated accounts of ROC membership, rising numbers of groups, types and frequency of various crimes. What remains missing is a clear understanding of what exactly Russian organized crime and ROC groups are. Certainly, the media of the 1990s, in reporting incidents of street crime and overall rising crime rates in Russia, utilized a liberal construction of this term, it then being in vogue to blame much on the mafiya. In reality, it will be seen that there are actually many layers of crime in Russia, a number of which are not, and have never been, mafiya controlled.1 Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, news media accounts of an increasing crime rate paralleled rising estimates of the number of actual ROC groups and numbers. Rarely a month went by in the three years after the USSR’s collapse that some newspaper, magazine or television show did not proffer a statistic on the number of ROC groups operating across Russia that was not substantially greater than those previously reported.
    [Show full text]
  • Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in 2007
    SOVA CENTER FOR INFORMATION AND ANALYSIS Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in 2007 A collection of annual reports by the SOVA Center for Information and Analysis Moscow May 2008 UDC 323.1(470+571)(082.1)”2007” BBC 66.094я43+66.3(2Рос),54я43 X44 X44 Xenophobia, Freedom of Conscience and Anti-Extremism in Russia in 2007: A collection of annual reports by the SOVA Center for Information and Analysis / [Alexander Verkhovsky, Contents Galina Kozhevnikova, Olga Sibireva; translation – I. Savelieva] – М.: SOVA Center, 2008. – 140 pp.: tables (Academic publication) Galina Kozhevnikova ISBN 978-5-98418-011-5 Radical Nationalism and Efforts to Counteract it in 2007 ............................ 5 This collection of reports summarizes all the major areas of work addressed by the Summary ............................................................................................ 5 SOVA Center for Information and Analysis in 2007. Manifestations of radical nationalism ...................................................6 The first report addresses pressing issues such as the growth of nationalism, hate crime, and the efforts of government and society to combat these problems. Annual reports on these Counteraction to radical nationalism ................................................. 31 themes are included in other collections published by the SOVA Center. Anti-fascist rhetoric used to discredit political opponents ................... 42 The second report focuses on the increasingly visible tendency to misuse legislation against what is now referred to as ‘extremism’. The third report explores various problems relating to freedom of conscience in contem- Alexander Verkhovsky porary Russia. This is the second annual report of the SOVA Center on this topic. These reports were compiled at the end of March 2008. This translation of the pub- Anti-Extremist Legislation, its Use and Misuse ........................................
    [Show full text]
  • Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform?
    WARNING! The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. Information Warfare in the Second (1999-Present) Chechen War: Motivator for Military Reform? by Timothy L. Thomas, Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS., 2002. This article was previously published in Russian Military Reform 1992-2002 Published by Frank Cass Publishers, 2003 Chapter 11, Page 209-233 During the past ten years, the Russian military has attentively studied the subject of information war (IW). The main catalyst for this interest was the successful use of IW by coalition forces during Operation Desert Storm. Russian military theorists watched coalition planes bomb Iraqi targets in real time with precision and understood that warfare had entered a new phase, one dominated by information-based equipment and resources. Two further motivators were the poor use of IW by the Russian armed forces during the first Russian-Chechen war (1994-1996), which contributed to the loss of Russian morale, and the successful use of IW by NATO during the conflict over Kosovo. The success of the coalition forces in both Desert Storm and Kosovo indicated that military reform would be bankrupt if the technical aspect of reform did not include information-based technologies. These technologies must be imbedded into new military equipment, from sensors and radars to jet fighters and cruise missiles. However, Russia was also concerned about the impact of information technologies on the brain and consequently morale.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Islamic Diplom
    Russia's Islamic Diplom Russia's Islamic Diplomacy ed. Marlene Laruelle CAP paper no. 220, June 2019 "Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World" Initiative Russia’s Islamic Diplomacy Ed. Marlene Laruelle The Initiative “Islam in Russia, Russia in the Islamic World” is generously funded by the Henry Luce Foundation Cover photo: Talgat Tadjuddin, Chief Mufti of Russia and head of the Central Muslim Spiritual Board of Russia, meeting with the Armenian Catholicos Karekin II and Mufti Ismail Berdiyev, President of the Karachay-Cherkessia Spiritual Board, Moscow, December 1, 2016. Credit : Artyom Korotayev, TASS/Alamy Live News HAGFW9. Table of Contents Chapter 1. Russia and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation: Conflicting Interactions Grigory Kosach………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 Chapter 2. Always Looming: The Russian Muslim Factor in Moscow's Relations with Gulf Arab States Mark N. Katz………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 2 1 Chapter 3. Russia and the Islamic Worlds: The Case of Shia Islam Clément Therme ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………... 25 Chapter 4. A Kadyrovization of Russian Foreign Policy in the Middle East: Autocrats in Track II Diplomacy and Other Humanitarian Activities Jean-Francois Ratelle……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 1 Chapter 5. Tatarstan's Paradiplomacy with the Islamic World Guzel Yusupova……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….3 7 Chapter 6. Russian Islamic Religious Authorities and Their Activities at the Regional, National, and International Levels Denis Sokolov………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 41 Chapter 7. The Economics of the Hajj: The Case of Tatarstan Azat Akhunov…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..4 7 Chapter 8. The Effect of the Pilgrimage to Mecca on the Socio-Political Views of Muslims in Russia’s North Caucasus Mikhail Alexseev…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 5 3 Authors’ Biographies……………………………………………………………………………………………………………….5 9 @ 2019 Central Asia Program Chapter 1.
    [Show full text]