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"Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks"
AFRICA REVIEW EURASIA REVIEW "Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks" By Dr. Zurab Garakanidze* Story about the Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s initiative to change the make-up of the boards of state-owned firms, especially energy companies. In late March of this year, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev demanded that high-ranking officials – namely, deputy prime ministers and cabinet-level ministers that co-ordinate state policy in the same sectors in which those companies are active – step down from their seats on the boards of state-run energy companies by July 1. He also said that October 1 would be the deadline for replacing these civil servants with independent directors. The deadline has now passed, but Medvedev‟s bid to diminish the government‟s influence in the energy sector has run into roadblocks. Most of the high-level government officials who have stepped down are being replaced not by independent managers, but by directors from other state companies in the same sector. Russia‟s state-owned oil and gas companies have not been quick to replace directors who also hold high-ranking government posts, despite or- ders from President Dmitry Medvedev. High-ranking Russian officials have made a show of following President Medvedev‟s order to leave the boards of state-run energy companies, but government influence over the sector remains strong. This indicates that the political will needed for the presidential administration to push eco- nomic reforms forward may be inadequate. 41 www.cesran.org/politicalreflection Political Reflection | September-October-November 2011 Russia's Presidential Reforms | By Dr. -
Patronage of Vladimir Putin
LLorord of the d of the RiRigsgs RosRosnenefftt a as s a a MMiirrrror oor off Rus Russisia’sa’s Ev Evololututiionon Nina Poussenkova Carnegie Moscow Center PortPortrraiaitt of of RosneRosneft ft E&P Refining Marketing Projects Yuganskneftegas Komsomolsk Purneftegas Altainefteproduct Sakhalin 3, 4, 5 Sakhalinmorneftegas Tuapse Kurgannefteproduct Vankor block of fields Severnaya Neft Yamalnefteproduct West Kamchatka shelf Polar Lights Nakhodkanefteproduct Black and Azov Seas Sakhalin1 Vostoknefteproduct Kazakhstan Vankorneft Arkhangelsknefteproduct Algiers Krasnodarneftegas Murmansknefteproduct CPC Stavropolneftegas Smolensknefteproduct VostochnoSugdinsk block Grozneft Artag Verkhnechonsk KabardinoBalkar Fuel Co Neftegas Karachayevo Udmurtneft Cherkessknefteproduct Kubannefteproduct Tuapsenefteproduct Stavropoliye ExYuganskneftegas: 2004 oil production (21 mt) – 4.7% of Russia’s total CEO – S.Bogdanchikov BoD Chairman – I.Sechin Proved oil reserves – 4.8% of Russia’s total With Yuganskneftegas: > 75% owned by the state Rosneftegas 2006 oil production (75 mt) – 15% of Russia’s total 9.44% YUKOS >14% sold during IPO Proved oil reserves – 20% of Russia’s total RoRosnesneftft’s’s Saga Saga 1985 1990 1992 1995 2000 2005 2015 KomiTEK Sibneft LUKOIL The next ONACO target ??? Surgut TNK Udmurtneft The USSR Slavneft Ministry of Rosneftegas the Oil Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Industry 12 mt 240 mt 20 mt 460 mt 75 mt 595 mt VNK 135 mt Milestones: SIDANCO 1992 – start of privatization Severnaya Neft 1998 – appointment of S.Bogdanchikov -
Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present . -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Organizational Structure of Governmental Bodies of the Russian Federation
___________________________________________________________________________ 2021/SOM2/EPWG/SDMOF/004 Session 1.B Review of Disaster Risk Reduction Polices Including Preparedness, Response, and Recovery Measures Considering COVID-19 Pandemic - Russia Purpose: Information Submitted by: Russia 14th Senior Disaster Management Officials Forum 26 May 2021 MINISTRY OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION FOR CIVIL DEFENCE, EMERGENCIES AND ELIMINATION OF CONSEQUENCES OF NATURAL DISASTERS (EMERCOM OF RUSSIA) Review of DRR Polices including Preparedness, Response, and Recovery Measures considering COVID-19 Pandemic 14th SENIOR DISASTER MANAGEMENT OFFICIALS FORUM (SDMOF14) May 26, 2021 Organizational structure of governmental bodies Coordination Council under the Government of the Russian Federation to fight the spread of the new coronavirus infection in the Russian Federation Working group of Operational Government headquarters to the State Council of Information Commission on the Russian Departmental/ prevent the import and Center for Improving the Federation on Monitoring the ministerial spread of a new Sustainability of counteracting the operational coronavirus infection spread of a new Coronavirus Development of the Situation headquarters in the Russian Russian Economy coronavirus Federation infection 2 Organizational structure of governmental bodies of the Russian Federation Coordination Council under the • The work is headed by the Coordination Council under the Government of the Russian Federation leadership of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian to fight the spread of the new Federation H.E. Mr. Mikhail Mishustin. On a regular basis, H.E. coronavirus infection in the Russian Mr. Mikhail Mishustin and First Deputy Chairman of the Federation (headed by Chairman of the Council, Mayor of Moscow H.E. Mr. Sergei Sobyanin, hold Government H.E. -
Defining and Identifying Russia's Elite Groups
Defining and identifying Russia’s elite groups Siloviki representation during Putin’s third term Master’s Thesis Russian and Eurasian Studies Leiden University, The Netherlands 23 January 2017 Sam Broekman Student Number: 1605062 Word Count: 18,005 Supervisor: Dr. M. Frear Table of contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................. 2 Introducing the siloviki ......................................................................................................................... 2 General research gaps ......................................................................................................................... 2 Research question ............................................................................................................................... 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................................... 4 Chapter overview ................................................................................................................................. 4 Section 1: Rise of the siloviki..................................................................................................................... 6 1.1 The Politburo 2.0 ........................................................................................................................... 6 1.2 Putin’s return to the presidency ................................................................................................. -
Presidential Power in Putin's Third Term: Was Crimea A
www.ssoar.info Presidential Power in Putin’s Third Term: Was Crimea a Critical Juncture in Domestic Politics? Burkhardt, Fabian Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Sammelwerksbeitrag / collection article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Burkhardt, F. (2017). Presidential Power in Putin’s Third Term: Was Crimea a Critical Juncture in Domestic Politics? In F. Burkhardt, A. Barbashin, O. Irisova, & E. Wyciszkiewicz (Eds.), A Successful Failure: Russia after Crime(a) (pp. 119-141). Warschau: Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding. https://nbn-resolving.org/ urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-54439-5 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer Deposit-Lizenz (Keine This document is made available under Deposit Licence (No Weiterverbreitung - keine Bearbeitung) zur Verfügung gestellt. Redistribution - no modifications). We grant a non-exclusive, non- Gewährt wird ein nicht exklusives, nicht übertragbares, transferable, individual and limited right to using this document. persönliches und beschränktes Recht auf Nutzung dieses This document is solely intended for your personal, non- Dokuments. Dieses Dokument ist ausschließlich für commercial use. All of the copies of this documents must retain den persönlichen, nicht-kommerziellen Gebrauch bestimmt. all copyright information and other information regarding legal Auf sämtlichen Kopien dieses Dokuments müssen alle protection. You are not allowed to alter this document in any Urheberrechtshinweise und sonstigen Hinweise auf gesetzlichen way, to copy it for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the Schutz beibehalten werden. Sie dürfen dieses Dokument document in public, to perform, distribute or otherwise use the nicht in irgendeiner Weise abändern, noch dürfen Sie document in public. dieses Dokument für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke By using this particular document, you accept the above-stated vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, aufführen, vertreiben oder conditions of use. -
Russia's Foreign Policy: the Internal
RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY FOREIGN RUSSIA’S XXXXXXXX Andemus, cont? Giliis. Fertus por aciendam ponclem is at ISPI. omantem atuidic estius, nos modiertimiu consulabus RUSSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY: vivissulin voctum lissede fenducient. Andius isupio uratient. THE INTERNAL- Founded in 1934, ISPI is Actu sis me inatquam te te te, consulvit rei firiam atque a an independent think tank committed to the study of catis. Benterri er prarivitea nit; ipiesse stiliis aucto esceps, INTERNATIONAL LINK international political and Catuit depse huiumum peris, et esupimur, omnerobus economic dynamics. coneque nocuperem moves es vesimus. edited by Aldo Ferrari and Eleonora Tafuro Ambrosetti It is the only Italian Institute Iter ponsultorem, ursultorei contern ultortum di sid C. Marbi introduction by Paolo Magri – and one of the very few in silictemqui publint, Ti. Teatquit, videst auderfe ndiissendam Europe – to combine research Romnesidem simaximium intimus, ut et; eto te adhui activities with a significant publius conlostam sultusquit vid Cate facteri oriciamdi, commitment to training, events, ompec morterei iam pracion tum mo habem vitus pat veri and global risk analysis for senaributem apecultum forte hicie convo, que tris. Serum companies and institutions. pra intin tant. ISPI favours an interdisciplinary Bonertum inatum et rem sus ilicaedemus vid con tum and policy-oriented approach made possible by a research aur, conenit non se facia movere pareis, vo, vistelis re, crei team of over 50 analysts and terae movenenit L. Um prox noximod neritiam adeffrestod an international network of 70 comnit. Mulvis Ahacciverte confenit vat. Romnihilii issedem universities, think tanks, and acchuiu scenimi liescipio vistum det; hacrurorum, et, research centres. -
Ana Gemmae Ac,En Ce
B ofrst \ y o t Po«K:n ana gemmae ac,ence_ Russia in Movement S. A. Greene The London School of Economics and Political Science Russia in Movement: Civil Society and the State in Putin’s Russia Samuel A. Greene A thesis submitted to the European Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, March 2010 1 UMI Number: U615977 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615977 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 mazes Russia in Movement S. A. Greene Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. -
Programme Eng.Pdf
September 18, 2019 08:30–10:00 OPENING OF THE FORUM. EXHIBITION TOUR 10:00–11:30 MEETING OF THE WORKING GROUP OF THE STATE Conference hall No. 1 COUNCIL UNDER THE PRESIDENT OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION “SCIENCE AND EDUCATION” Government of the Novosibirsk Region Ensuring that the Russian Federation is one the five leading countries in the world engaged in research and development in fields defined by the priorities of scientific and technological development. Ensuring that working in the Russian Federation is attractive to Russian and foreign leading scientists and young promising researchers. Outstripping increase in domestic expenditures for research and development from all sources compared to the growth of the country’s gross domestic product. Moderator: Andrey Travnikov, Governor of the Novosibirsk Region, leader of the Working Group of the State Council of the Russian Federation for Science and Education Panelists: Experts of the Working Group of the State Council of the Russian Federation for Science and Education 10:00–11:30 Strategical session Conference hall No. 2 BIOINFORMATICS, GENETIC TECHNOLOGY CENTERS AND GENOME RESEARCH CENTERS FRC ICG SB RAS Discussion topics: NSU Genetics and mathematics: large-scale genetic data and Ministry of Science of the their analysis – current trends and prospects. Novosibirsk Region Genetics and agricultural technologies. Genetics and industrial biotechnologies. Moderators: Aleksey Kochetov, Director of FRC ICG SB RAS Pyotr Kutsenogiy, Deputy Director for Innovations of FRC ICG SB RAS Speakers: Denis Astafyev, Director of RTCloud Novosibirsk Sergey Goncharov, RAS Academician, Director of IM SB RAS Yelena Hlyostkina, Acting Director of Federal Research Center N. I. -
Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski*
Latin American Program | Kennan Institute | February 2019 President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela receives a book in Russian about Hugo Chávez from President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Photo by www.kremlin.ru / Creative Commons 4.0 Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski* Russia’s foreign policy is part of a complex tapestry intended to bolster its current president, Vladimir Putin. Moscow’s relations with Venezuela are a prime example of this strategy. Russian engagement with the Bolivarian Republic demonstrates Vladimir Putin’s global ambitions to recruit geographically distant nations as partners in constructing a new multipolar, anti-U.S. world order. The Russian government has learned to bolster domestic support for Putin at home by taking advantage of situations unfolding in the Russian “far abroad” as elements of a political spectacle portraying Russia’s return as a global power. Russia’s relationship with Venezuela is also a story of missed business opportunities, multi-million dollar risky investments, dubious personal enrichment, and vast corruption. It also features denials, by a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, of massive human rights violations in Venezuela in the name of “21st Century Socialism.” Three key aspects of interaction between Moscow and Caracas are essential to understand the Russia’s policy toward the region and Venezuela in particular. First is Russia’s “return” to Latin America toward the end of the 1990s and subsequent events LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM leading to the present challenges. Second is the role of political priorities rather than business interests that comprise the true guiding principles of the Russian involvement in the key sectors of the Venezuelan economy such as oil and gas. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science State-Led Coercive Takeovers in Putin's Russia: Explaining the Underlying
The London School of Economics and Political Science State-led coercive takeovers in Putin’s Russia: explaining the underlying motives and ownership outcomes Andrew Yorke A thesis submitted to the Department of Government at the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, April 2014 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Abstract Since Vladimir Putin first became Russia’s President in 2000, the state has played an increasingly active and interventionist role in the economy, including through its involvement in a large number of coercive takeovers of privately-owned businesses. The best known case is the Yukos affair, but there have been many other, less prominent takeovers. These have largely been explained as predatory acts by state officials seeking to enrich themselves or increase their power. This has contributed to the perception that Putin’s Russia is a kleptocracy, with the state given free rein to engage in economically-destructive attacks on property rights.