Medvedev's Investor Charm Offensive
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"Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks"
AFRICA REVIEW EURASIA REVIEW "Waves" of the Russia's Presidential Reforms Break About Premier's "Energy-Rocks" By Dr. Zurab Garakanidze* Story about the Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s initiative to change the make-up of the boards of state-owned firms, especially energy companies. In late March of this year, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev demanded that high-ranking officials – namely, deputy prime ministers and cabinet-level ministers that co-ordinate state policy in the same sectors in which those companies are active – step down from their seats on the boards of state-run energy companies by July 1. He also said that October 1 would be the deadline for replacing these civil servants with independent directors. The deadline has now passed, but Medvedev‟s bid to diminish the government‟s influence in the energy sector has run into roadblocks. Most of the high-level government officials who have stepped down are being replaced not by independent managers, but by directors from other state companies in the same sector. Russia‟s state-owned oil and gas companies have not been quick to replace directors who also hold high-ranking government posts, despite or- ders from President Dmitry Medvedev. High-ranking Russian officials have made a show of following President Medvedev‟s order to leave the boards of state-run energy companies, but government influence over the sector remains strong. This indicates that the political will needed for the presidential administration to push eco- nomic reforms forward may be inadequate. 41 www.cesran.org/politicalreflection Political Reflection | September-October-November 2011 Russia's Presidential Reforms | By Dr. -
Russi-Monitor-Monthl
MONTHLY May 2020 CONTENTS 3 17 28 POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN BELARUS RAMPS UP RUSSIAN ECONOMY COMES CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC DIVERSIFICATION EFFORTS BADLY BECAUSE OF PANDEMIC PIPE PROJECT TO CHALLENGE WITH U.S. AND GULF CRUDE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE PURCHASES POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC PIPE PROJECT CORONAVIRUS IN RUSSIA: BAD NEWS FOR 3 TO CHALLENGE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE 20 THE COUNTRY MOSCOW: THE CAPITAL RUSSIA UNVEILS RESCUE PLAN FOR OIL 5 OF RUSSIAN CORONAVIRUS OUTBREAK 22 SECTOR VLADIMIR PUTIN SUFFERS PRESTIGIOUS 6 FAILURE IN VICTORY DAY CELEBRATIONS 23 TENSIONS RISE IN THE BLACK SEA RUSSIA EASES LOCKDOWN YET OFFERS ROSNEFT, TRANSNEFT IN NEW FEUD OVER 8 LITTLE SUPPORT TO CITIZENS 25 TRANSPORTATION TARIFFS ROSNEFT’S SECHIN ASKS OFFICIALS FOR NEW TAX RELIEFS DESPITE RECENT GAZPROM IS TURNING TOWARDS CHINA, 10 MISHAPS 27 BUT THERE ARE PROBLEMS FRADKOV REMAINS AT THE HELM OF THE RUSSIAN ECONOMY COMES BADLY 12 KREMLIN’S “INTELLIGENCE SERVICE” 28 BECAUSE OF PANDEMIC RUSSIA STEPS UP DIPLOMATIC EFFORTS AS RUSSIA AIMS TO BOOST MILITARY FACILITIES 14 KREMLIN AIDE KOZAK VISITS BERLIN 30 IN SYRIA GAZPROM’S NATURAL GAS EXPORT RUSSIA–NATO TENSIONS CONTINUE ON 16 REVENUE DECLINED DRAMATICALLY IN Q1 32 BOTH FLANKS BELARUS RAMPS UP DIVERSIFICATION RUSSIA, BELARUS SQUABBLE OVER GAS EFFORTS WITH U.S. AND GULF CRUDE DELIVERIES IN NEW CHAPTER OF ENERGY 17 PURCHASES 34 WAR RUSSIA’S ROSNEFT HAS NEW OWNERSHIP RUSSIA FACES BIGGEST MILITARY THREAT 19 STRUCTURE BUT SAME CEO 36 FROM WEST, SHOIGU SAYS 2 www.warsawinstitute.org 4 May 2020 POLAND AND DENMARK BEGIN CONSTRUCTION OF BALTIC PIPE PROJECT TO CHALLENGE RUSSIAN GAS DOMINANCE Construction of a major gas pipeline from Norway is to begin in the coming days, Polish President Andrzej Duda said in the morning of May 4. -
Patronage of Vladimir Putin
LLorord of the d of the RiRigsgs RosRosnenefftt a as s a a MMiirrrror oor off Rus Russisia’sa’s Ev Evololututiionon Nina Poussenkova Carnegie Moscow Center PortPortrraiaitt of of RosneRosneft ft E&P Refining Marketing Projects Yuganskneftegas Komsomolsk Purneftegas Altainefteproduct Sakhalin 3, 4, 5 Sakhalinmorneftegas Tuapse Kurgannefteproduct Vankor block of fields Severnaya Neft Yamalnefteproduct West Kamchatka shelf Polar Lights Nakhodkanefteproduct Black and Azov Seas Sakhalin1 Vostoknefteproduct Kazakhstan Vankorneft Arkhangelsknefteproduct Algiers Krasnodarneftegas Murmansknefteproduct CPC Stavropolneftegas Smolensknefteproduct VostochnoSugdinsk block Grozneft Artag Verkhnechonsk KabardinoBalkar Fuel Co Neftegas Karachayevo Udmurtneft Cherkessknefteproduct Kubannefteproduct Tuapsenefteproduct Stavropoliye ExYuganskneftegas: 2004 oil production (21 mt) – 4.7% of Russia’s total CEO – S.Bogdanchikov BoD Chairman – I.Sechin Proved oil reserves – 4.8% of Russia’s total With Yuganskneftegas: > 75% owned by the state Rosneftegas 2006 oil production (75 mt) – 15% of Russia’s total 9.44% YUKOS >14% sold during IPO Proved oil reserves – 20% of Russia’s total RoRosnesneftft’s’s Saga Saga 1985 1990 1992 1995 2000 2005 2015 KomiTEK Sibneft LUKOIL The next ONACO target ??? Surgut TNK Udmurtneft The USSR Slavneft Ministry of Rosneftegas the Oil Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Rosneft Industry 12 mt 240 mt 20 mt 460 mt 75 mt 595 mt VNK 135 mt Milestones: SIDANCO 1992 – start of privatization Severnaya Neft 1998 – appointment of S.Bogdanchikov -
Power Surge? Russia’S Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond
Power Surge? Russia’s Power Ministries from Yeltsin to Putin and Beyond PONARS Policy Memo No. 414 Brian D. Taylor Syracuse University December 2006 The “rise of the siloviki ” has become a standard framework for analyzing Russian politics under President Vladimir Putin . According to this view, the main difference between Putin’s rule and that of former president Boris Yeltsin is the triumph of guns (the siloviki ) over money (the oligarchs). This approach has a lot to recommend it, but it also raises sever al important questions . One is the ambiguity embedded in the term siloviki itself . Taken from the Russian phrase for the power ministries ( silovie ministerstva ) or power structures ( silovie strukturi ), the word is sometimes used to refer to those ministrie s and agencies ; sometimes to personnel from those structures ; and sometimes to a specific “clan” in Russian politics centered around the deputy head of the presidential administration, former KGB official Igor Sechin . A second issue , often glossed over in the “rise of the siloviki ” story , is whether the increase in political power of men with guns has necessarily led to the strengthening of the state, Putin’s central policy goal . Finally, as many observers have pointed out, treating the siloviki as a unit – particularly when the term is used to apply to all power ministries or power ministry personnel – seriously overstates the coherence of this group. In this memo, I break down the rise of the siloviki narrative into multiple parts, focusing on three issues . First, I look at change over time, from the early 1990s to the present . -
Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain -
M. Korostikov / Russian State and Economy
’Ifri ’Ifri _____________________________________________________________________ Leaving to Come Back: Russian Senior Officials and the State-Owned Companies _____________________________________________________________________ Mikhail Korostikov August 2015 . Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. ISBN: 978-2-36567-435-5 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2015 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27, rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE 1000 – Bruxelles – BELGIQUE Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Fax : +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email : [email protected] Email : [email protected] Website : Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
The Role of Russian Political Leadership in Foreign Decision-Making Process: Putin and Medvedev (Case Study)
Journal of US-China Public Administration, January 2018, Vol. 15, No. 1, 13-20 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2018.01.002 D DAVID PUBLISHING The Role of Russian Political Leadership in Foreign Decision-Making Process: Putin and Medvedev (Case Study) Hussein Mezher Khalaf, Husham Ezzulddin Majeed University of Baghdad, Baghdad, Iraq After Putin took office in April 2000, he adopted a strategy aimed at strengthening central state authority, tightening its grip on economic and political institutions and strengthening its strategic capabilities. He sought to strengthen the Russian state at the international level, restore Russia’s status among world powers, and reduce US hegemony over the international order. He began from the inside through the rebuilding of the Russian state and the building of the internal economy, giving attention to the foreign policy through the establishment of friendly relations with the countries of the Central Asian region, as well as the military and diplomatic relations and the increase of Russian military bases in the Central Asian Republics. During Putin’s second term in office, Russian foreign relations became more realistic, when Russia’s foreign policy goals were announced in an attempt by the political leadership to restore Russia’s global role again. In 2008, Medvedev became the prime minister but this new reality did not cancel the influential role of the political leadership (Putin and Medvedev) in foreign policy; although the superficial changes in the general framework of foreign policy, the main course of -
Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia*
! e Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011) 172–200 brill.nl/spsr Performing Memory: Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia* Elizabeth A. Wood Professor, History Faculty, M.I.T. Abstract By making World War II a personal event and also a sacred one, Vladimir Putin has created a myth and a ritual that elevates him personally, uniting Russia (at least theoretically) and showing him as the natural hero-leader, the warrior who is personally associated with defending the Motherland. Several settings illustrate this personal performance of memory: Putin’s meetings with veterans, his narration of his own family’s suff erings in the Leningrad blockade, his visits to churches associated with the war, his participation in parades and the creation of new uniforms, and his creation of a girls’ school that continues the military tradition. In each of these settings Putin demonstrates a connection to the war and to Russia’s greatness as dutiful son meeting with his elders, as legitimate son of Leningrad, and as father to a new generation of girls associated with the military. Each setting helps to reinforce a masculine image of Putin as a ruler who is both autocrat and a man of the people. Keywords Vladimir Putin ; World War II; memory ; patriotism; gender ; masculinity; Stalin ; Stalinism ; Dmitry Medvedev From his fi rst inauguration on May 7, 2000 and his fi rst Victory Day speech on May 9, 2000, over the course of the next eleven years, Vladimir Putin has repeatedly personifi ed himself as the defender, even the savior of the Motherland. -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski*
Latin American Program | Kennan Institute | February 2019 President Nicolás Maduro of Venezuela receives a book in Russian about Hugo Chávez from President Vladimir Putin of Russia. Photo by www.kremlin.ru / Creative Commons 4.0 Russian-Venezuelan Relations at a Crossroads Vladimir Rouvinski* Russia’s foreign policy is part of a complex tapestry intended to bolster its current president, Vladimir Putin. Moscow’s relations with Venezuela are a prime example of this strategy. Russian engagement with the Bolivarian Republic demonstrates Vladimir Putin’s global ambitions to recruit geographically distant nations as partners in constructing a new multipolar, anti-U.S. world order. The Russian government has learned to bolster domestic support for Putin at home by taking advantage of situations unfolding in the Russian “far abroad” as elements of a political spectacle portraying Russia’s return as a global power. Russia’s relationship with Venezuela is also a story of missed business opportunities, multi-million dollar risky investments, dubious personal enrichment, and vast corruption. It also features denials, by a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, of massive human rights violations in Venezuela in the name of “21st Century Socialism.” Three key aspects of interaction between Moscow and Caracas are essential to understand the Russia’s policy toward the region and Venezuela in particular. First is Russia’s “return” to Latin America toward the end of the 1990s and subsequent events LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM leading to the present challenges. Second is the role of political priorities rather than business interests that comprise the true guiding principles of the Russian involvement in the key sectors of the Venezuelan economy such as oil and gas. -
Governors, Oligarchs, and Siloviki: Oil and Power in Russia
Governors, Oligarchs, and Siloviki: Oil and Power in Russia Ahmed Mehdi, Shamil Yenikeyeff February 2013 Russia/NIS Center Ifri is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debates and research activities. The opinions expressed in this article are the authors’ alone and do not reflect the official views of their institutions. Russia/NIS Center © All rights reserved – Ifri – Paris, 2013 ISBN: 978-2-36567-103-3 IFRI IFRI-Bruxelles 27 RUE DE LA PROCESSION RUE MARIE-THERESE, 21 75740 PARIS CEDEX 15 – FRANCE 1000 BRUXELLES TEL. : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 TEL. : 32(2) 238 51 10 FAX : 33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 FAX : 32 (2) 238 51 15 E-MAIL : [email protected] E-MAIL : [email protected] WEBSITE : www.ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection of articles dedicated to the study of Russia and other former Soviet states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). Written by leading experts, these policy- oriented papers deal with strategic, political and economic issues. -
Kesarev Memo | New Russian Government | January 2020
Kesarev phone: +32 (2) 899 4699 e-mail: [email protected] www.kesarev.com NEW RUSSIAN CABINET: STAFF “REVOLUTION” INSTEAD OF STRUCTURAL REFORMS? Summary On January 21, 2020, President Putin approved the structure of the new Russian Government and appointed Deputy Prime Ministers and federal Ministers. New Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin was appointed on January 16. What are the key specifics of the new Cabinet? The key specific feature of the new Russian Cabinet is that while the structural changes are minimal, the staff reshuffles proved to be radical, both in terms of the number of new people appointed to top offices and change of political status of key Cabinet members (how close they are to the President). This is an extremely atypical decision for Putin, compared to previous Cabinets over the entire period of his stay in power. Earlier, as a rule, the Cabinets included influential figures close to the President and personally associated with him, and a system of checks and balances between different elite groups existed. But at the same time, the decision to change the approach to the Cabinet appointments is logical in the context of a broader presidential “staff policy” over recent years - the so-called “technocratisation” of power (the appointment of young “technocratic” governors, the penetration of such figures into Medvedev’s second Cabinet, the appointment of the head of the Presidential Administration, a “technocrat” Anton Vayno during the Parliamentary election campaign in 2016 and the launch of “Leaders of Russia” contest in order to select and train a “succession pool” for the top positions in the federal and regional civil bureaucracy).