When Will Putin Term End
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Russian Strategy Towards Ukraine's Presidential Election
BULLETIN No. 49 (49) August 19, 2009 © PISM Editors: Sławomir Dębski (Editor-in-Chief), Łukasz Adamski, Mateusz Gniazdowski, Beata Górka-Winter, Leszek Jesień, Agnieszka Kondek (Executive Editor), Łukasz Kulesa, Ernest Wyciszkiewicz Russian Strategy towards Ukraine’s Presidential Election by Jarosław Ćwiek-Karpowicz Dmitry Medvedev’s letter to Viktor Yushchenko is a clear signal of Russia’s intention to influ- ence internal developments in Ukraine, including the course of the presidential campaign. In the run-up to the January 2010 poll, unlike in the period preceding the Orange Revolution, Russia will very likely refrain from backing just a single candidate, and instead will seek a deepening of the existing divisions and further destabilization on the Ukrainian political scene, destabilization which it sees as helping to protect Russian interests in Ukraine. Medvedev’s Letter. In an open letter to Viktor Yushchenko, dated 11 August, Dmitry Medvedev put the blame for the crisis in bilateral relations on the Ukrainian president, and he explained that the arrival of the new ambassador to Kiev, Mikhail Zurabov—replacing Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was recalled last June—would be postponed. Medvedev accused his Ukrainian counterpart of having knowingly abandoned the principles of friendship and partnership with Russia during the past several years. Among the Yushchenko administration’s alleged anti-Russian actions, he listed weapons shipments and support extended to Georgia in last year’s armed conflict in South Ossetia; endeavors to gain -
The Role of Russian Political Leadership in Foreign Decision-Making Process: Putin and Medvedev (Case Study)
Journal of US-China Public Administration, January 2018, Vol. 15, No. 1, 13-20 doi: 10.17265/1548-6591/2018.01.002 D DAVID PUBLISHING The Role of Russian Political Leadership in Foreign Decision-Making Process: Putin and Medvedev (Case Study) Hussein Mezher Khalaf, Husham Ezzulddin Majeed University of Baghdad, Baghdad, Iraq After Putin took office in April 2000, he adopted a strategy aimed at strengthening central state authority, tightening its grip on economic and political institutions and strengthening its strategic capabilities. He sought to strengthen the Russian state at the international level, restore Russia’s status among world powers, and reduce US hegemony over the international order. He began from the inside through the rebuilding of the Russian state and the building of the internal economy, giving attention to the foreign policy through the establishment of friendly relations with the countries of the Central Asian region, as well as the military and diplomatic relations and the increase of Russian military bases in the Central Asian Republics. During Putin’s second term in office, Russian foreign relations became more realistic, when Russia’s foreign policy goals were announced in an attempt by the political leadership to restore Russia’s global role again. In 2008, Medvedev became the prime minister but this new reality did not cancel the influential role of the political leadership (Putin and Medvedev) in foreign policy; although the superficial changes in the general framework of foreign policy, the main course of -
Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia*
! e Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 38 (2011) 172–200 brill.nl/spsr Performing Memory: Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia* Elizabeth A. Wood Professor, History Faculty, M.I.T. Abstract By making World War II a personal event and also a sacred one, Vladimir Putin has created a myth and a ritual that elevates him personally, uniting Russia (at least theoretically) and showing him as the natural hero-leader, the warrior who is personally associated with defending the Motherland. Several settings illustrate this personal performance of memory: Putin’s meetings with veterans, his narration of his own family’s suff erings in the Leningrad blockade, his visits to churches associated with the war, his participation in parades and the creation of new uniforms, and his creation of a girls’ school that continues the military tradition. In each of these settings Putin demonstrates a connection to the war and to Russia’s greatness as dutiful son meeting with his elders, as legitimate son of Leningrad, and as father to a new generation of girls associated with the military. Each setting helps to reinforce a masculine image of Putin as a ruler who is both autocrat and a man of the people. Keywords Vladimir Putin ; World War II; memory ; patriotism; gender ; masculinity; Stalin ; Stalinism ; Dmitry Medvedev From his fi rst inauguration on May 7, 2000 and his fi rst Victory Day speech on May 9, 2000, over the course of the next eleven years, Vladimir Putin has repeatedly personifi ed himself as the defender, even the savior of the Motherland. -
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy
Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Cory Welt Analyst in European Affairs August 21, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R44775 Russia: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Over the last five years, Congress and the executive branch have closely monitored and responded to new developments in Russian policy. These developments include the following: increasingly authoritarian governance since Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidential post in 2012; Russia’s 2014 annexation of Ukraine’s Crimea region and support of separatists in eastern Ukraine; violations of the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty; Moscow’s intervention in Syria in support of Bashar al Asad’s government; increased military activity in Europe; and cyber-related influence operations that, according to the U.S. intelligence community, have targeted the 2016 U.S. presidential election and countries in Europe. In response, the United States has imposed economic and diplomatic sanctions related to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Syria, malicious cyber activity, and human rights violations. The United States also has led NATO in developing a new military posture in Central and Eastern Europe designed to reassure allies and deter aggression. U.S. policymakers over the years have identified areas in which U.S. and Russian interests are or could be compatible. The United States and Russia have cooperated successfully on issues such as nuclear arms control and nonproliferation, support for military operations in Afghanistan, the Iranian and North Korean nuclear programs, the International Space Station, and the removal of chemical weapons from Syria. In addition, the United States and Russia have identified other areas of cooperation, such as countering terrorism, illicit narcotics, and piracy. -
Kesarev Memo | New Russian Government | January 2020
Kesarev phone: +32 (2) 899 4699 e-mail: [email protected] www.kesarev.com NEW RUSSIAN CABINET: STAFF “REVOLUTION” INSTEAD OF STRUCTURAL REFORMS? Summary On January 21, 2020, President Putin approved the structure of the new Russian Government and appointed Deputy Prime Ministers and federal Ministers. New Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin was appointed on January 16. What are the key specifics of the new Cabinet? The key specific feature of the new Russian Cabinet is that while the structural changes are minimal, the staff reshuffles proved to be radical, both in terms of the number of new people appointed to top offices and change of political status of key Cabinet members (how close they are to the President). This is an extremely atypical decision for Putin, compared to previous Cabinets over the entire period of his stay in power. Earlier, as a rule, the Cabinets included influential figures close to the President and personally associated with him, and a system of checks and balances between different elite groups existed. But at the same time, the decision to change the approach to the Cabinet appointments is logical in the context of a broader presidential “staff policy” over recent years - the so-called “technocratisation” of power (the appointment of young “technocratic” governors, the penetration of such figures into Medvedev’s second Cabinet, the appointment of the head of the Presidential Administration, a “technocrat” Anton Vayno during the Parliamentary election campaign in 2016 and the launch of “Leaders of Russia” contest in order to select and train a “succession pool” for the top positions in the federal and regional civil bureaucracy). -
Medvedev's Investor Charm Offensive
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-06-19/putin-casts-shadow-as-medvedev-drives-investor-charm-offensive.html Putin Casts Shadow as Medvedev Is Driving Russian Investor Charm Offensive Russia's president Dmitry Medvedev speaks during the opening address of the St Petersburg International Economic Forum in St Petersburg. Photographer: Andrey Rudakov/Bloomberg June 16 (Bloomberg) -- Igor Yurgens, head of the Institute of Contemporary Development and an adviser to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev, discusses the outlook for the Russian economy and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin's future. He speaks with Bloomberg's Ryan Chilcote on the sidelines of the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum. (Source: Bloomberg) Russia's prime minister Vladimir Putin. Photographer: Jock Fistick/Bloomberg Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s charm offensive to woo investors at the annual St. Petersburg conference had one missing ingredient: Vladimir Putin. The prime minister was absent from the three-day gathering of executives as Medvedev announced plans to step up state-asset sales and reverse the country’s policy of “state capitalism.” With Putin saying he’s opposed to “liberal experiments,” the risk for Medvedev is that few investors will bet his promises will come about until clarity over next year’s presidential election is achieved. Medvedev, picked by Putin to succeed him as leader in 2008, has made fighting corruption and cutting the state’s role in the economy one of the cornerstones of his presidency. Putin, who kept the main levers of power as prime minister, hasn’t ruled out a return to the Kremlin next year. The rivalry could check investment as Russia tries to cut its reliance on energy exports and bring growth near levels of rival emerging economies such as China and India. -
The Russian Elite in the Post-Putin Era
Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone March 2021 Note d’analyse no. 76 The Russian Elite in the post-Putin Era Marie Brancaleone 2 © 2021 Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Le CECRI ne prend pas de position institutionnelle sur des questions de politiques publiques. Les opinions exprimées dans la présente publication n'engagent que les auteurs cités nommément. Direction : Tanguy Struye de Swielande Centre d’étude des crises et conflits internationaux Université catholique de Louvain Place Montesquieu 1, bte L2.08.07 1348 Louvain-la-Neuve Belgique www.cecrilouvain.be Photo de couverture : © Marie Brancaleone 3 ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marie Brancaleone is a student at the ULB, enrolled in a Specialised Master in European Interdisciplinary Studies. She already holds a Master in International Relations at UCL. Her interests mainly focus on Russian political, societal and security issues and Russia’s relations with neighbouring countries and regions, including the European Union. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... 4 INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................ 6 2. THE WORKING OF THE ELITE SYSTEM IN RUSSIA ..................................................... 7 3. A CATEGORISATION OF THE RUSSIAN ELITE ............................................................. 8 Putin’s family -
INFO PACK Understanding the Proposed Amendments to The
INFO PACK Understanding the Proposed Amendments to the Russian Constitution: Power Grab or Institutional Fortification? INFO PACK Understanding the Proposed Amendments to the Russian Constitution: Power Grab or Institutional Fortification? Aruuke Uran Kyzy Understanding the Proposed Amendments to the Russian Constitution: Power Grab or Institutional Fortification? © TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PUBLISHER TRT WORLD RESEARCH CENTRE May 2020 WRITTEN BY Aruuke Uran Kyzy PHOTO CREDIT ANADOLU AGENCY TRT WORLD İSTANBUL AHMET ADNAN SAYGUN STREET NO:83 34347 ULUS, BEŞİKTAŞ İSTANBUL / TURKEY TRT WORLD LONDON 200 GRAYS INN ROAD, WC1X 8XZ LONDON / UNITED KINGDOM TRT WORLD WASHINGTON D.C. 1819 L STREET NW SUITE, 700 20036 WASHINGTON DC / UNITED STATES www.trtworld.com researchcentre.trtworld.com The opinions expressed in this Info Pack represent the views of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the TRT World Research Centre. 4 Understanding the Proposed Amendments to the Russian Constitution: Power Grab or Institutional Fortification? Introduction he purpose of this info pack is to upper house). There he spoke about the strengthen- compile existing research on official ing of the role of parliament and the cancellation of Russian statements and aggregate the phrase ‘consecutive’ from the article banning relevant data on the proposed consti- any person from serving as president of the Russian T tutional amendment. This info-pack Federation for more than two consecutive terms. explores: (i) the shifts in the distribution of power This step would ensure that Russia’s presidents in between the presidential and legislative branches the future would face more institutional constraints of government, (ii) securing the prevalence of the than does Putin himself. -
The Electoral System of the Russian Federation
The original of this publication was published as the research commissioned by the Policy Department for the Foreign Affairs Committee of the European Parliament within a framework contract with IRIS. The original version was published separately by the EP (Policy Department for External Policies) in 2011 (number PE 433.688). Copyrights belong to the European Parliament April 2011 THE EU-RUSSIA CENTRE REVIEW The electoral system of the Russian Federation Issue Seventeen CONTENTS Executive summary 4 Introduction 6 Background 6 The evolution of electoral law 7 Roles of legislative and executive branches 9 The Federal Assembly 9 Presidential powers 9 Elections under each President 10 The Yeltsin years 10 New constitution – President versus Parliament 10 Development of political parties under Yeltsin 11 The first three legislative elections 11 Presidential elections 1991 – 1996 13 International Reactions 13 Assessment of the Yeltsin period 15 The Putin years 16 Rise of United Russia 16 Presidential Elections 2000 - 2004 17 Changes during Putin‘s presidency 17 Control of the Media 18 International reactions 18 Assessment of Putin‘s presidency 21 Medvedev‘s Presidency 21 Modernisation Strategy 22 Electoral changes under Medvedev 22 Recent developments 23 Assessment of Medvedev‘s presidency 23 Political parties and electoral support 23 2 Russia‘s party system 23 Law on political parties 23 Funding of parties 24 Role of parties 25 Voter turnout 27 Voter attitudes 28 On political opposition 28 On electoral rules 28 On a personal cult of Putin 28 International reactions 28 Conclusion 29 Annex I: Presidential Election Results 1991-2008 33 Annex II: State Duma Election Results 1993-2007 35 Annex III: The Levada Centre surveys – Public Opinion 37 Bibliography 41 3 A study for the European Parliament by Professor Bill Bowring, Birkbeck College, London, member of the Advisory Board of the EU-Russia Centre1. -
Biographies of the Political Leaders of the Medvedev Administration
Biographies of the political leaders of the Medvedev Administration DMITRY MEDVEDEV President of the Russian Federation since May 2008 The latest Presidential elections in Russia, held in March, 2008, were preceded by a huge mass-media debate over the future successor of Vladimir Putin. The end of 2007 marked the period of one year and seven months during which Putin’s public approval ratings did not drop below 50%. For many people his strong political leadership gave rise to the misapprehension that he was going to amend the Constitution and stay on for a third term. Political experts, in turn, were prophesying a great power vacuum if Putin were to step down. The uncertainty came to an end on 10 December 2007 when Putin officially announced his support for Dmitry Medvedev as the Russian presidential candidate. By that time, Medvedev was occupying the post of First Deputy Prime Minister and was thus in charge of several national projects aimed at social development. In general, it would be unfair to say that Medvedev was unknown to the Russian public in 2008. Nonetheless, his image of an aver- age politician merging into the background of Putin’s admin- istration did not usually attract much attention. However, in December, 2007 public interest in him skyrocketed and for the rest of the electoral campaign he remained the centre of public attention. Dmitry Medvedev was born on September 14, 1965 in Leningrad (now St Petersburg). Both his parents were uni- Economic Forum World versity professors and they encouraged their son’s inter- Dmitry Medvédev est in science from an early age. -
REPORT Vladimir Putin's Big Government and the “Politburo 2.0”
REPORT Vladimir Putin’s Big Government and the “Politburo 2.0” Minchenko Consulting Communication Group presents the report “Vladimir Putin’s Big Government and the Politburo 2.0”, which is based on the results of an expert survey of more than 60 participants (representatives of the country’s political and business elites). Due to the specific nature of the survey, subject participation was strictly anonymous. The purpose of the survey was to build a consistent model of the informal decision-making system formed following the electoral cycle of 2011-2012, and of making staff decisions concerning the appointment of the new line-up in the Russian Government and the Presidential Executive Office. The report is intended for regional elites, Russian business and foreign investors. The formation of a new executive structure (including the government, the Presidential Executive Office, rotation in the governors’ offices) demonstrated us a new staffing style of Vladimir Putin. The traditional scheme of the “checks and balances” elite system was sophisticated: - A “control unit” that is in fact a back-up structure to the government was created within the Presidential Executive Office; it is represented by assistants to the President and specific administrations controlled by them. It should be noted that thanks to their staff these administrations can compete with ministries and governmental departments on the speed of bureaucratic procedures. There also exist recruitment centers alternative to the Presidential Executive Office [hereinafter – the PEO]. For example, Vladislav Surkov’s team that moved into the government; for now it is forced away from managing the domestic policy but, when necessary, it is ready to resume performing this function; - The President set up a number of new commissions (specifically, commissions for energy and for monitoring the execution of the President’s pre-election promises), which comprise of both ministers and representatives of the PEO. -
The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin´S Power Coalition: A
This report analyses the Russian authoritarian regime that emerged under Vladimir Putin and attempts to give a wider context to the so-called FSB-ization of the Russian government. The Dual Structure and Mentality of Joris van Bladel The first part of the report deals with Putin’s main achievements in domestic and foreign policy and examines the extent to which state policy has fulfilled the aspirations of the Russian public. The much-needed stability and Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition security that Putin has brought to the country seem to outweigh the fact that the government has veered towards authoritarianism. The degree to which Russian society has truly been taken over by the FSB is critically examined, A legacy for Medvedev and this process of FSB-ization is explained in a wider social and historical context. DR. JORIS VAN BLADEL The second part aims to bring some insight into the current political dynamic by examining the power relations in the coalition and the mentalities typical of the major factions: the ‘siloviki’ and the liberal. In particular, the ‘siloviki’ are critically examined with regard to their history, their typical modes of thinking, and their rise to influence. The very notion of ‘siloviki’ is given a more precise explanation by showing why they have come to power, whom the term ‘siloviki’ should actually be applied to, what their mode of thinking is like, and how PowerCoalition Putin’s Vladimir of Mentality and Dual Structure The influential they are likely to be in the future. The study then focuses on the actual siloviki faction: its members, its role, and its influence.