The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin´S Power Coalition: A

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin´S Power Coalition: A This report analyses the Russian authoritarian regime that emerged under Vladimir Putin and attempts to give a wider context to the so-called FSB-ization of the Russian government. The Dual Structure and Mentality of Joris van Bladel The first part of the report deals with Putin’s main achievements in domestic and foreign policy and examines the extent to which state policy has fulfilled the aspirations of the Russian public. The much-needed stability and Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition security that Putin has brought to the country seem to outweigh the fact that the government has veered towards authoritarianism. The degree to which Russian society has truly been taken over by the FSB is critically examined, A legacy for Medvedev and this process of FSB-ization is explained in a wider social and historical context. DR. JORIS VAN BLADEL The second part aims to bring some insight into the current political dynamic by examining the power relations in the coalition and the mentalities typical of the major factions: the ‘siloviki’ and the liberal. In particular, the ‘siloviki’ are critically examined with regard to their history, their typical modes of thinking, and their rise to influence. The very notion of ‘siloviki’ is given a more precise explanation by showing why they have come to power, whom the term ‘siloviki’ should actually be applied to, what their mode of thinking is like, and how PowerCoalition Putin’s Vladimir of Mentality and Dual Structure The influential they are likely to be in the future. The study then focuses on the actual siloviki faction: its members, its role, and its influence. A similar presentation of the neglected, yet influential liberal faction is given by way of comparison. The arrival of the new regime of Dmitry Medvedev and his entourage marks a new era, making this a key moment to revisit the policies adopted by the EU towards Russia. The report concludes with likely scenarios for the future, and it makes recommendations for policy positions and other measures likely to lead to better relations with the Russian Federation. For a selection of other FOI reports on Russia and its neighbours, please look at the last pages of this report FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency, is a mainly assignment-funded agency under the Ministry of Defence. The core activities are research, method and technology development, as well as studies conducted in the interests of Swedish defence and the safety and security of society. The organisation employs approximately 1000 personnel of whom about 800 are scientists. This makes FOI Sweden’s largest research institute. FOI gives its customers access to leading-edge expertise in a large number of fields such as security policy studies, defence and security related analyses, the assessment of various types of threat, systems for control and management of crises, protection against and management of hazardous substances, IT security and the potential offered by new sensors. FOI Swedish Defence Research Agency Phone: +46 8 55 50 30 00 www.foi.se FOI-R--2519--SE User report Defence Analysis Defence Analysis Fax: +46 8 55 50 31 00 ISSN 1650-1942 May 2008 SE-164 90 Stockholm Dr. Joris Van Bladel The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition A legacy for Medvedev Division for Defence Analysis Swedish Defence Research Agency (FOI) Joris van Bladel The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition Titel Den dubbla strukturen och mentaliteten inom Vladimir Putins maktkoalition: Ett arv för Medvedev Title The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition: A Legacy for Medvedev Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--2519--SE Rapporttyp Användarrapport Report Type User report Månad/Month Maj/May Utgivningsår/Year 2008 Antal sidor/Pages 113 ISSN ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Försvarsdepartementet Forskningsområde 1. Analys av säkerhet och sårbarhet Programme area 1. Security, safety and vulnerability analysis Delområde 11 Forskning för regeringens behov Subcategory 11 Policy Support to the Government. Projektnr/Project no A 12001 Godkänd av/Approved by Sara Gullbrandsson FOI, Totalförsvarets Forskningsinstitut FOI, Swedish Defence Research Agency Avdelningen för Försvarsanalys 164 90 Stockholm SE-164 90 Stockholm 2 FOI-R--2519--SE Abstract This report analyses the Russian authoritarian regime that emerged under Vladimir Putin and attempts to give a wider context to the so-called FSB-ization of the Russian government. The first part of the report deals with Putin’s main achievements in domestic and foreign policy and examines the extent to which state policy has fulfilled the aspirations of the Russian public. The much-needed stability and security that Putin has brought to the country seem to outweigh the fact that the government has veered towards authoritarianism. The degree to which Russian society has truly been taken over by the FSB is critically examined, and this process of FSB-ization is explained in a wider social and historical context. The second part aims to bring some insight into the current political dynamic by examining the power relations in the coalition and the mentalities typical of the major factions: the ‘siloviki’ and the liberal. In particular, the ‘siloviki’ are critically examined with regard to their history, their typical modes of thinking, and their rise to influence. The very notion of ‘siloviki’ is given a more precise explanation by showing why they have come to power, whom the term ‘siloviki’ should actually be applied to, what their mode of thinking is like, and how influential they are likely to be in the future. The study then focuses on the actual siloviki faction: its members, its role, and its influence. A similar presentation of the neglected, yet influential liberal faction is given by way of comparison. The arrival of the new regime of Dmitry Medvedev and his entourage could mark a new era, making this a key moment to revisit the policies adopted by the EU towards Russia. The report concludes with likely scenarios for the future, and it makes recommendations for policy positions and other measures likely to lead to better relations with the Russian Federation. Keywords: Russia, democracy, authoritarian regime, FSB, siloviki, power coalition, mentality, domestic policy, foreign policy, Vladimir Putin, Dmitry Medvedev 3 Joris van Bladel The Dual Structure and Mentality of Vladimir Putin’s Power Coalition Sammanfattning Föreliggande rapport analyserar den auktoritära politiska regim som växt fram under Vladimir Putins presidentskap och försöker sätta den så kallade FSB-iseringen av den ryska statsapparaten i en bredare kontext. Rapportens första del behandlar Putins huvudsakliga åstadkommanden på det inrikes- respektive utrikespolitiska området. Vidare granskas till vilken utsträckning politiken kan sägas ha uppfyllt det ryska folkets önskemål. Den efterfrågade stabilitet och säkerhet som Putin åstadkommit synes uppväga det faktum att den politiska ledningen slagit in på en auktoritär kurs. Den grad till vilken det ryska samhället verkligen har tagits över av FSB granskas kritiskt och FSB-iseringsprocessen förklaras i en vidare social och historisk kontext. Den andra delen av denna rapport syftar till att ge viss insikt i den rådande politiska dynamiken i Ryssland, genom att undersöka maktförhållandena inom koalitionen samt de mentaliteter som är karaktäristiska för de huvudsakliga grupperingarna inom den ryska makteliten: siloviker och liberaler. I synnerhet de så kallade silovikerna granskas kritiskt avseenden deras historia, karaktäristiska tankemönster och väg till makten. Själva begreppet siloviker ges en mer precis förklaring genom att peka ut skälen till att de kom till makten, vilka termen silovik faktiskt bör appliceras på, hur deras tankemönster ser ut samt hur inflytelserika de kan förväntas bli framgent. Vidare fokuseras på silovik-fraktionen: dess medlemmar, roll och inflytande. En motsvarande presentation av den förbisedda, men inflytelserika, liberala fraktionen presenteras som jämförelse. Den förnyelse av den ryska politiska regimen som Dmitri Medvedevs och hans följeslagares tillträde till makten kan innebära en ny era och utgör ett avgörande tillfälle att se över den politik som EU för mot Ryssland. Rapporten avslutas med troliga scenarier för framtiden och policyrekommendationer som kan leda till förbättringar av relationen till den Ryska federationen. Nyckelord: Ryssland, demokrati, auktoritär regim, FSB, silovik, maktkoalition, mentalitet, inrikespolitik, utrikespolitik, Vladimir Putin, Dmitri Medvedev 4 FOI-R--2519--SE Executive Summary The Putin regime draws its legitimacy from three main factors: a successful economy, the Constitution of 1993, and Putin’s great popularity with the Russian people. Russia’s economic success, contrary to common assumption, is due not only to the high gas and oil revenues, but also to the growth of the consumer and construction industries and some success in attracting foreign investors. The 1993 constitution, which Putin has not altered, legitimizes the continuity between the Yeltsin and Putin regimes. The difference between Putin’s regime and Yeltsin's is consequently only a matter of degree, not one of principle, for Putin’s super-presidential regime was actually installed by Yeltsin. Western opinion makers generally praise the Yeltsin regime and criticize the Putin one, a tendency that is largely due to a KGB phobia lingering over from the Cold War era. Without neglecting the dubious past of this security service agency, Western observers
Recommended publications
  • November 1-30, 2020
    UZBEKISATN– NOVEMBER 1-30, 2020 UZBEKISATN– NOVEMBER 1-30, 2020 ....................................................................................................................................... 1 TOP NEWS OF THE PERIOD ................................................................................................................................................................ 2 Government intends to increase excise tax rates on petrol and diesel 2 Leading trade partners of Uzbekistan 2 POLITICS AND LAW ................................................................................................................................................................................. 3 Namangan plans to build an international business center: Alisher Usmanov to contribute to the implementation of the project 3 Uzbekistan rises in the Legatum Prosperity Index 3 Worldwide Cost of Living 2020 report: Tashkent among cheapest cities to live in 4 International Organization of Migration to open its office in Uzbekistan 4 Central Asia, EU reaffirm their commitment to build strong relations 5 Facilitating Uzbekistan's Accession to the WTO 7 Economy AND FINANCE ...................................................................................................................................................................... 8 Uzbekistan takes first place in the world in terms of gold sold in the third quarter 8 The National Venture Fund UzVC is being created 8 Diesel fuel production of Euro-4 and Euro-5 standards starts in Ferghana region 9 Food
    [Show full text]
  • Australian Parliamentary Delegation
    The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic 17 April – 1 May 2005 REPORT June 2005 ii © Commonwealth of Australia 2005 ISBN 0 642 71532 7 This document was printed by the Senate Printing Unit, Department of the Senate, Parliament House, Canberra. iii MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION Leader Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert President of the Senate Senator for Tasmania Liberal Party of Australia Deputy Leader Ms Jill Hall, MP Member for Shortland (NSW) Australian Labor Party Members Senator Jacinta Collins Senator for Victoria Australian Labor Party Mrs Kay Elson, MP Member for Forde (QLD) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Jeannie Ferris Senator for South Australia Liberal Party of Australia The Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP Member for Lindsay (NSW) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Ross Lightfoot Senator for Western Australia Liberal Party of Australia Delegation secretary Mr John Vander Wyk Department of the Senate Private Secretary to the Mr Don Morris President of the Senate iv The delegation with the Archimandrite of the Holy Trinity-St Sergius Lavra monastery at Sergiev Posad, Father Savva. From left, the Deputy Head of Mission and Counsellor at the Australian Embassy, Mr Alex Brooking, Senator Jacinta Collins, Mrs Kay Elson, MP, Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert (Delegation Leader), Father Savva, Senator Ross Lightfoot, Senator Jeannie Ferris, the Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP, and Mrs Jill Hall (Deputy Leader). v TABLE OF CONTENTS MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION iii PREFACE
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
    WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Redalyc.Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale Behind the 2008
    Revista Científica General José María Córdova ISSN: 1900-6586 [email protected] Escuela Militar de Cadetes "General José María Córdova" Colombia Fernández-Osorio, Andrés Eduardo Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale Behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform? Revista Científica General José María Córdova, vol. 13, núm. 15, enero-junio, 2015, pp. 63-86 Escuela Militar de Cadetes "General José María Córdova" Bogotá, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=476247223003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Revista Científica General José María Córdova, Bogotá, Colombia, enero-junio, 2015 Estudios militares - Vol. 13, Núm. 15, pp. 63-86 issn 1900-6586 Cómo citar este artículo: Fernandez-Osorio, A. E. (2015, enero-julio). Full Spectrum Operations: the rationale behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform?. Rev. Cient. Gen. José María Córdova 13(15), 63-86 Full Spectrum Operations: the Rationale 2 Behind the 2008 Russian Military Reform?* Recibido: 05 de enero de 2015 l Aceptado: 20 de febrero de 2015. Operaciones militares de espectro total: ¿fundamento de la Reforma Militar Rusa de 2008? Des opérations militaires à spectre complet: le raisonnement caché derrière la réforme militaire russe de 2008? Operações de pleno espectro: a lógica subjacente da Reforma das Forças Armadas da Rússia de 2008? Andrés Eduardo Fernández-Osorioa * Research paper based on the first and second chapter of the author’s master dissertation, completed at University College London, United Kingdom and National Research University - Higher School of Economics, Russian Federation.
    [Show full text]
  • Biosecurity in Putin's Russia
    EXCERPTED FROM Biosecurity in Putin’s Russia Raymond A. Zilinskas and Philippe Mauger Copyright © 2018 ISBN: 978-1-62637-698-4 hc 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents List of Tables and Figures vii Acknowledgments ix 1 Putin’s Direction in the Biosciences 1 Notes 6 2 The Legacy of the Soviet Union’s Biological Warfare Program 7 The First-Generation Program, 1928–1971 7 The Second-Generation Program, 1972–1992 9 Legacy in Russia 10 Conclusions 23 Notes 25 3 Russian Biosecurity and Military Modernization 33 Russia’s Military R&D Doctrine 35 Biosecurity Threat Perceptions and Biodefense Programming 51 A Warning Sign: The Hawks Within the NBC Troops 66 Conclusions 68 Annex 3.1 Selected Russian Documents and Statements 75 Annex 3.2 Russia’s Science and Technology Priorities Since 2002 76 Notes 77 4 Biodefense and High-Technology Research and Development 87 Russian Ministry of Defense Institutions 91 Military Institutions Responsible for Advanced Weapons Acquisition Planning and R&D 115 Select Military-Industrial Complex Institutions 125 Civilian Research Institutes with Biodefense Roles 131 v vi Contents Open Financial Flows Throughout Both Military and Civilian Networks 154 Conclusions 159 Annex 4.1 A 2008 NBC Troops’ Tender Describing Future Infrastructure Work 162 Annex 4.2 Russia’s Scientific Electronic Library: eLibrary.ru 165 Notes 167 5 Civilian Bioscience and Biotechnology Since 2005 199 Developments in Biotechnology 200 Federal Programs, 2005–2016 207 Case Study 1: Consolidation of Russian Pharmaceutical Production 227 Case Study 2: Space Biology Projects 235 Case Study 3: Reforming the Russian Academies 240 Conclusions 249 Annex 5.1 Excerpts from Science in Siberia no.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Intelligence
    N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin: Russia's Choice, Second Edition
    Putin The second edition of this extremely well-received political biography of Vladimir Putin builds on the strengths of the previous edition to provide the most detailed and nuanced account of the man, his politics and his pro- found influence on Russian politics, foreign policy and society. New to this edition: Analysis of Putin’s second term as President. More biographical information in the light of recent research. Detailed discussion of changes to the policy process and the elites around Putin. Developments in state–society relations including the conflicts with oli- garchs such as Khodorkovsky. Review of changes affecting the party system and electoral legislation, including the development of federalism in Russia. Details on economic performance under Putin, including more discus- sion of the energy sector and pipeline politics. Russia’s relationship with Nato after the ‘big-bang’ enlargement, EU– Russian relations after enlargement and Russia’s relations with other post- Soviet states. The conclusion brings us up to date with debates over the question of democracy in Russia today, and the nature of Putin’s leadership and his place in the world. Putin: Russia’s choice is essential reading for all scholars and students of Russian politics. Richard Sakwa is Professor of Politics at the University of Kent, UK. Putin Russia’s choice Second edition Richard Sakwa First edition published 2004 Second edition, 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2007.
    [Show full text]
  • Too Big, Too Quick? an Institutional and Systemic Overview of the Rise of Russian Metallurgical Transnationals
    TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? AN INSTITUTIONAL AND SYSTEMIC OVERVIEW OF THE RISE OF RUSSIAN METALLURGICAL TRANSNATIONALS Cédric DURAND, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) and CEMI (EHESS) Marc LAUTIER, University Paris 13, Sorbonne Paris Cité, CEPN (CNRS, UMR 7234) Mots-clés : Transnationales, institutions, développement, crise, métallurgie, investissement direct étranger, Russie Keywords : Transnationals, Institutions, Development, Crisis, Metallurgy, Foreign Direct Investment, Russia 1. INTRODUCTION Russian outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) has expanded rapidly during the years 2000. The country has become the leading foreign inves- tor among the BRIC countries (Figure 1), but the global crisis led to a spec- tacular retreat since 2008. The rise of multinational companies from non- triadic countries has attracted growing attraction in the recent period (see Goldstein, 2007 for a review), but the Russian case has been somewhat neglected, given the scale and the speed of the phenomenon. It is also highly original as far as the sectoral concentration of these FDI is concer- ned. After the oil and gas sector, metallurgy is the second sector to parti- cipate to this foreign expansion (Liuhto and Vahtra, 2007; Kalotay, 2008; Skolkovo, 2008). REVUE D’ÉCONOMIE INDUSTRIELLE ➻ N° 142 ➻ 2 E TRIMESTRE 2013 41 TOO BIG, TOO QUICK? Russia benefits from a strong relative position in metal production. The United Company Rusal is the world’s largest producer of aluminium and alumina and Norilsk is the world’s leading producer of nickel and palla- dium. Russia is also the fourth largest steel producer and exporter in the world, with four companies ranking among the top 30 of the industry in 2009.
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
    N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Macro-Politics: Political Pragmatism Or, Economic Necessity
    The National Projects December 2019 Population and GDP (2020E data) The long and winding road Population 146.8 GDP, Nominal, US$ bln $1,781 Plans are worthless. Planning is essential” GDP/Capita, US$ $12,132 Dwight D. Eisenhower GDP/Capita, PPP, US$ $27,147 Source: World Bank, World-o-Meters, MA The National Projects (NP) are at the core of the Russian government’s efforts to pull the economy out of the current slump, National Projects - Spending* to create sustainable diversified long-term growth and to improve Rub, Bln US$ Bln lifestyle conditions in Russia. It is the key element of President Putin’s Human Capital 5,729 $88 effort to establish his legacy. Health 1,726 $27 Education 785 $12 We are now initiating coverage of the National Projects strategy. We Demographics 3,105 $48 will provide regular detailed updates about the progress in each of Culture 114 $2 the major project sectors, focusing especially on the opportunities Quality of Life 9,887 $152 Safer Roads 4,780 $74 for foreign investors and on the mechanisms for them to take part. Housing 1,066 $16 ▪ What is it? A US$390 billion program of public spending, designed Ecology 4,041 $62 to stimulate investment, build infrastructure and improve health Economic Growth 10,109 $156 and well-being by 2024, i.e. the end of the current presidential Science 636 $10 Small Business Development 482 $7 term. Digital Economy 1,635 $25 ▪ Is this a return to Soviet-style planning? For some of the NPs, Labour productivity 52 $1 Export Support 957 $15 especially those involving infrastructure, it certainly looks like it.
    [Show full text]
  • Yeltsin Coup in Russia Increases War Danger
    Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 26, Number 33, August 20, 1999 U.S.A. and NATO as a whole, have lost the ability to conduct presently ongoing world crises, I could not guarantee suc- regular warfare. The chief reason is economic. As in “Desert cess, but I am the only figure who might have a chance Storm,” and as is shown in the resumed war on Iraq, and of success. the recent war against Yugoslavia, NATO is not capable of fighting war to win with military force on the ground. The very adoption of the lunacy of “Air-Land Battle 2000” by the U.S.A. attests less to what the U.S. military forces can do, Yeltsin coup in Russia than what they have lost the capability of doing. In the war against Yugoslavia, NATO did not fight war; increases war danger indeed, both NATO and the President of the U.S.A. insisted, that this was a punishment expedition, not an actual war. What by Konstantin George NATO’s bombing attacks did, was to destroy the economy of most of the nations bordering the Danube east of Vienna. Once the British monarchy prevailed upon President Clinton On the morning of Aug. 9, Russian President Boris Yeltsin to abandon the reconstruction perspective he had announced issued a decree, firing Prime Minister Sergei Stepashin and earlier, that entire region of southeastern Europe has been dismissing the cabinet. In a statement from the Presidential transformed into a bloody mass of attrition which will soon Press Office, as carried by Itar-TASS, Yeltsin named Vladi- destroy, chain-reaction style, the entire economy of both mir Putin, who has been head of the Federal Security Service northern and western Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G
    6864 2018 January 2018 Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Günther G. Schulze, Nikita Zakharov Impressum: CESifo Working Papers ISSN 2364‐1428 (electronic version) Publisher and distributor: Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research ‐ CESifo GmbH The international platform of Ludwigs‐Maximilians University’s Center for Economic Studies and the ifo Institute Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 (0)89 2180‐2740, Telefax +49 (0)89 2180‐17845, email [email protected] Editors: Clemens Fuest, Oliver Falck, Jasmin Gröschl www.cesifo‐group.org/wp An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded ∙ from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com ∙ from the RePEc website: www.RePEc.org ∙ from the CESifo website: www.CESifo‐group.org/wp CESifo Working Paper No. 6864 Category 1: Public Finance Corruption in Russia – Historic Legacy and Systemic Nature Abstract This paper argues that corruption in Russia is systemic in nature. Low wage levels of public officials provide strong incentives to engage in corruption. As corruption is illegal, corrupt officials can be exposed any time, which enforces loyalty towards the powers that be; thus corruption is a method of governance. We trace the systemic corruption back to the Mongolian empire and demonstrate its persistence to the current regime. We show the geographic distribution of contemporary corruption within Russia, survey the literature on the causes, consequences, and cures of corruption in Russia, and discuss entry points to fighting it. JEL-Codes: D730, H110, H730, K420, N400, P370. Keywords: corruption, governance, institutions, political economy, history, Russia. Günther G. Schulze Nikita Zakharov* University of Freiburg University of Freiburg Institute of Economics Institute of Economics Platz der Alten Synagoge Platz der Alten Synagoge Germany – 79085 Freiburg i.Br.
    [Show full text]