DOCSLIB.ORG

Moscow´S Digital Offensive: Building Sovereignty in Cyberspace

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Moscow´S Digital Offensive: Building Sovereignty in Cyberspace TECHNOLOGY AND SECURITY POLICY Moscow's Digital Offensive – Building Sovereignty in Cyberspace Carolina Vendil Pallin and Mattias Hjelm Summary • Russia is pursuing a long-term policy that aims to build its cyber sovereignty. • The law on a “sovereign internet” appeared in 2019, but the concrete plans were evident in 2014 and present among the security services as long-term aspirations even further back. • The goals are strategic – to escape what Russia sees as U.S. dominance in the cyber sphere and to increase control over information flows within the “Russian segment of the internet”. • Russia has built up a capability to perform cyber operations over at least two decades, from relying on “mercenary” hackers and crude distributed denial of service attacks (DDoS) to employing its own specialists and utilising advanced malware. • Russia’s current bid for an international treaty on information security goes back to the late 1990s. • Moscow aims to achieve a high degree of coordination for this policy across different government ministries, agencies and s­­­ervices as well as with parliament and the leading Russian internet companies. Building sovereignty in cyberspace 1 What the West perceives as a Russian digital offensive left for Russian authorities was always to hammer out so- stems to a considerable degree from a deep-seated sense mething approaching a territorially defined information of insecurity in Moscow – both of being under attack and space and claim Russian sovereignty. Russia has also deve- of lagging behind technologically. Russia’s intelligence and loped its capability to conduct cyber operations and step security community, moreover, has been keenly aware of by step built a coalition of likeminded countries around how the global internet infrastructure setup affects the its bid on how to frame international information security. intelligence balance of power. These concerns intensified after the Snowden leak exposed how advantageous the U.S. Russia does not have a cyber portfolio and its allies’ position is when it comes to passive intelli- Anyone looking for a distinct cyber strategy in Russian gence-gathering over the internet.2 official security documents will be disappointed. The From these basic premises for Russia’s cyber strategy upper house of parliament, the Federation Council, follows the conclusion that the policy it pursues is long-term, drafted a cyber strategy in 2011, but the Federal Security coordinated and, therefore, difficult to influence. Service (FSB) opposed this initiative. No separate Russian Information is potentially an existential security threat cyber strategy was to exist, only an information security in what Moscow designates as “a Russian segment of the doctrine combining technical and psychological aspects. internet”. This view dominated early within the military Consequently, there is no separate government authority and security community inside Russia, but for many years dealing exclusively with cyber affairs, no military cyber the digital sphere in Russia remained relatively free. The domain and no cyber portfolio when the Russian govern- Russian political leadership initially brought national mass ment is involved in international talks: instead, there is an media, especially television, under control, but largely information space, an information security doctrine and neglected the internet as a catalyst for political protest and a Russian position on international information security. unrest. This changed with the Arab Spring and the demon- Cybersecurity and cyber operations are an integrated strations in Moscow in 2011–2012. From that point, the part of the larger Russian concepts of information security Russian government directed its attention towards not just and information operations.3 This is an important caveat strengthening but also enforcing legislation and other mea- when one embarks on any attempt to analyse Russia’s sures that would also allow it to control information on the position on cyber. Often the debate becomes blurred and internet. This, however, proved a far from easy task. Absent at times even misleading. When Russia talks of internatio- the possibility of controlling the global internet, the option nal information security, it incorporates the need to protect FOI Memo: 7521 April 2021 Project no: B12527 Approved by: Anders Norén its own information space not only against hacker attacks over Ukraine, a new round of sanctions increased con- but also against content that is illegal in Russia. This illegal cerns in Moscow about Russia’s dependence on the global content can be child pornography or terrorist propaganda, internet infrastructure. There had been no threats or even but it can also be political opposition websites or blackli- hints about cutting Russia off from this infrastructure. In- sted reporting by human rights activists. Russia internatio- side Russia’s political system, however, forces that had been nally promotes this position with vigour and consistency, championing measures to create a so-called “ internet kill as do China and a number of other authoritarian countries switch”, since the late 1990s, and the drafting of the 2000 that have similar policy goals and cooperate with Russia Information Security Doctrine,4 seized on the opportunity within, for example, the United Nations (see below). to further this agenda. At a national Security Council me- In practice, however, Russia determines that it also eting on 1 October 2014, Vladimir Putin outlined many needs to divide the concept of information security into of the main themes that would dominate the 2016 In- technical information security and psychological informa- formation Security Doctrine. He especially mentioned tion security. This is certainly the case when Russia designs the need for Russia to build a ‘sovereign internet’ that, measures to develop its own technology as well as processes if necessary, would be independent of the global internet for countering information and communications techno- infrastructure. logy (ICT) threats. For example, there is an ambitious and This proved easier said than done. Only in 2019 did prioritised national project on “Digital Economy” and draft legislation appear. At that point, the idea had become within it a sub-programme on “Digital Security”, as well as both to create a kill switch and to introduce additional an elaborate system for detecting, countering and elimina- means for sifting and blocking unwanted content traffic ting ICT threats. It is also clear that Russia has developed on Russian territory. This signified that all internet pro- its capability to engage in cyber operations (see below). viders on Russian territory would be obligated to install In Russia’s Information Security Doctrine, the equipment by 2021 to block what the government defines prioritised goals can be divided into four main areas: as illegal information from reaching internet users. The 1. to protect critical information infrastructure; law also introduces stricter government control over inter- 2. to reduce the country’s dependence on imported net infrastructure – most importantly concerning inter- technologies, including hardware, electronic com- net exchange points, cables that cross its national borders ponents and software; and routing rules. The government agency for supervising 3. to control content in what Russia sees as its national communication and media, Roskomnadzor, will play a key segment of the internet; role in supervising which routes internet traffic should take 4. to promote its view of information security inside Russia. A centre under Roskomnadzor will take over internationally. and direct traffic on Russian territory in case of an emer- For obvious reasons, the doctrine only lists threats to gency or threat. In addition to this, Russia intends to make Russian information security and the measures planned sure it has the necessary infrastructure for its internet to to counter these. However, there is ample evidence that function even when operators are unable or unwilling to Russia also engages in offensive measures. The most -ob connect to the global internet infrastructure; this would vious example is the increased incidence of cyber opera- be a Russian ‘domain name system’, with DNS servers on tions attributed to Russia, but Russia also has a plan on Russian soil. Government authorities are also obliged to how to shape the global digital landscape more to its taste conduct cyber exercises each year. 5 and then, not least, in its immediate neighbourhood. And, Somewhat ironically, Russia’s broad definition of infor- again, the focus is on shaping the information space as a mation security and its ambition to control content has whole to Russia’s advantage. Digital measures are only a led it to focus on the technical aspects, the cyber aspects. part of this overall goal. The law on a sovereign internet was not a sudden whim but rather a step further in Russia’s long-term strategy to Russia’s sovereign internet increase control and surveillance. This now takes place Russia’s illegal annexation of Crimea resulted in condem- through everything from registries of forbidden websites, nation and sanctions from the U.S. and the European so-called blacklists, and laws making it mandatory to store Union. With the downing of the Malaysian airliner MH17 user data on Russian soil, to demands on companies such FOI — 2 — Tel: +46 8 5550 3000 Swedish Defence Research Agency www.foi.se SE-164 90 Stockholm as Yandex to hand over encryption
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Inside Russia's Intelligence Agencies
    EUROPEAN COUNCIL ON FOREIGN BRIEF POLICY RELATIONS ecfr.eu PUTIN’S HYDRA: INSIDE RUSSIA’S INTELLIGENCE SERVICES Mark Galeotti For his birthday in 2014, Russian President Vladimir Putin was treated to an exhibition of faux Greek friezes showing SUMMARY him in the guise of Hercules. In one, he was slaying the • Russia’s intelligence agencies are engaged in an “hydra of sanctions”.1 active and aggressive campaign in support of the Kremlin’s wider geopolitical agenda. The image of the hydra – a voracious and vicious multi- headed beast, guided by a single mind, and which grows • As well as espionage, Moscow’s “special services” new heads as soon as one is lopped off – crops up frequently conduct active measures aimed at subverting in discussions of Russia’s intelligence and security services. and destabilising European governments, Murdered dissident Alexander Litvinenko and his co-author operations in support of Russian economic Yuri Felshtinsky wrote of the way “the old KGB, like some interests, and attacks on political enemies. multi-headed hydra, split into four new structures” after 1991.2 More recently, a British counterintelligence officer • Moscow has developed an array of overlapping described Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR) as and competitive security and spy services. The a hydra because of the way that, for every plot foiled or aim is to encourage risk-taking and multiple operative expelled, more quickly appear. sources, but it also leads to turf wars and a tendency to play to Kremlin prejudices. The West finds itself in a new “hot peace” in which many consider Russia not just as an irritant or challenge, but • While much useful intelligence is collected, as an outright threat.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Good Faith
    On the Good Faith Zoroastrianism is ascribed to the teachings of the legendary prophet Zarathustra and originated in ancient times. It was developed within the area populated by the Iranian peoples, and following the Arab conquest, it formed into a diaspora. In modern Russia it has evolved since the end of the Soviet era. It has become an attractive object of cultural produc- tion due to its association with Oriental philosophies and religions and its rearticulation since the modern era in Europe. The lasting appeal of Zoroastrianism evidenced by centuries of book pub- lishing in Russia was enlivened in the 1990s. A new, religious, and even occult dimension was introduced with the appearance of neo-Zoroastrian groups with their own publications and online websites (dedicated to Zoroastrianism). This study focuses on the intersectional relationships and topical analysis of different Zoroastrian themes in modern Russia. On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge [email protected] www.sh.se/publications On the Good Faith A Fourfold Discursive Construction of Zoroastrianism in Contemporary Russia Anna Tessmann Södertörns högskola 2012 Södertörns högskola SE-141 89 Huddinge www.sh.se/publications Cover Image: Anna Tessmann Cover Design: Jonathan Robson Layout: Jonathan Robson & Per Lindblom Printed by E-print, Stockholm 2012 Södertörn Doctoral Dissertations 68 ISSN 1652-7399 ISBN 978-91-86069-50-6 Avhandlingar utgivna vid
    [Show full text]
  • Why Governments Target Civil Society and What Can Be Done in Response a New Agenda
    APRIL 2015 Why Governments Target Civil Society and What Can Be Done in Response A New Agenda AUTHOR Sarah E. Mendelson A Report of the CSIS Human Rights Initiative 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 202-887-0200 | www.csis.org Cover photo: Shutterstock.com. Blank Why Governments Target Civil Society and What Can Be Done in Response A New Agenda Author Sarah E. Mendelson A Report of the CSIS Human Rights Initiative April 2015 About CSIS For over 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has worked to develop solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. Today, CSIS scholars are providing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofit organization headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full- time staff and large network of affiliated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to finding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. Hamre became the Center’s president and chief executive officer in 2000.
    [Show full text]
  • Internet Freedom in Vladimir Putin's Russia: the Noose Tightens
    Internet freedom in Vladimir Putin’s Russia: The noose tightens By Natalie Duffy January 2015 Key Points The Russian government is currently waging a campaign to gain complete control over the country’s access to, and activity on, the Internet. Putin’s measures particularly threaten grassroots antigovernment efforts and even propose a “kill switch” that would allow the government to shut down the Internet in Russia during government-defined disasters, including large-scale civil protests. Putin’s campaign of oppression, censorship, regulation, and intimidation over online speech threatens the freedom of the Internet around the world. Despite a long history of censoring traditional media, the Russian government under President Vladimir Putin for many years adopted a relatively liberal, hands-off approach to online speech and the Russian Internet. That began to change in early 2012, after online news sources and social media played a central role in efforts to organize protests following the parliamentary elections in December 2011. In this paper, I will detail the steps taken by the Russian government over the past three years to limit free speech online, prohibit the free flow of data, and undermine freedom of expression and information—the foundational values of the Internet. The legislation discussed in this paper allows the government to place offending websites on a blacklist, shut down major anti-Kremlin news sites for erroneous violations, require the storage of user data and the monitoring of anonymous online money transfers, place limitations on 1 bloggers and scan the network for sites containing specific keywords, prohibit the dissemination of material deemed “extremist,” require all user information be stored on data servers within Russian borders, restrict the use of public Wi-Fi, and explore the possibility of a kill-switch mechanism that would allow the Russian government to temporarily shut off the Internet.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's Silence Factory
    Russia’s Silence Factory: The Kremlin’s Crackdown on Free Speech and Democracy in the Run-up to the 2021 Parliamentary Elections August 2021 Contact information: International Partnership for Human Rights (IPHR) Rue Belliard 205, 1040 Brussels, Belgium [email protected] Contents I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4 II. INTRODUCTION 6 A. AUTHORS 6 B. OBJECTIVES 6 C. SOURCES OF INFORMATION AND METHODOLOGY 6 III. THE KREMLIN’S CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 7 A. THE LEGAL TOOLKIT USED BY THE KREMLIN 7 B. 2021 TIMELINE OF THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 9 C. KEY TARGETS IN THE CRACKDOWN ON FREE SPEECH AND DEMOCRACY 12 i) Alexei Navalny 12 ii) Organisations and Individuals associated with Alexei Navalny 13 iii) Human Rights Lawyers 20 iv) Independent Media 22 v) Opposition politicians and pro-democracy activists 24 IV. HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS TRIGGERED BY THE CRACKDOWN 27 A. FREEDOMS OF ASSOCIATION, OPINION AND EXPRESSION 27 B. FAIR TRIAL RIGHTS 29 C. ARBITRARY DETENTION 30 D. POLITICAL PERSECUTION AS A CRIME AGAINST HUMANITY 31 V. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS 37 I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY “An overdose of freedom is lethal to a state.” Vladislav Surkov, former adviser to President Putin and architect of Russia’s “managed democracy”.1 Russia is due to hold Parliamentary elections in September 2021. The ruling United Russia party is polling at 28% and is projected to lose its constitutional majority (the number of seats required to amend the Constitution).2 In a bid to silence its critics and retain control of the legislature, the Kremlin has unleashed an unprecedented crackdown on the pro-democracy movement, independent media, and anti-corruption activists.
    [Show full text]
  • RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government
    N°66 - November 22 2007 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-4 Politics & Government c KREMLIN The highly-orchestrated launching into orbit cThe highly-orchestrated launching into orbit of of the «national leader» the «national leader» Only a few days away from the legislative elections, the political climate in Russia grew particu- STORCHAK AFFAIR larly heavy with the announcement of the arrest of the assistant to the Finance minister Alexey Ku- c Kudrin in the line of fire of drin (read page 2). Sergey Storchak is accused of attempting to divert several dozen million dol- the Patrushev-Sechin clan lars in connection with the settlement of the Algerian debt to Russia. The clan wars in the close DUMA guard of Vladimir Putin which confront the Igor Sechin/Nikolay Patrushev duo against a compet- cUnited Russia, electoral ing «Petersburg» group based around Viktor Cherkesov, overflows the limits of the «power struc- home for Russia’s big ture» where it was contained up until now to affect the entire Russian political power complex. business WAR OF THE SERVICES The electoral campaign itself is unfolding without too much tension, involving men, parties, fac- cThe KGB old guard appeals for calm tions that support President Putin. They are no longer legislative elections but a sort of plebicite campaign, to which the Russian president lends himself without excessive good humour. The objec- PROFILE cValentina Matvienko, the tive is not even to know if the presidential party United Russia will be victorious, but if the final score “czarina” of Saint Petersburg passes the 60% threshhold.
    [Show full text]
  • THREAT BULLETINS Joint Cybersecurity Advisory on Russian
    THREAT BULLETINS Joint Cybersecurity Advisory on Russian GRU Kubernetes Brute Force Campaign TLP:WHITE Jul 06, 2021 On July 1, 2021, the National Security Agency (NSA), Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), and the UK’s National Cyber Security Centre (NCSC) released a Joint Cybersecurity Advisory regarding Russian General Staff Main Intelligence Directorate’s (GRU) 85th Main Special Service Center (GTsSS), Unit 26165. The joint advisory outlines Russia’s malicious use of Kubernetes clusters cloaked by various virtual private network (VPN) providers and The Onion Router (TOR) to conduct widespread, distributed, and anonymized brute force access attempts against several government and private sector targets globally. Kubernetes is an open-source system for orchestrating the deployment and management of software containers. This advisory is being shared to prevent a disruption of your network posture as these efforts are almost certainly still ongoing according to the Joint Cybersecurity Advisory. The malicious cyber activity has previously been attributed to threat groups identified as Fancy Bear, APT28, Strontium, and a variety of others by the private sector. A significant amount of malicious activity was directed at organizations using Microsoft Office 365 cloud services in addition to targeting other service providers and on-premises email servers using a variety of different protocols. This brute force capability allows the 85th GTsSS actors to access protected data, including email, and identify valid account credentials. Those credentials may then be used for a variety of purposes, including initial access, persistence, privilege escalation, and defense evasion. The actors have used identified account credentials in conjunction with exploiting publicly known vulnerabilities, such as exploiting Microsoft Exchange servers using CVE 2020-0688 and CVE 2020-17144, for remote code execution and further access to target networks.
    [Show full text]
  • Survey of Russian Elites 2020
    SURVEY OF RUSSIAN ELITES 2020 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC POLICY July 28, 2020 Sharon Werning Rivera, Professor and Chair of Government Sterling Bray ’20 James Cho ’22 Max Gersch ’23 Marykate McNeil ’20 Alexander Nemeth ’22 Spencer Royal ’22 John Rutecki ’22 Huzefah Umer ’21 (Hamilton College, Clinton, NY) With Jack Benjamin (Northwestern University ’20) Funding for the 2020 wave of the Survey of Russian Elites was provided by the National Science Foundation (Grant No. SES-1742798); the Arthur Levitt Public Affairs Center and Office of the Dean of Faculty at Hamilton College; and the Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies, Weiser Center for Europe and Eurasia, Center for Political Studies, and Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan. Questions and comments should be directed to Prof. Sharon Rivera at [email protected]. Media inquiries can be directed to Vige Barrie at [email protected]. 1 1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Since the end of the “reset” in US-Russian relations in 2012, the bilateral relationship has been marked by acrimony and mutual recriminations. At the same time, Russia under President Vladimir Putin has pursued a more muscular foreign policy around the globe, whether in Syria, Africa, or the post-Soviet region. Russia and the West are often at odds over the scope and purpose of these interventions. New data from the Survey of Russian Elites (SRE) suggest that US-Russian relations will not improve any time soon, at least insofar as they depend on the foreign policy attitudes of high-ranking Russians. Collected between February and March 2020, the data show that although the percentage of Russian elites who view the US as a threat is down considerably from the last survey in 2016, respondents are also more inclined to worry about both the growth of US military power and the possibility of information warfare emanating from the West.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of Eurasian Studies
    JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES _____________________________________________________________________________________ Journal of the Gábor Bálint de Szentkatolna Society Founded: 2009. Internet: www.federatio.org/joes.html _____________________________________________________________________________________ Volume II., Issue 1. / January — March 2010 ____________________ ISSN 1877‐4199 January‐March 2010 JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES Volume II., Issue 1. _____________________________________________________________________________________ Publisher Foundation ʹStichting MIKES INTERNATIONALʹ, established in The Hague, Holland. Account: Postbank rek.nr. 7528240 Registered: Stichtingenregister: S 41158447 Kamer van Koophandel en Fabrieken Den Haag Distribution The periodical can be downloaded from the following Internet‐address: http://www.federatio.org/joes.html If you wish to subscribe to the email mailing list, you can do it by sending an email to the following address: mikes_int‐[email protected] The publisher has no financial sources. It is supported by many in the form of voluntary work and gifts. We kindly appreciate your gifts. Address The Editors and the Publisher can be contacted at the following addresses: Email: [email protected] Postal address: P.O. Box 10249, 2501 HE, Den Haag, Holland Individual authors are responsible for facts included and views expressed in their articles. _____________________________________ ISSN 1877‐4199 © Mikes International, 2001‐2010, All Rights Reserved _____________________________________________________________________________________
    [Show full text]
  • Macron Leaks” Operation: a Post-Mortem
    Atlantic Council The “Macron Leaks” Operation: A Post-Mortem Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer The “Macron Leaks” Operation: A Post-Mortem Jean-Baptiste Jeangène Vilmer ISBN-13: 978-1-61977-588-6 This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Indepen- dence. The author is solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. June 2019 Contents Acknowledgments iv Abstract v Introduction 1 I- WHAT HAPPENED 4 1. The Disinformation Campaign 4 a) By the Kremlin media 4 b) By the American alt-right 6 2. The Aperitif: #MacronGate 9 3. The Hack 10 4. The Leak 11 5. In Summary, a Classic “Hack and Leak” Information Operation 14 6. Epilogue: One and Two Years Later 15 II- WHO DID IT? 17 1. The Disinformation Campaign 17 2. The Hack 18 3. The Leak 21 4. Conclusion: a combination of Russian intelligence and American alt-right 23 III- WHY DID IT FAIL AND WHAT LESSONS CAN BE LEARNED? 26 1. Structural Reasons 26 2. Luck 28 3. Anticipation 29 Lesson 1: Learn from others 29 Lesson 2: Use the right administrative tools 31 Lesson 3: Raise awareness 32 Lesson 4: Show resolve and determination 32 Lesson 5: Take (technical) precautions 33 Lesson 6: Put pressure on digital platforms 33 4. Reaction 34 Lesson 7: Make all hacking attempts public 34 Lesson 8: Gain control over the leaked information 34 Lesson 9: Stay focused and strike back 35 Lesson 10: Use humor 35 Lesson 11: Alert law enforcement 36 Lesson 12: Undermine propaganda outlets 36 Lesson 13: Trivialize the leaked content 37 Lesson 14: Compartmentalize communication 37 Lesson 15: Call on the media to behave responsibly 37 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Skripal Novichok Poisoning: Kremlin on Hunt for Russian 'Traitor' Who Helped Identify Hitmen
    Skripal Novichok poisoning: Kremlin on hunt for Russian 'traitor... https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/skripal-novichok-poiso... ADVERTISEMENT IN ASSOCIATION WITH ANIMAL HERO AWARDS 2018 NEWS Skripal Novichok poisoning: Kremlin on hunt for Russian 'traitor' who helped identify hitmen EXCLUSIVE: Search is on for the source of GRU leak who aided MI5 and they may be among GRU military intelligence officers still serving By Chris Hughes Defence And Security SHARE Editor & Adam Aspinall 22:20, 14 SEP 2018 UPDATED 22:23, 14 SEP 2018 1 of 14 15/09/2018, 17:44 Skripal Novichok poisoning: Kremlin on hunt for Russian 'traitor... https://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/skripal-novichok-poiso... Russian nationals Ruslan Boshirov and Alexander Petrov on Fisherton Road, Salisbury on the day the Skripals were poisoned (Image: PA) Get Daily News updates directly to your inbox Enter your email Subscribe See our privacy notice More newsletters Kremlin spy chiefs have launched an international manhunt for Putin’s new number one target - the Russian “traitor” who helped ID the Novichok hitmen. Russia intelligence was shocked by MI5’s identifying of Alexander Petrov and Ruslan Boshirov as GRU military intelligence officers as they had assumed they were unknowns. And yesterday British sources told the Daily Mirror there are suspicions the pair are from a ruthless “Spetsnaz” special forces unit, which is part of the GRU and trained in assassinations. The Kremlin is desperate to “lock-down” the leak - thought to be either a GRU man who has already defected to the west or even more devastating an insider, still 2 of 14 15/09/2018, 17:44 Skripal Novichok poisoning: Kremlin on hunt for Russian 'traitor..
    [Show full text]
  • Russia's 'Dictatorship-Of-The-Law' Approach to Internet Policy Julien Nocetti Institut Français Des Relations Internationales, Paris, France
    INTERNET POLICY REVIEW Journal on internet regulation Volume 4 | Issue 4 Russia's 'dictatorship-of-the-law' approach to internet policy Julien Nocetti Institut français des relations internationales, Paris, France Published on 10 Nov 2015 | DOI: 10.14763/2015.4.380 Abstract: As international politics' developments heavily weigh on Russia's domestic politics, the internet is placed on top of the list of "threats" that the government must tackle, through an avalanche of legislations aiming at gradually isolating the Russian internet from the global infrastructure. The growth of the Russian internet market during the last couple of years is likely to remain secondary to the "sovereignisation" of Russia's internet. This article aims at understanding these contradictory trends, in an international context in which internet governance is at a crossroads, and major internet firms come under greater regulatory scrutiny from governments. The Russian 'dictatorship-of-the-law' paradigm is all but over: it is deploying online, with potentially harmful consequences for Russia's attempts to attract foreign investments in the internet sector, and for users' rights online. Keywords: Internet governance, Russia, RuNet Article information Received: 10 Jul 2015 Reviewed: 03 Sep 2015 Published: 10 Nov 2015 Licence: Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Germany Competing interests: The author has declared that no competing interests exist that have influenced the text. URL: http://policyreview.info/articles/analysis/russias-dictatorship-law-approach-internet-policy
    [Show full text]