Brief 22 Burying the Hatchet the Decommissioning of Paramilitary Arms in Northern Ireland Brief 22
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brief 22 Burying the Hatchet The Decommissioning of Paramilitary Arms in Northern Ireland brief 22 Contents The authors Kris Brown works in the Northern Preface 4 Ireland Political Collection of the Linen Hall Library, Belfast. He Zusammenfassung studied politics at Queen’s University German summary 6 Belfast, gaining his doctorate in 2000. His main research interests are the Part 1: The History of the Decommissioning Debate 8 Northern Ireland peace process, and Irish foreign policy. Of Arms and the Men: Origin and Initial Development of the Issue 10 Corinna Hauswedell is a historian Institutionalisation of Decommissioning, 1996–1998: and works as a project leader for From the Mitchell Principles to the Agreement 22 post-conflict peace-building at BICC. Guns and Government, 1999–2000: Disarmament and She is currently in charge of a case Difficulties in Implementing the Agreement 34 study of the Northern Ireland peace process and the role of From Crisis to the Rubicon? 2000–2001 42 demilitarisation. She also lectures on Irish history at Mannheim University. Part 2: Small Arms–Bigger Issues 48 The Time Had Come: Burying the Hatchet 50 The “Twin Track” Approach of the Agreement— “Fudging” the Arms 54 Matters of Trust: External and Internal Involvement for Disarmament 58 Proliferation of Violence and the Momentum of Arms 63 Conclusions 68 Glossary 73 Editing: Moira Davidson-Seger and References 74 Mark Sedra Cover photo: Republican mural in Barcroft Park, Newry, Co. Down (December 2000). Jonathan McCormick This publication was partially funded by the Volkswagen Foundation. 2 B·I·C·C brief 22 Burying the Hatchet The Decommissioning of Paramilitary Arms in Northern Ireland Corinna Hauswedell and Kris Brown B·I·C·C 3 brief 22 Preface the leadership of Sinn Fein—publicly declared that the organisation had urying the hatchet may become the particular emphasis on the role of the begun to put its arms permanently and Bmost tangible symbol that the war domestic and international actors verifiably beyond use, and by doing so, is over. The concrete circumstances involved. The case study assesses the significantly contributed to the reinvigoration of the deteriorating under which protagonists of civil strife potential of a satisfactory process of peace process. It would go beyond the become prepared to “put their arms demilitarisation* to foster peace scope of our analysis and not do any beyond use” depend on a variety of building and prevent further violent factors: the history and the political conflict in a post-war society. In justice to the issue, if we attempted roots of an armed conflict, the cultural particular, two relevant sections of the either to draw lessons from Northern heritage of those who have taken up Belfast Agreement lie at the core of Ireland for the “war against terrorism” or vice versa—such ill-advised and arms, and the means and provisions of our analysis: careless analogies tend to blur and the peace settlement. Sometimes, a distort the actual subject matter and window of opportunity may be opened the decommissioning of all from the outside, serving as a catalyst paramilitary arms and the the lessons that can be derived from it. generating a solution for a seemingly (re)integration of related personnel, The careful reader, though, may find intractable situation. food for thought upon which to base further research. the normalisation of security When we started our research on the arrangements and practices, such as This comprehensive publication on topic of Demilitarisation in Northern the reduction of the numbers and Ireland—The Role of “Decommissioning” role of the state armed forces, the decommissioning, the first following and “Normalisation of Security” in the Peace removal of security installations and the breakthrough of 23 October 2001, Process (DINI) in early 2000, the Belfast the redevelopment of former analyses the reasons that made the arms issue in Northern Ireland such a Agreement was almost two years old, a military areas for civilian needs. difficult obstacle for the peace process. promising child in the international We assess the attempts to solve the arena of conflict settlement that was In a comparative attempt we hoped to struggling enormously hard to learn offer a key set of lessons applicable as sensitive arms issue, both the failures how to walk. The issue of a door opener into the Northern Irish and the process of confidence building decommissioning paramilitary arms impasse, and vice versa, to draw that provided success. had become the seemingly universal lessons from the Northern The recognition that the issue of insurmountable stumbling block on the Irish situation that can benefit paramilitary arms carried a symbolic road to the Agreement’s full comparable international peacemaking implementation. Between the Ulster and disarmament initiatives. value and weight that went far beyond Unionist position of “no guns, no its military potential, serving as the government” and the Republican stand The scope of this publication was political foundation upon which both conflicting parties anchored their of “no surrender” no bridge of trust determined by the fact that positions, is one of the most pivotal and compromise seemed possible. decommissioning remained the findings of this research paper. Interrupted only by short moments of dominant issue throughout the period hope—after the review of the Agree- of research. We hope to continue our ment in autumn 1999 and the third research on the other related fields of Part 1 of the brief describes, from the party inspections of IRA arms dumps demilitarisation. perspective of the various players, how the issue of decommissioning in summer 2000—one serious crisis historically originated, developed, and was followed by another. In autumn Like many other colleagues working on became institutionalised, from the early 2001, a dangerous mix of a political Northern Ireland, we were often vacuum at the governmental level and a tempted to procrastinate, waiting and days of the peace talks in 1993 to the rise of violence in the streets made a hoping for a breakthrough to present a Agreement, and further on to the deep collapse of the whole peace process more original and optimistic crisis of the summer of 2001. Part 2 appear imminent. perspective. The joint project of BICC and The shattering atrocities of September INCORE aims to monitor the 11, beyond what any of us could have implementation of the Belfast Agree- imagined, created a change in the * ment and to analyse the governing climate of international relations that Demilitarisation is the term normally used by provisions of the peace accord with induced the Republican movement to BICC in its research covering issues of make their decisive start to bury the disarmament, demobilisation and conversion at a national and international level. In the Northern hatchet. On 23 October 2001, the Irish debate, demilitarisation predominantly IRA—following the encouragement of describes the reduction of state forces and their security installations. 4 B·I·C·C preface analyses the underlying factors and of the first to encourage the project; to patterns of the peace process that Paul Arthur, who let me discuss the influenced the way decommissioning project with his students at the was handled: the twin track approach University of Ulster; to Dr. Jonathan of the Agreement, the role of external McCormick, who on very short notice involvement, especially of the Inde- provided us access to the superb pendent International Commission on collection of photos in the Northern Decommissioning (IICD), and the Ireland Mural Directory; and last but problem of proliferated violence—in not least, to Paul Nolan, Director of short, the bigger issues behind the the Institute of Life Long Learning at small arms. Queens University, who in 1999, helped me acclimatise myself to the The process of taking the bullets and political geography of the place, and the bomb out of Northern Irish introduced me to the pleasures and politics has only just begun. Our difficulties of distinguishing a Catholic findings are not intended to stir up a from a Protestant. recurring political debate that, in the near future, should be pursued in less I should also like to thank my troubled waters. We intend only to colleagues at BICC: Moira Davidson widen the scope of knowledge by who edited part 1of the brief; Svenja which further disarmament and a new Bends responsible for the layout, cross-sectarian and mutually agreed shortly before giving birth to her first understanding of security and peace in child; and Mark Sedra, whose Northern Ireland can be achieved. knowledgeable input was enjoyable and useful far beyond the language editing Acknowledgements of part 2. All of these individuals made the completion of this publication not Without a series of interviews with only possible but also very presentable stakeholders in the Northern Irish while under severe constraints. peace process, i.e. relevant personnel from the British and Irish governments The Volkswagen Foundation has and from the Independent Internation- generously funded the whole project. al Commission On Decommissioning (IICD), and with representatives from the Assembly parties, spokespersons Corinna Hauswedell for paramilitary organisations, Bonn International Center for Conversion community authorities, and civic groups, this research would not have been successful. We want to thank all those who agreed to engage in UNU/INCORE, a centre for International Conflict Research, was set up in confidential dialogue that helped to 1993 by the University of Ulster and the United Nations University to make Belfast a familiar place and undertake research and policy work that is useful to the resolution of ethnic, allowed us to look behind the infamous political and religious conflicts. Currently, INCORE’s research focuses mainly walls of sectarianism. A number of on post conflict issues, issues of governance and diversity, and research excellent resources, virtual and methodology in violent societies.