Cooperation Programmes Under the European Territorial Cooperation Goal
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AGREEMENT at ST ANDREWS Over the Past Three Days in St Andrews
AGREEMENT AT ST ANDREWS Over the past three days in St Andrews we have engaged intensively with the Northern Ireland political parties with a view to achieving the goal we set in Armagh in April, which is shared by all the parties and the overwhelming majority of people in Northern Ireland: the restoration of the political institutions. We believe that the transformation brought about by the ending of the IRA's campaign provides the basis for a political settlement. 2. Our discussions have been focused on achieving full and effective operation of the political institutions. When we arrived in Scotland a limited number of outstanding issues remained to be resolved, including support for and devolution of policing and the criminal justice system, changes to the operation of the Agreement institutions, and certain other matters raised by the parties or flowing from the Preparation for Government Committee. The two Governments now believe that the agreement we are publishing today clears the way to restoration. Power sharing and the political institutions 3. Both Governments remain fully committed to the fundamental principles of the Agreement: consent for constitutional change, commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means, stable inclusive partnership government, a balanced institutional accommodation of the key relationships within Northern Ireland, between North and South and within these islands, and for equality and human rights at the heart of the new dispensation in Northern Ireland. All parties to this agreement need to be wholeheartedly and publicly committed, in good faith and in a spirit of genuine partnership, to the full operation of stable power-sharing Government and the North-South and East-West arrangements. -
Derry's Drug Vigilantes
NEWS FEATURE DERRY’S DRUG VIGILANTES Ray Coyle was gunned down as he chatted to customers at his city centre shop in Derry. His crime? Selling legal highs. Max Daly reports on how dissident Republican groups are using the region’s historical distrust of drug dealers to drum up support in Northern Ireland’s still-fractured working class communities. IT WAS afternoon rush hour in the from within the local community”, had can buy legal highs over the internet, so centre of Derry, Northern Ireland’s claimed responsibility for the attack. are they going to start shooting postmen second city. Office workers hurried home The Red Star shooting, on January for delivering it?” through the bitter January cold. Inside 27 this year, marked an escalation in RAAD responded by saying Coyle and Red Star, a ‘head shop’ selling cannabis an already rising wave of attacks by other legal high sellers in the city had paraphernalia, hippy trinkets and dissident Republican paramilitary groups been warned, through leaflets handed exotically named legal highs, shopkeeper on drug dealers in Derry. out in pubs and personal visits to shops, Ray Coyle was chatting to customers But the attack on Coyle, which came to desist in “the hope moral thinking when a man wearing a motorcycle in the wake of a dramatic rise in reports would prevail”. Coyle denied he had been helmet barged through the door. of Derry teenagers being harmed by the warned by anyone. What is for certain is “Are you Raymond Coyle?” he now banned legal high mephedrone, was that RAAD published a statement in the demanded through his visor. -
The Good Friday Agreement – an Overview
The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 2 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 June 2013 3 Published by Democratic Progress Institute 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH United Kingdom www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] +44 (0)203 206 9939 First published, 2013 ISBN: 978-1-905592-ISBN © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute, 2013 DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable.be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable 4 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview Abstract For decades, resolving the Northern Ireland conflict has been of primary concern for the conflicting parties within Northern Ireland, as well as for the British and Irish Governments. Adopted in 1998, the Good Friday Agreement has managed to curb hostilities, though sporadic violence still occurs and antagonism remains pervasive between many Nationalists and Unionists. Strong political bargaining through back-channel negotiations and facilitation from international and third-party interlocutors all contributed to what is today referred to as Northern Ireland’s peace process and the resulting Good Friday Agreement. Although the Northern Ireland peace process and the Good Friday Agreement are often touted as a model of conflict resolution for other intractable conflicts in the world, the implementation of the Agreement has proven to be challenging. -
Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered. -
Dáil Éireann
Vol. 1009 Wednesday, No. 2 23 June 2021 DÍOSPÓIREACHTAÍ PARLAIMINTE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES DÁIL ÉIREANN TUAIRISC OIFIGIÚIL—Neamhcheartaithe (OFFICIAL REPORT—Unrevised) Insert Date Here 23/06/2021A00100Ábhair Shaincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Matters 127 23/06/2021A00300Saincheisteanna Tráthúla - Topical Issue Debate 128 23/06/2021A00400Site Acquisitions ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������128 23/06/2021B00250Housing Policy 130 23/06/2021C01150Dental Services 133 23/06/2021D00400Just Transition Fund 135 23/06/2021F00100National Maternity Hospital: Motion [Private Members] ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������139 23/06/2021S00200Ceisteanna ó Cheannairí - Leaders’ Questions 168 23/06/2021W00400Ceisteanna ar Reachtaíocht a Gealladh - Questions on Promised Legislation 177 23/06/2021Z00900Mental Health (Capacity to Consent to Treatment) Bill 2021: First Stage 186 23/06/2021Z01800Ceisteanna - Questions 188 23/06/2021Z01850Economic Policy ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������188 -
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein By Claire Delisle Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Ph.D. degree in Criminology Department of Criminology Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa ©Claire Delisle, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 To the women in my family Dorothy, Rollande, Émilie, Phoebe and Avril Abstract The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. -
Universities of Leeds, Sheffield and York
promoting access to White Rose research papers Universities of Leeds, Sheffield and York http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ This is the author’s post-print version of an article published in Terrorism and Political Violence, 24 (1) White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/id/eprint/77668 Published article: Evans, JAJ and Tonge, J (2012) Menace Without Mandate? Is There Any Sympathy for “Dissident” Irish Republicanism in Northern Ireland? Terrorism and Political Violence, 24 (1). 61 - 78. ISSN 0954-6553 http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2011.608818 White Rose Research Online [email protected] Menace without Mandate? Is there any sympathy for ‘dissident’ Irish Republicanism in Northern Ireland? Abstract Dissident Irish republicans have increased their violent activities in recent years. These diehard ‘spoilers’ reject the 1998 Good Friday Agreement power-sharing deal between unionist and nationalist traditions in Northern Ireland. Instead dissident IRAs vow to maintain an armed campaign against Britain’s sovereign claim to Northern Ireland and have killed British soldiers, police officers and civilians in recent years. These groups have small political organisations with which they are associated. The assumption across the political spectrum is that, whereas Sinn Fein enjoyed significant electoral backing when linked to the now vanished Provisional IRA, contemporary violent republican ultras and their political associates are utterly bereft of support. Drawing upon new data from the ESRC 2010 Northern Ireland election survey, the first academic study to ask the electorate its views of dissident republicans, this article examines whether there are any clusters of sympathy for these irreconcilables and their modus operandi. -
Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism James
University of Huddersfield Repository McAuley, James W. and Ferguson, Neil ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism Original Citation McAuley, James W. and Ferguson, Neil (2016) ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism. Terrorism and Political Violence, 28 (3). pp. 561-575. ISSN 0954- 6553 This version is available at http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/id/eprint/27270/ The University Repository is a digital collection of the research output of the University, available on Open Access. Copyright and Moral Rights for the items on this site are retained by the individual author and/or other copyright owners. Users may access full items free of charge; copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided: • The authors, title and full bibliographic details is credited in any copy; • A hyperlink and/or URL is included for the original metadata page; and • The content is not changed in any way. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. http://eprints.hud.ac.uk/ Us & Them Running Heading: US & THEM ‘Us’ and ‘Them’: Ulster Loyalist Perspectives on the IRA and Irish Republicanism James W McAuley (University of Huddersfield) Neil Ferguson (Liverpool Hope University) Correspondence concerning this article should be sent to James W. McAuley, Institute for Research in Citizenship and Applied Human Sciences, School of Health and Human Sciences, University of Huddersfield, England, UK. -
Stormont's Vetoes in the Context of a Pandemic – an Equality Coalition
STORMONT’S VETOES IN THE CONTEXT OF A PANDEMIC – AN EQUALITY COALITION BRIEFING NOTE COULD THE BILL OF RIGHTS HAVE CONSTRAINED THE USE OF THE ST ANDREWS VETO TO BLOCK AN EXTENSION TO PUBLIC HEALTH MEASURES TO CONTAIN COVID 19? SUMMARY ➢ In 2019, the Equality Coalition’s Manifesto for a Rights Based Return to Power Sharing called for a new agreement to remove those political vetoes within the NI Executive that are not based on (and have conflicted with) equality and rights duties, and as such contributed to the destabilisation and collapse of the NI Executive in 2017. ➢ The issue returned to prominence last week with the DUP twice using the ‘St Andrews Veto’ to block the extension of public health measures proposed by the UUP Health Minister to contain the pandemic, which were supported by all other parties. ➢ The ‘veto’ in question is not the ‘Petition of Concern’, which is a GFA safeguard regarding legislation and other measures in the NI Assembly. As originally set out in the GFA, the Petition of Concern was to be linked to equality requirements (specifically scrutiny against the European Convention of Human Rights (ECHR) and the NI Bill of Rights), but it has never been implemented as was intended. ➢ The recent veto used by the DUP was introduced after the 2006 St Andrews Agreement and relates to decisions made within the NI Executive (i.e. cabinet of Stormont Ministers). This veto was grounded in two significant changes, which were as follows: ▪ The veto changed how Executive decisions were taken by introducing a process where three ministers (without any criteria) can require a NI Executive decision to be taken on a ‘cross community basis’, rather than by a simple majority; ▪ The veto significantly extended which decisions need to be taken by the NI Executive as a whole rather than individual ministers. -
Sharing Lessons Between Peace Processes: a Comparative Case Study on the Northern Ireland and Korean Peace Processes
social sciences $€ £ ¥ Article Sharing Lessons between Peace Processes: A Comparative Case Study on the Northern Ireland and Korean Peace Processes Dong Jin Kim ID Irish School of Ecumenics, Trinity College Dublin, Dublin 2, Ireland; [email protected] Received: 9 February 2018; Accepted: 16 March 2018; Published: 20 March 2018 Abstract: In both Northern Ireland and Korea, the euphoria following significant breakthroughs towards peace in the late 1990s and early 2000s turned into deep frustration when confronted by continuous stalemates in implementing the agreements. I explore the two peace processes by examining and comparing the breakthroughs and breakdowns of both, in order to identify potential lessons that can be shared for a sustainable peace process. Using a comparative case study, I demonstrate the parallels in historical analyses of why the agreements in the late 1990s and early 2000s in Northern Ireland and Korea were expected to be more durable than those of the 1970s. I also examine the differences between the two peace processes in the course of addressing major challenges for sustaining the two processes: disarmament; relationships between hard-line parties; cross-community initiatives. These parallels and differences inform which lessons can be shared between Northern Ireland and Korea to increase the durability of the peace processes. The comparative case study finds that the commitment of high-level leadership in both conflict parties to keeping negotiation channels open for dialogue and to allowing space for civic engagement is crucial in a sustainable peace process, and that sharing lessons between the two peace processes can be beneficial in finding opportunities to overcome challenges and also for each process to be reminded of lessons from its own past experience. -
The Good Friday Agreement As a Framework
THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT AS A FRAMEWORK: THE FUTURE OF PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND by Heather McAdams A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Honors Bachelor of Arts in International Relations with Distinction Spring 2017 © 2017 Heather McAdams All Rights Reserved THE GOOD FRIDAY AGREEMENT AS A FRAMEWORK: THE FUTURE OF PEACE IN NORTHERN IRELAND by Heather McAdams Approved: __________________________________________________________ John Patrick Montaño, Ph.D. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee Approved: __________________________________________________________ Stuart Kaufman, Ph.D. Committee member from the Department of Political Science & International Relations Approved: __________________________________________________________ Theodore Davis, Ph.D. Committee member from the Board of Senior Thesis Readers Approved: __________________________________________________________ Michael Arnold, Ph.D. Director, University Honors Program ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many people I would like to thank, from my parents and friends— my mother patiently supported me as I spent spring break panicking over submitting my thesis proposal—to my academic mentors—thanks to them, that proposal panic was the first and only thesis-related panic I experienced. First, I would like to specifically thank Professor Montaño, who graciously accepted the position of Thesis Committee Chair for an international relations student who simply wanted to write about the Good Friday Agreement. He not only helped me write an effective thesis section-by-section, but supplied an encouraging and calming voice throughout the process. I also would like to thank Professor Kaufman, my committee member from my department, and Professor Davis, my committee member from the Board of Senior Thesis Readers. -
The Return of the Militants: Violent Dissident Republicanism
The Return of the Militants: Violent Dissident Republicanism A policy report published by the International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) ABOUT THE AUTHOR Dr. Martyn Frampton is Lecturer in Modern/ Contemporary History at Queen Mary, University of London. He was formerly a Research Fellow at Peterhouse in Cambridge. He is an expert on the Irish republican movement and his books, The Long March: The Political Strategy of Sinn Féin, 1981–2007 and Talking to Terrorists: Making Peace in Northern Ireland and the Basque Country, were published in 2009, by Palgrave Macmillan and Hurst and Co. respectively. ABOUT ICSR The International Centre for the Study of Radicalisation and Political Violence (ICSR) is a unique partnership in which King’s College London, the University of Pennsylvania, the Interdisciplinary Center Herzliya (Israel) and the Regional Center for Conflict Prevention Amman (Jordan) are equal stakeholders. The aim and mission of ICSR is to bring together knowledge and leadership to counter the growth of radicalisation and political violence. For more information, please visit www.icsr.info. CONTACT DETAILS For questions, queries and additional copies of this report, please contact: ICSR King’s College London 138 –142 Strand London WC2R 1HH United Kingdom T. + 44 20 7848 2065 F. + 44 20 7848 2748 E. [email protected] Like all other ICSR publications, this report can be downloaded free of charge from the ICSR website at www.icsr.info. © ICSR 2010 Prologue ince the Belfast Friday Agreement of 1998, the security situation in Northern Ireland has improved immeasurably. S The Provisional IRA and the main loyalist terrorist groups have called an end to their campaigns and their weapons have been decommissioned under an internationally monitored process.