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Irish News: NEWS: Mckevitt to Delay Defence
Irish News: NEWS: McKevitt to delay defence Wednesday, 10 December 2008 HOME NEWS SPORT BUSINESS LIVING AN TEOLAS SEARCH SUBSCRIBE LOGIN POLITICS | EDUCATION | COLUMNISTS | LETTERS | RSS FEEDS Most PopularMost Emailed BreakingSportBusinessWorldGossip Issue Changer: NEWS > McKevitt to delay defence 09/12/08 CONVICTED terror chief Michael McKevitt is to delay his defence in the Omagh bomb civil action until an IRA informer gives evidence against him. Lawyers for McKevitt (58, were due to begin attempts this week to counter allegations that he was among five http://www.irishnews.com/articles/540/5860/2008/12/9/604971_365989909842McKevittt.html (1 of 3)10/12/2008 11:05:45 Irish News: NEWS: McKevitt to delay defence men responsible for the atrocity which killed 29 people and unborn twins. Those plans have been put on hold until after Sean O’Callaghan, a former republican jailed for two murders, testifies at the High Court trial in Belfast. O’Callaghan is due to be called next month to try to prove a series of claims he has made against McKevitt. One of these involves allegations that the pair attended a meeting with other senior Provisionals in the mid- 1980s to discuss buying deer-hunting rifles to kill soldiers and police officers. O’Callaghan, a special branch agent who says he was once in charge of the IRA’s southern command, is also to be questioned about his claims that he issued instructions for McKevitt to stop taking vehicles from a Provisional IRA car pool without permission. A further issue which lawyers for the Omagh victims families have been given permission to explore with him centres on allegations that a former IRA chief of staff told him he wanted McKevitt voted onto the paramilitary organisation’s executive. -
John F. Morrison Phd Thesis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by St Andrews Research Repository 'THE AFFIRMATION OF BEHAN?' AN UNDERSTANDING OF THE POLITICISATION PROCESS OF THE PROVISIONAL IRISH REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT THROUGH AN ORGANISATIONAL ANALYSIS OF SPLITS FROM 1969 TO 1997 John F. Morrison A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of PhD at the University of St Andrews 2010 Full metadata for this item is available in Research@StAndrews:FullText at: http://research-repository.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: http://hdl.handle.net/10023/3158 This item is protected by original copyright ‘The Affirmation of Behan?’ An Understanding of the Politicisation Process of the Provisional Irish Republican Movement Through an Organisational Analysis of Splits from 1969 to 1997. John F. Morrison School of International Relations Ph.D. 2010 SUBMISSION OF PHD AND MPHIL THESES REQUIRED DECLARATIONS 1. Candidate’s declarations: I, John F. Morrison, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 82,000 words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record of work carried out by me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree. I was admitted as a research student in September 2005 and as a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in May, 2007; the higher study for which this is a record was carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2005 and 2010. Date 25-Aug-10 Signature of candidate 2. Supervisor’s declaration: I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and Regulations appropriate for the degree of Ph.D. -
“Éire Go Brách” the Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20Th Into the 21St Centuries
“Éire go Brách” The Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20th into the 21st Centuries Alexandra Watson Honors Thesis Dr. Giacomo Gambino Department of Political Science Spring 2020 Watson 2 Table of Contents Introduction 3 Literature Review: Irish Nationalism -- What is it ? 5 A Brief History 18 ‘The Irish Question’ and Early Roots of Irish Republicanism 20 Irish Republicanism and the War for Independence 25 The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921, Pro-Treaty Republicanism vs. Anti-Treaty Republicanism, and Civil War 27 Early Statehood 32 ‘The Troubles’ and the Good Friday Agreement 36 Why is ‘the North’ Different? 36 ‘The Troubles’ 38 The Good Friday Agreement 40 Contemporary Irish Politics: Irish Nationalism Now? 45 Explaining the Current Political System 45 Competing nationalisms Since the Good Friday Agreement and the Possibility of Unification 46 2020 General Election 47 Conclusions 51 Appendix 54 Acknowledgements 57 Bibliography 58 Watson 3 Introduction In June of 2016, the people of the United Kingdom democratically elected to leave the European Union. The UK’s decision to divorce from the European Union has brought significant uncertainty for the country both in domestic and foreign policy and has spurred a national identity crisis across the United Kingdom. The Brexit negotiations themselves, and the consequences of them, put tremendous pressure on already strained international relationships between the UK and other European countries, most notably their geographic neighbour: the Republic of Ireland. The Anglo-Irish relationship is characterized by centuries of mutual antagonism and the development of Irish national consciousness, which ultimately resulted in the establishment of an autonomous Irish free state in 1922. -
Mary Macswiney Was First Publicly Associated
MacSwiney, Mary by Brian Murphy MacSwiney, Mary (1872–1942), republican, was born 27 March 1872 at Bermondsey, London, eldest of seven surviving children of an English mother and an Irish émigré father, and grew up in London until she was seven. Her father, John MacSwiney, was born c.1835 on a farm at Kilmurray, near Crookstown, Co. Cork, while her mother Mary Wilkinson was English and otherwise remains obscure; they married in a catholic church in Southwark in 1871. After the family moved to Cork city (1879), her father started a snuff and tobacco business, and in the same year Mary's brother Terence MacSwiney (qv) was born. After his business failed, her father emigrated alone to Australia in 1885, and died at Melbourne in 1895. Nonetheless, before he emigrated he inculcated in all his children his own fervent separatism, which proved to be a formidable legacy. Mary was beset by ill health in childhood, her misfortune culminating with the amputation of an infected foot. As a result, it was at the late age of 20 that she finished her education at St Angela's Ursuline convent school in 1892. By 1900 she was teaching in English convent schools at Hillside, Farnborough, and at Ventnor, Isle of Wight. Her mother's death in 1904 led to her return to Cork to head the household, and she secured a teaching post back at St Angela's. In 1912 her education was completed with a BA from UCC. The MacSwiney household of this era was an intensely separatist household. Avidly reading the newspapers of Arthur Griffith (qv), they nevertheless rejected Griffith's dual monarchy policy. -
Irish Civil War Pro Treaty
Irish Civil War Pro Treaty Emmy sprinkled adrift. Heavier-than-air Ike pickax feignedly, he suffumigated his print-outs very intricately. Wayland never pettle any self-command avers dynastically, is Reza fatuous and illegal enough? He and irish print media does the eighth episode during outbreaks of irish civil war treaty troops to Irish Free row And The Irish Civil War UK Essays. Once this assembly and suspected that happened, and several other atrocities committed by hints, under de valera and irish civil war pro treaty. Sinn féin excluded unless craig to irish civil war pro treaty? Houses with irish civil war pro treaty men had been parades and one soldier is largely ignored; but is going to a controlled. The conflict was waged between two opposing groups of Irish nationalists the forces of looking new Irish Free event who supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty under has the plunge was established and the republican opposition for double the Treaty represented a betrayal of the Irish Republic. The Irish Civil request was a conflict that accompanied the establishment of the Irish Free. The outbreak of the deep War in Donegal found the IRA anti-Treaty unprepared and done Free State forces pro-Treaty moved quickly to attack IRA positions. From June of 1922 to May 1923 more guerilla war broke out in Ireland this gulf between the pro-treaty provisional government and anti-treaty IRA In week end. Gerry Adams Wikipedia. Six irregulars were irish civil war pro treaty i came up? Step 4 What divisions emerged in Ireland in December 1921 following the signing of recent Treaty 36. -
Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939
Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor A Thesis in the Department of History Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Master of Arts (History) at Concordia University Montréal, Québec, Canada March 2019 © Kyle McCreanor, 2019 CONCORDIA UNIVERSITY School of Graduate Studies This is to certify that the thesis prepared By: Kyle McCreanor Entitled: Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 and submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (History) complies with the regulations of the University and meets the accepted standards with respect to originality and quality. Signed by the final Examining Committee: _________________________________ Chair Dr. Andrew Ivaska _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Ted McCormick _________________________________ Examiner Dr. Cameron Watson _________________________________ Supervisor Dr. Gavin Foster Approved by _________________________________________________________ Chair of Department or Graduate Program Director _______________ 2019 _________________________________________ Dean of Faculty iii Abstract Ireland and the Basque Country: Nationalisms in Contact, 1895-1939 Kyle McCreanor This thesis examines the relationships between Irish and Basque nationalists and nationalisms from 1895 to 1939—a period of rapid, drastic change in both contexts. In the Basque Country, 1895 marked the birth of the Partido Nacionalista Vasco (Basque Nationalist Party), concurrent with the development of the cultural nationalist movement known as the ‘Gaelic revival’ in pre-revolutionary Ireland. In 1939, the Spanish Civil War ended with the destruction of the Spanish Second Republic, plunging Basque nationalism into decades of intense persecution. Conversely, at this same time, Irish nationalist aspirations were realized to an unprecedented degree during the ‘republicanization’ of the Irish Free State under Irish leader Éamon de Valera. -
Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin´S Unusual Hungarian `Roots´
The International History Review, 2015 Vol. 37, No. 1, 41–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.879913 Going Against the Flow: Sinn Fein’s Unusual Hungarian ‘Roots’ David G. Haglund* and Umut Korkut Can states as well as non-state political ‘actors’ learn from the history of cognate entities elsewhere in time and space, and if so how and when does this policy knowledge get ‘transferred’ across international borders? This article deals with this question, addressing a short-lived Hungarian ‘tutorial’ that, during the early twentieth century, certain policy elites in Ireland imagined might have great applicability to the political transformation of the Emerald Isle, in effect ushering in an era of political autonomy from the United Kingdom, and doing so via a ‘third way’ that skirted both the Scylla of parliamentary formulations aimed at securing ‘home rule’ for Ireland and the Charybdis of revolutionary violence. In the political agenda of Sinn Fein during its first decade of existence, Hungary loomed as a desirable political model for Ireland, with the party’s leading intellectual, Arthur Griffith, insisting that the means by which Hungary had achieved autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire in 1867 could also serve as the means for securing Ireland’s own autonomy in the first decades of the twentieth century. This article explores what policy initiatives Arthur Griffith thought he saw in the Hungarian experience that were worthy of being ‘transferred’ to the Irish situation. Keywords: Ireland; Hungary; Sinn Fein; home rule; Ausgleich of 1867; policy transfer; Arthur Griffith I. Introduction: the Hungarian tutorial To those who have followed the fortunes and misfortunes of Sinn Fein in recent dec- ades, it must seem the strangest of all pairings, our linking of a party associated now- adays mainly, if not exclusively, with the Northern Ireland question to a small country in the centre of Europe, Hungary. -
The Good Friday Agreement – an Overview
The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 2 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview June 2013 June 2013 3 Published by Democratic Progress Institute 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH United Kingdom www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] +44 (0)203 206 9939 First published, 2013 ISBN: 978-1-905592-ISBN © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute, 2013 DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable.be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable 4 The Good Friday Agreement – An Overview Abstract For decades, resolving the Northern Ireland conflict has been of primary concern for the conflicting parties within Northern Ireland, as well as for the British and Irish Governments. Adopted in 1998, the Good Friday Agreement has managed to curb hostilities, though sporadic violence still occurs and antagonism remains pervasive between many Nationalists and Unionists. Strong political bargaining through back-channel negotiations and facilitation from international and third-party interlocutors all contributed to what is today referred to as Northern Ireland’s peace process and the resulting Good Friday Agreement. Although the Northern Ireland peace process and the Good Friday Agreement are often touted as a model of conflict resolution for other intractable conflicts in the world, the implementation of the Agreement has proven to be challenging. -
Miscellaneous Notes on Republicanism and Socialism in Cork City, 1954–69
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON REPUBLICANISM AND SOCIALISM IN CORK CITY, 1954–69 By Jim Lane Note: What follows deals almost entirely with internal divisions within Cork republicanism and is not meant as a comprehensive outline of republican and left-wing activities in the city during the period covered. Moreover, these notes were put together following specific queries from historical researchers and, hence, the focus at times is on matters that they raised. 1954 In 1954, at the age of 16 years, I joined the following branches of the Republican Movement: Sinn Féin, the Irish Republican Army and the Cork Volunteers’Pipe Band. The most immediate influence on my joining was the discovery that fellow Corkmen were being given the opportunity of engag- ing with British Forces in an effort to drive them out of occupied Ireland. This awareness developed when three Cork IRA volunteers were arrested in the North following a failed raid on a British mil- itary barracks; their arrest and imprisonment for 10 years was not a deterrent in any way. My think- ing on armed struggle at that time was informed by much reading on the events of the Tan and Civil Wars. I had been influenced also, a few years earlier, by the campaigning of the Anti-Partition League. Once in the IRA, our initial training was a three-month republican educational course, which was given by Tomas Óg MacCurtain, son of the Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomas MacCurtain, who was murdered by British forces at his home in 1920. This course was followed by arms and explosives training. -
Revisionism: the Provisional Republican Movement
Journal of Politics and Law March, 2008 Revisionism: The Provisional Republican Movement Robert Perry Phd (Queens University Belfast) MA, MSSc 11 Caractacus Cottage View, Watford, UK Tel: +44 01923350994 E-mail: [email protected] Abstract This article explores the developments within the Provisional Republican Movement (IRA and Sinn Fein), its politicization in the 1980s, and the Sinn Fein strategy of recent years. It discusses the Provisionals’ ending of the use of political violence and the movement’s drift or determined policy towards entering the political mainstream, the acceptance of democratic norms. The sustained focus of my article is consideration of the revision of core Provisional principles. It analyses the reasons for this revisionism and it considers the reaction to and consequences of this revisionism. Keywords: Physical Force Tradition, Armed Stuggle, Republican Movement, Sinn Fein, Abstentionism, Constitutional Nationalism, Consent Principle 1. Introduction The origins of Irish republicanism reside in the United Irishman Rising of 1798 which aimed to create a democratic society which would unite Irishmen of all creeds. The physical force tradition seeks legitimacy by trying to trace its origin to the 1798 Rebellion and the insurrections which followed in 1803, 1848, 1867 and 1916. Sinn Féin (We Ourselves) is strongly republican and has links to the IRA. The original Sinn Féin was formed by Arthur Griffith in 1905 and was an umbrella name for nationalists who sought complete separation from Britain, as opposed to Home Rule. The current Sinn Féin party evolved from a split in the republican movement in Ireland in the early 1970s. Gerry Adams has been party leader since 1983, and led Sinn Féin in mutli-party peace talks which resulted in the signing of the 1998 Belfast Agreement. -
The Rise of Sinn Féin
UNDERSTANDING 1917 AND BEYOND THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN THE RISE OF SINN FÉIN Sinn Féin, as a political entity, was founded on 28th November 1905 at the first annual convention of the National Council. Based on policies he had previously written about in The Resurrection of Hungary (1904), Arthur Griffith presented a detailed programme that would be later published as ‘The Sinn Féin Policy’. THE SINN FÉIN POLICY 'Sinn Féin' began life as a slogan, used by many Irish nationalists and organisations – it is believed that it originates from an early motto of the Gaelic League: ‘Sinn féin, sinn féin amháain’, meaning ‘Ourselves, ourselves alone’. Arthur Griffith - a well known journalist and nationalist - then adopted this slogan to describe his policy that would go on to become the foundation of Sinn Féin. Formally a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), Griffith began to oppose their more radical aims. Griffith believed that Ireland could not win independence through physical means, nor was he fully convinced that self-governance could be achieved politically. Arthur Griffith Griffith was a journalist and Irish Instead, Griffith urged a policy ofpassive resistance: refusal to pay taxes, Nationalist who gained fame boycotting of British goods as part of a wider plan to make Ireland self for his political writings and sufficient, creating independent Irish courts, the establishment of a National later, his political career. Griffith Council in Ireland and Irish MPs withdrawing from Westminster (abstention). was instrumental in the founda- As part of his policy, Griffith also supported thedual monarchy approach: tion of a number of national- that Ireland should become its own kingdom alongside Britain, with the two ist organisations, newspapers forming a dual monarchy – a shared monarch with two separate governments. -
1 Neutral Citation No. [2011] NICA 33 Ref: HIG8088 G Judgment
Neutral Citation No. [2011] NICA 33 Ref: HIG8088 G Judgment: approved by the Court for handing down Delivered: 7/7/2011 (subject to editorial corrections)* IN HER MAJESTY’S COURT OF APPEAL IN NORTHERN IRELAND ________ BETWEEN: MARK CHRISTOPHER BRESLIN (BY HIMSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF GERALDINE BRESLIN) CATHERINA ANNE GALLAGHER MICHAEL JAMES GALLAGHER (BY HIMSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF ADRIAN GALLAGHER) EDMUND WILLIAM GIBSON STANLEY JAMES McCOMBE (BY HIMSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF ANNE McCOMBE) MARION ELAINE RADFORD (BY HERSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF ALAN RADFORD) PAUL WILLIAM RADFORD COLIN DAVID JAMES WILSON DENISE FRANCESCA WILSON GARRY GODFREY CHARLES WILSON GERALDINE ANN WILSON (BY HERSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF LORRAINE WILSON) GODFREY DAVID WILSON (BY HIMSELF AND ON BEHALF OF THE ESTATE OF LORRAINE WILSON) Respondents/Plaintiffs; -and- JOHN MICHAEL McKEVITT (SUED ON HIS OWN BEHALF AND/OR AS REPRESENTING THE REAL IRISH REPUBLICAN ARMY (“RIRA”) AND/OR THE ARMY COUNCIL AND/OR LEADERS AND/OR MEMBERS OF RIRA) LIAM CAMPBELL (SUED ON HIS OWN BEHALF AND/OR AS REPRESENTING RIRA AND/OR ARMY COUNCIL AND/OR LEADERS AND/OR MEMBERS OF RIRA) MICHAEL COLM MURPHY SEAMUS DALY Appellants/Defendants. ________ Before: Higgins LJ, Girvan LJ and Coghlin LJ ________ 1 Introduction [1] On 15 August 1998 at 3.05 pm a 500lb bomb planted in the boot of a car exploded in the centre of Omagh, County Tyrone. The bomb had been planted in the main shopping street of the town. As a result of the explosion 29 people and 2 unborn babies were killed and over 300 people were injured, many very seriously, and there was extensive damage to property in the town.