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Home , Arthur Griffith, Desmond Rebellions, Irish nationalism, Irish republicanism, National Unity (Ireland), Republic of Ireland

“Éire go Brách” The Development of Irish Republican in the 20th into the 21st Centuries

Alexandra Watson Honors Thesis Dr. Giacomo Gambino Department of Political Science Spring 2020

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Table of Contents

Introduction 3

Literature Review: -- What is it ? 5

A Brief History 18

‘The ’ and Early Roots of Irish 20

Irish Republicanism and the War for Independence 25

The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921, Pro-Treaty Republicanism vs. Anti-Treaty Republicanism, and Civil War 27

Early Statehood 32

‘’ and the Agreement 36 Why is ‘the North’ Different? 36 ‘The Troubles’ 38 The 40

Contemporary Irish Politics: Irish Nationalism ? 45 Explaining the Current Political System 45 Competing Since the Good Friday Agreement and the Possibility of Unification 46 2020 General Election 47

Conclusions 51

Appendix 54

Acknowledgements 57

Bibliography 58

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Introduction

In of 2016, the people of the democratically elected to leave the

European Union. The UK’s decision to from the has brought significant uncertainty for the both in domestic and foreign policy and has spurred a national identity crisis across the United Kingdom. The negotiations themselves, and the consequences of them, put tremendous pressure on already strained international relationships between the UK and other European , most notably their geographic neighbour: the

Republic of . The Anglo-Irish relationship is characterized by centuries of mutual antagonism and the development of Irish national consciousness, which ultimately resulted in the establishment of an autonomous Irish in 1922. That process included the controversial partitioning of the into the twenty six ‘Saorstat Éireann’ (later the of

Ireland in 1937) and the six county province of , a part of the United Kingdom.

This is essentially how the island remains to the present day.

In the divorce settlement process between the UK and the EU a major complicating factor persisted regarding the only land the United Kingdom has with the EU, the border between Northern Ireland and the . Historically, the Irish quest for sovereignty was fraught with struggle and violence. Particularly in Northern Ireland in a three decade period in the late 20th century known as ‘The Troubles,’ was characterized by acts of terrorism and is the most recent chapter of that struggle between two diametrically opposed ideologies: “nationalism” (the ideological belief in politically a ) and “Unionism”

(the commiment to the bond with ). The Good Friday Agreement, the treaty that largely brought an end to the period of , which was successful due to its ability

Watson 4 to legitimize two mutually exclusive ideologies by maintaining certain ambiguities in either’s superiority. Over twenty years later, however, Brexit forces the reconsideration of Northern

Ireland, one of the most contested geopolitical conflicts of the 20th century, and ipso facto, the revisitation of the ‘Irish Question’ i.e. a united Ireland. Such a reality calls for the revisiting of

Anglo-Irish relations and, specifically, Ireland, Irish nationalism, and the possibility of a united ​ ​ Ireland. The events that began with the referendum on June 22 2016 did not occur within a vacuum -- in fact, understanding motives on all sides reveals a fuller picture. This project seeks to investigate, complicate, and draw significance from such a question through an Irish lens, tracking Irish nationalism as an ever changing, evolving, and devolving ideology over time.

The origin of Irish nationalism, as a , dates back to the 19th century,

“when nationalism began to spread throughout , the conflict between the Irish and English continued as efforts were made from to retain Ireland in the centralized state.”1 The Irish

‘story of struggle’ is critical to fully conceptualizing Irish nationalism. It is rooted in the perception that the Irish culture, religion, and socioeconomic class being distinct from that of their British counterparts -- a perception which is advocated for by the Irish and endorsed by the

British. Thus, all types of Irish nationalism involve this origin story that is born of the ​ centuries-old struggle between the Irish and the English.

Irish nationalism, as it developed over the course of the 20th century and into the 21st, evolves in response to the changing political landscape; the most significant historical landmarks are the Irish Revolution/War for Independence (1916-1921), the Anglo-Irish Treaty and Civil

War (1920-1923); establishment of the (1937) and departure from the British

1 Louis L. Snyder, Encyclopedia of Nationalism (New York: Paragon House, 1990), 150. ​ ​

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Commonwealth (1949); and the Good Friday Agreement (1999). Each landmark reoriented competing nationalisms around new political groupings/identities and political programs. The political landscape since 1920, which was reinforced by the Good Friday Agreement, points to a typology consisting of 3 types: unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism (see Appendix on pp. 53-55). Post 1999, the aftermath of ‘The Troubles,’ the Good

Friday Agreement, and normalized Anglo-Irish relations into the 21st century have elevated the status of constitutional nationalism as the dominant form of Irish nationalism in contemporary

Irish establishment politics. Constitutional nationalism appears as a kind of moderate type of nationalism, which while recognizing the eventual ‘destiny’ of a united Ireland, is largely based on liberal and toleration (regarding the politics of ) that moves away from strong forms of . However, like any contentious relationship, the now normalized Anglo-Irish relationship and tension between republicans and unionists in the North

(and south), are not airtight. Brexit and the result of the 2020 General Election within the Republic are curveballs that upset the settled position of constitutional nationalism as the dominant and prevailing ideology for the past two decades as it reopens the discussion on a united Ireland in an urgent and even more crucial manner.

Literature Review: Irish Nationalism -- What is it ?

To begin, one must acknowledge that any nationalism, no matter what its form or purpose, is not an entity which manifests organically (i.e. it is a social construct). ’s canonical work

Imagined Communities, proposes the following theoretical framework through which to analyze ​ nationalisms, stating:

I propose the following definition of the nation: it is an imagined political community-and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign. It is imagined

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because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.... Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the in which they are imagined.... Finally, [the nation] is imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately, it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willing to die for such limited imaginings.2

Fundamentally, any nationalism is a kind of ideology, which as per Ball and Dagger’s definition, serves four functions: the explanation of current social, economic and political conditions; the evaluation of those conditions, the mobilization and orientation of political actors behind a common identity; and a prescribed programme of collective action.3 Nationalism is a particular kind of ideology that seeks to explain current conditions in terms of an origin story that is inclusive of a creator(s) and, more importantly, an audience that act as vehicles through which the idea can be amplified. In the academy it is also similarly noted by political scientist, Hugh Seton-Watson that --

a nation exists when a significant number of people in a community consider themselves to form a nation, or behave as if they have formed one. It is not necessary that the whole of the population should feel, or so behave, and it is not possible to lay down dogmatically a minimum percentage of a population which must be so affected. When a significant group holds this belief, it possesses ‘national consciousness,’4

Or, stated differently, the existence of nationalism is only true if there are stakeholders who actively subscribe to such an idea or notion for. As it is described by Anderson, “it is the magic of nationalism to turn chance into destiny.”5 Nevertheless, as argued by Seton-Watson, this ​ ​

2 Benedict R. O'G Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised ​ ​ ​ edition. ed. (London: Verso, 2006). 3 Terence Ball, Richard Dagger, and Daniel I. O'Neill, Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader, 10th ed. (New York, N.Y.: ​ ​ ​ ​ Routledge, 2017), 1. ​ ​ 4 Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism ​ ​ (New York, NY: Routledge, 2019), 93. 5 Anderson, Imagined Communities,.. ​ ​ ​

Watson 7 support does not warrant a minimum number of individuals, rather it is the existence of such a following that is necessary. Simultaneously though, as stated by British historian, Henry Kamen

(in his exploration of ), “anyone who tries to identify a ‘nation’ is automatically trying to impose criteria with which others will always disagree.”6 Creating parameters for a community and people to exercise their created identity, ipso facto excludes certain individuals and ideas that do not fit within such confines. Furthermore, the creation of such an exclusionary notion challenges the present and dominant societal normalities. This is the inconvenient predicament that lay at the heart of conflict in Irish nationalism, as nationalist ideologies orient people around identities that determine political allies and foes.

Irish nationalism is a term whose meaning has been dictated by the political circumstances of the island throughout time. Many scholars look to assess Irish nationalism within such a time frame. There is, however, less literature on tracking the ideology, and how it evolved and devolved, over time, particularly over the last century.

Richard English’s 2006 book, is significant due to two major intellectual ​ ​ and structural decisions in his discourse. Firstly, the author simultaneously discusses both

‘sociological’ and cultural nationalism along with political nationalism7 and the author presents ​ ​ both Irish political theory and Irish history together.8 A multidisciplinary approach, the author argues that such an intersectional perspective is necessary in a holistic and accurate dialogue regarding Irish nationalism. Furthermore, English acknowledges the heteronormative nature of

Irish nationalism and all of the factions within it. As the author states: “this is a tale of Irish

6 Henry Kamen, Imagining : Historical Myth and [and] National Identity (New Haven Conn.: Yale Univ. ​ ​ ​ Press, 2008), 16-17. 7 Richard English, Irish Freedom: The History of Nationalism in Ireland (London: Macmillan, 2006), 7. ​ ​ ​ 8 English, Irish Freedom, 8. ​ ​ ​

Watson 8 nationalist conflict with and Britain; but it’s also a story of conflict between

-- nationalist -versus- nationalist as often as nationalist -versus-unionist.”9 Using the previously set out framework by Ball and Dagger, one can determine from English’s explanation that Irish nationalism orients the Irish against the British, but is further complicated by internal sub cleavages within the broader ideology.

According to Richard English,“Nationalism” in Ireland “itself has effectively been treated as an inevitable or given context within which we have all operated… nationalism is assumed simply to be a given reality and framework, and one which therefore requires no sustained interrogation.”10 To continue, English writes:

that people have expressed their desire for land ownership, or social revolution, or parliamentary authority, through nationalism rather than through other ideological media within other political frameworks, has too often been simply taken for granted; and most scholars have shied away from the difficult task of precise and informed conceptual definition of the phenomenon in question. The dominant force in modern Ireland has been treated as though its existence were inevitable ​ and natural, and as though it requires no conceptual delineation or explanation.11 ​ ​ Thus Irish nationalism has been and continues to be treated as an assumed and naturalistic phenomenon rather than as an ideology that constructs identity under historically evolving circumstances and for political purposes.

Also widely regarded is ’s The , which offers a historical narrative ​ ​ for Irish nationalism throughout, predominantly, the late 19th and 20th centuries. Again, the intersection of history and politics is essential to the author’s argument and contribution to the canon. English and Kee were obviously not the first scholars to take such an interdisciplinary approach. Irish historian, Conor Cruise O’Brien spent much of his career cataloguing, defining,

9 English, Irish Freedom, 9. ​ ​ ​ 10 English, Irish Freedom, 6. ​ ​ ​ 11 Ibid. ​

Watson 9 and explaining the concept of nationalisms' role in Irish political history. Oliver MacDonough’s

States of Mind: A study of Anglo-Irish Conflict 1780-1980 similarly negotiates between ​ illustrations of political nationalism and cultural nationalism -- arguing that the two ​ ​ phenomenons are linked in a causal relationship.

Irish scholar, Tom Garvin, comprehensively details the continuity in the development of ​ Irish political nationalism from the 18th century into the latter part of the 20th in his book: The ​ ​ Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics: Irish Parties and Irish Politics from the 18th Century to

Modern Times. Garvin describes an interesting dichotomy between nationalist political leaders, ​ their liberal socially progressive programmes, and that of their followers who tended to be more sectarian and conservative. First published in 1981, Garvin’s narrative halts around 1980, however, it remains useful in the foundation it lays for understanding Irish nationalism mostly in methodology. Garvin lays out four major aspects of Irish political development: “the origins of

Irish political culture, the development of popular political organisation, the growth of ‘public opinion’ and lastly, the development of the machinery of the state.”12 The origins of political culture are thus explained by Garvin as “communal ... within a pragmatism within a conformist sense.”13 Importantly, political culture, though its validity may be maintained for generations, can also be “recreated by the individual as he acquires direct experience of the political life of his community. Furthermore, popular nationalism also derives from

“extraordinary endurance” and thus, says Garvin, it is “no coincidence that splits, when they do occur, tend to become incurable.”14 The second aspect, mass political party, is categorized as militant, pragmatic, and disciplined and “enables the construction of flexible political

12 Tom Garvin, The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics (New York: Holmes & Meier, 1981). ​ ​ ​ 13 Garvin, The Evolution. ​ ​ ​ 14 Ibid.

Watson 10 organization of large numbers of people.”15 Public opinion aligned with the development of Irish nationalism as it was a dominant facet of Irish catholicism in the 19th century. Garvin also argues the roots of Irish nationalism are a “blend of religious communalism, a particularism due to the traditional geographical and political separateness of the country, of class discontents and certain but vigorous tribal and feudal traditions.”16 His last point, that of the state machine, is

Garvin’s explication on the various governing institutions on the island, which prior to the 18th century had “scarcely been governed at all,”17 but in the 19th century resulted in statebuilding by an unpopular but robust centralized power. Irish nationalism developed, unfolded, and grew ​ more complex over the course of the 20th century. Specific moments in Irish history, especially during the conception of the state, caused crises when the meaning or significance of this term

‘Irish nationalism’ changed. Such moments are critical as nationalism, any nationalism, as discussed previously, is not only the establishment of commonalities between peoples, but also inherently exclusionist of others. As argued by Lee Ward, through the tracking of critical moments of Irish nationalism through the developments and progress of the cause (the 1916

Proclamation of , 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty, and the Republic of Ireland Act of ​ ​ 1948) “republican ideas affected nationalism to such an extent that in Ireland republicanism and nationalism became, and in some respects still are, practically synonymous.”18 Thus, as Ward explains, and Irish nationalism are often viewed as identical terms -- and in moments of Irish history -- they indeed are. However, the full meaning and weight for both terms is more complex and even contentious.

15 Ibid. 16 Ibid. ​ 17 Ibid. ​ 18 Ward, Lee. "Republican Political Theory and Irish nationalism." The European Legacy 21, no. 1 (2016), 1. ​ ​ ​

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The poor conditions of the Irish are due to English domination; but this points to the key value of republicanism that emerges alongside nationalism in the 20th century -- republicanism evaluates political conditions from the standpoint of political independence and sovereignty -- the idea that each people ought to have their own nation state. Over time ideas regarding Irish independence manifested into the development of two aligned branches of Irish nationalism: political nationalism and cultural nationalism. Irish cultural nationalism, a fragment of the broader phenomenon of Irish nationalism, celebrated the , sport, music, and literature. As depicted by Conor Cruise O’Brien and Terrence Brown, the Revival in the latter part of the 19th century emphasized the persisting and underlying relevance of a commonly held perspective by Irish and British alike, that the Irish were ‘other.’ This idea of being ‘other’ to the rest of Britain is significant in two fold. Firstly, of historical significance, it demonstrates an antagonism deeply rooted in the entangled history of both peoples. Secondly, more obviously and important, even if expressed in a derogatory manner that seeks to put down the Irish as a poor and defiant people in an effort to make them subservient, it still implies that the Irish are thus distinctly not British. The cultural revival of Irish language, fables, and games, while ​ ​ corroborating this already commonly held belief of the Irish being different, is even more significant because it celebrated the divergence from ‘British-ness’ rather than demeaning it. As

Cruise O’Brien depicts, “the revivalists sought in Ireland the kind of dignity and the kind of health that the industrialized , the modern world, had lost…”19 As the rest of western

Europe ventures into the industrial age, Ireland notably does not, in fact, Ireland never fully industrialized. Instead, this period in Ireland is categorized, in part, by a mystization of the past,

19Conor Cruise O'Brien, Writers and Politics: Essays and Criticism (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1976), 94. ​ ​

Watson 12 though it simultaneously celebrated the present and future. Thus, cultural nationalism gave weight to the historical understanding of these two ethnicities as different and fueled a growing call for political separation from Britain.

Irish republicanism is defined as the political ideology that Ireland should be autonomous, self-determined, and a separate state from Great Britain. This ideology spurred the

Irish Republican movement that ultimately led to war for independence from 1918 with Britain; thus, Irish republicanism is often associated with war. After the 1916 , the Irish

Republican factions united under one name: Sinn Féin.20

While united under one common enemy during the conflicts, the Irish Republican movement split in 1921 over the controversial Anglo-Irish Treaty -- eventually leading to a civil war between Irish nationalists. The treaty was problematic for the following reasons: while it granted Irish measured independence from Britain in the form of a free state it still mandated that

Ireland remain a part of the United Kingdom through status as a (e.g. like ).

More damaging, the Treaty also stipulated that six in ,21 a historically unionist and protestant , would remain entirely as a part of the United Kingdom. The split over the Treaty, ​ ​ due to the failure to achieve a full republic, caused an ideological crisis within the Republican movement, where two groups emerged: the pro-treaty Republicans and the anti-treaty

Republicans. Clare O’Halloran’s book, Partition and the Limits of Irish nationalism, notes that ​ ​ partition was a political fact that all proponents of Irish nationalism had to accept, however, they did not let it alter their ideological outlook on Northern Ireland, as a territory the Republic was entitled to. O’Halloran’s contribution remains relevant nonetheless at least in part because of her

20This is not to be confused with the contemporary political party Sinn Féin, which while having the same name, is categorically different. 21 The northernmost province of the country. ​

Watson 13 analysis on the purposeful lack of clarity from constitutional nationalists regarding relations with the North and south -- which still occurs in the contemporary political arena on a regular basis.22

As explained by Katy Hayward, “the establishment of an independent Irish state was severely complicated by the fact that there was not an Irish nationalism seeking an Irish nation-state as such but rather a range of nationalisms competing for political space and influence in Ireland.”23 By the time of the establishment of the , three competing nationalisms have solidified “unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism,” which “fostered different conceptions of the meaning and implications of Ireland's identity, , and governance and consequently occupied conflicting positions regarding the ideal notion of Irish nation-statehood.”24 In terms of defining these nationalisms: unionist nationalism is the allegiance to Northern Ireland as a province of the United Kingdom; constitutional nationalism, i.e. liberal Irish nationalism (as often referred to in this paper after

1949) recognizes the plurality of ideologies on the island at present and, while believing in the unification of the island, appreciates partition as a ‘stepping stone’ and is thus more patient than its relatively radical counterpart; Republican nationalism, which is relatively more radical brand than the prior, seeks of the entire of the island as a singular autonomous

Republic and, in the absence of such signifies a tyranny from a historical foe. ​ ​ While the civil war did end and Ireland did gain full formal independence from Great

Britain in 1937, the splitting of the historical Sinn Féin party deeply affected Irish politics for years to follow. In Ireland two political parties dominate the political arena: (meaning:

22 As recent as April 2020. 23 Hayward, Katy. "Irish nationalism and : the official redefinition of the island of Ireland." ​ (2013). 24 Ibid,. ​

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“Family/Tribe of the Irish”), a descendant of the Pro-Treaty faction, and Fáil (meaning:

“Warriors of Fal”25), the historically Anti-Treaty party founded by Éamon de Valera.

Ireland continued to mature as a nation as it entered the latter part of the 20th century, aspirations regarding the island’s destiny never subsided and Irish nationalism, in many ways, only continued to evolve into a more complex entity. Spearheaded by Irish founding father,

Éamon de Valera, the country sought an exhaustive campaign to eradicate any and all British presence on the island. The campaign was eventually successful and in 1937 a new formally established the Republic of Ireland (which was cemented in 1949 when the Republic left the British commonwealth). The Republic’s constitution, as originally written in 1937, notably laid a Republican nationalist claim to Northern Ireland as a ‘rightful’ part of the island.

Most recent Irish political scholarship is either regarding the Anglo-Irish Treaty, and the partitioning of the island, or -even more so- on ‘The Troubles’ in the North and the Good Friday

Agreement. However, increasing amounts of scholarship on a gendered perspective on Irish nationalism26 and there is already a lot of literature on the relationship between socialist movements in the 20th century and republicanism. Scholarship regarding Ireland as a post colonial state is also robust, but varies on how to regard Ireland’s convoluted relationship with

Britain and whether it was truly a colony. Colonialism, as explained by the Stanford ​ Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “is a practice of domination, which involves the subjugation of one people to another.”27 Ireland was certainly subservient to the British Crown (perhaps dating back ​ to the Normal presence, if not, to Elizabethan times) and there were certainly instances and

25 The name for Ireland in Irish legends and mythology. 26 There were numerous feminist or all female Republican groups that were instrumental to the Republican cause during the 20th century, but were often marginalized by Republican leaders. 27 Kohn, Margaret and Reddy, Kavita, "Colonialism", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2017 Edition), ​ ​ ​ Edward N. Zalta (ed.). .

Watson 15 attempts to colonize the island -- some of which were successful most notably the Ulster

Plantations and the time of Cromwell. Ireland, too, was often used as a prototype for British imperial projects across the globe during the 19th and early 20th centuries, most notably .

However, there are many facets which complicate the Anglo-Irish relationship and make it difficult to simply categorize Ireland as a colony of Britain. This subtopic within Irish political history is key to understanding and appreciating nationalism and nationalist rhetoric as much of it is rooted in a colonial experience and dominance of a perceived foreign power.

Scholarship continues to work toward catching up with current political developments between Great Britain and Ireland. Brigid Laffan’s recent article “Brexit: Re-opening Ireland’s ​ ‘English Question,’” published in 2018, offers an academic investigation into the Irish

Republic’s perspective of the UK’s decision to leave the European Union and the ramifications it will likely have on the island. As stated by Laffan, “Brexit threatens Ireland’s core geo-political and geo-economic interests and was a shock.”28 As the author also notes, “the 1998 Good Friday

Agreement, which delivered a new framework of governance within Northern Ireland -- for relations between north and south and between Britain and Ireland -- was predicated on joint membership of the EU… The conflict between the two communities in Northern Ireland was not resolved by the GFA. Rather, it morphed into a nonviolent conflict, an uneasy peace rather than deep reconciliation.”29 Unlike the UK, “joint membership of the EU enabled Ireland to break free of the straitjacket of its nearest neighbour and is valued by the society for this.”30 Laffan is not the only scholar or prominent figure within the discourse to make such an important point --

28Laffan, Brigid. "Brexit: Re opening Ireland's ‘English Question’." The Political Quarterly 89, - ​ ​ no. 4 (2018), 568. 29 Ibid. 30 Ibid.

Watson 16 former Irish ambassador to the UK, Daithi O’Ceallaigh, similarly noted in a lecture in 2018 that the EU was instrumental in facilitating peace rhetorically and financially. While relations in the

North are mostly normalized at present, paramilitary activity never fully subsided. There are legitimate concerns that an uneasy exit from the EU by the UK or increasing calls for a border poll in the Republic and in Northern Ireland, which could possibly result in a return to sectarian violence… or at the very least, reignite an old conflict.

Irish journalist, Fintan O’Toole, whose works on the aftermath of Brexit are as recent as this year, should also be considered in this dialogue. As he explained in a 2018 lecture at

Queen’s University , Brexit brought ‘Englishness,’ English cultural identity, and English political identity to the forefront in a way that it had not previously been -- not even during ‘The

Troubles’ or even early in the 21st century-- except by the English themselves.31 “The territorial integrity of the unity,”32 as O’Toole rightly criticizes, is not enough to maintain the union of nations within the UK as it ignores where falls short. Andrew Gamble, British politics scholar and constitutional expert, discusses the anomaly that is the UK devolved government and appears in total agreement with O’Toole’s assessment that the system should not and was never designed to remain static.33 Thus, Brexit forces a definitive conversation on the UK’s destiny while simultaneously doing so with Ireland due to their economic and geographical ties. Simply,

Irish nationalism cannot be considered without acknowledging .

As proclaimed by Joseph Ruane and Jennifer Todd -- “Irish nationalism has been among ​ ​ the most intense of the peripheral nationalisms of ...[as] Ireland is unique in

31 "Fintan O'Toole - Borders and Belonging: British and Irish Identities in a Post-Brexit Era," video, YouTube, ​ posted by Queen's University Belfast, January 8, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1SeadvWsn_k.; O'Toole, ​ ​ ​ Fintan. The Politics of Pain: Postwar England and the Rise of nationalism. Liveright Publishing, 2019. ​ ​ 32 "Fintan O'Toole," video. ​ 33 Ibid,.

Watson 17 having seceded after centuries of incorporation into an even more powerful one.”34 The peculiarities, though, of Irish nationalism, as the authors go on to explain, is that the of the Irish state from Great Britain (from a nationalist’s perspective) is still ongoing. Thus, just as was the case during the 20th century, Irish nationalism continues to evolve even and especially into present day party politics. While Irish republican nationalism and Irish constitutional ​ nationalism both believe in the future of a united Ireland, and are (as of 2015) both pro-EU, but they diverge on one crucial issue in their programming: Northern Ireland. The border question ​ has only been exacerbated in the wake of Brexit. It has amplified various forms of Irish political nationalism regarding their explanation, evaluation, orientation, and programming of Ireland’s ​ past and, more importantly, the island of Ireland’s destiny.

Constitutional nationalism and republican nationalism exist in tandem with one another, and at times they carry the same meaning35 and significance; however, this is not universally true and certainly not true in the present day. This paper examines the breadth of meaning and chronology of Irish nationalism throughout the past century (see Appendix pp. 53-55).

Furthermore, it will provide additional insight given the contemporary political circumstances and developments. Irish constitutional nationalism, while still acknowledging and sponsoring the idea of a united Ireland, has become less radical in agenda and, regardless, remains the dominant ideology for the past two decades. Brexit and the most recent Irish general election in February of 2020, however, complicate this widely accepted truth by indicating that Irish republicanism may be rising in a more impactful way.

34 Ruane, Joseph, and Jennifer Todd. "A changed Irish nationalism? The significance of the Good Friday Agreement ​ of 1998." In Europe's Old States in The New World Order. UCD Press, 2003, 1. ​ ​ 35 This is most especially true between 1930-1970 as outlined by Norton. ​

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A Brief History

“After Lloyd George’s first meeting with de Valera on 14 July 1921 to negotiate a peace treaty between Great Britain and Ireland, he told his secretary, ‘I made no impression. I listened to a long lecture on the wrong done to Ireland… [by] Cromwell, and when[ever] I tried to bring him [de Valera] to the present day, back he went to Cromwell again.’ The trouble, as Lloyd George was saying in effect, was that while the English do not remember any history, the Irish forget none.”36

The Celtic presence on the island originates to around 500 BCE, this is, in a contemporary context, recognized to be the origin of Irish ancestry.37 Christianity, another aspect of Irish nationalism, arrived in Ireland circa 400CE from Roman Britain and the were subsequently converted from paganism to Catholicism.38 The British occupancy on the island of

Ireland dates back centuries. According to Snyder, Anglo Irish 'antagonism’ originates in 1172

“when Henry II led his troops into Ireland, reduced the inhabitants into serfdom and gave lands to his favorite barons. In this way the long struggle began that has shattered the relations between the two peoples.”39 The Normans arrived on the island of Ireland in 1166 and subsequently created a lordship of Ireland, though they failed to effectively control the island and many Irish rulers and kings, existed in tandem with Norman leadership. Norman rule over Ireland was further limited during the late 14th century into the 15th due to the Wars of the Roses and the

Black Plague, which affected the Norman population more than the Irish.40 However, Anglo rule

36 Oliver Macdonagh, States of Mind: A Study of Anglo-Irish Conflict 1780-1980 (London: George Allen & Unwin, ​ ​ 1985), 1. 37 Although, it should be noted that the Celts were not in fact the first peoples on the island. The Druids had a presence on the island prior. 38 The island remains predominantly Roman Catholic to this day, although the influence of the church in Ireland has diminished over recent years. 39 Snyder, Encyclopedia of Nationalism, 149. ​ ​ 40 Due to differences in lifestyle -- Normans tended to be concentrated in semi-urban or urban environments whereas the Irish were scattered across rural land.

Watson 19 on the island was perhaps most cemented in 1536 when Henry VIII conquered various Irish kingdoms and formally established the . Such a political maneuver was met with hostility and on the island for the remaining 65 years of the century-- e.g. the

Desmond Rebellions and the Nine Years War. Ultimately, however, Ireland was united fully under James’ I rule in 1603.41 Over the course of such a politically tumultuous period English monarchs actively confiscated land from Irish lords and farmers and granted them with English and Scottish protestants in the hopes that such a quintessentially British authoritative presence would quell Irish rebellions. Such a colonial effort was largely unsuccessful, except in the northernmost province of Ulster, an effort known as: the Ulster .42 British rule over

Ireland was further cemented after the failed in the Act of Union from

1801, a “legislative agreement uniting Great Britain (England and ) and Ireland under the name of the United and Ireland.”43

Ideas regarding independence for certain organically stemmed from a history of oppression and colonization of Ireland by Great Britain, but the Irish republican movement perhaps began, or rather, was awoken by political changes overseas. There is no doubt within the literature that Irish Republicans took inspiration from the political revolutions happening in the

British American colonies as well as from the class based during the 18th and

19th centuries.

41 Rebellions were also frequent during James’ tenure as population felt resentment towards a protestant king. 42 Such an event has lasting geopolitical consequences up to the present day. 43 The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, "Act of Union," Encyclopaedia Britannica, last modified , 2020, https://www.britannica.com/event/Act-of-Union-United-Kingdom-1801.

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By the early nineteenth century, at least six sevenths of Irish land had been acquired by absentee English landlords”44 and tensions between Protestants and Catholics as well as broader

Anglo Irish tension, persisted. Furthermore, the nineteenth century in Ireland is largely characterized by tremendous economic hardship experienced by the population, most notably during The Great Potato Famine, i.e. ‘The Famine,’ which, between the high death toll and mass emigration, devastated the Irish population.45 The response from the British government was inconsistent, and largely negligible. With 4 million people on the edge of starvation, half of whom were reliant on potatoes alone, Prime Minister Robert Peel enacted the Famine Relief

Policy of 1845-7, buying up food from the and selling it to Ireland through the development of a public works scheme. While aspects of Peel’s response were successful, his logic to fund one part of the programme through the other was seemingly flawed as the labor force was starving... thus the public works scheme was not sustainable. Nevertheless, Peel’s leadership ended in 1846 when Lord John Russell ascended to PM. Lord John Russell took a considerably more austere approach and by 1847 the Famine Relief Policy was no more. This was largely due to a growing fear that Ireland would become too dependent on government support and thus, at no point was there food intervention from the British. Approximately 1 million people died and twice as many emigrated -- the Irish population never fully recovered.

‘The Irish Question’ and Early Roots of Irish Republicanism

Ireland was largely in disarray after the Famine. Nevertheless, the latter part of the nineteenth century is in fact characterized by a resurgence in Irish culture and language known as

44 Snyder, Encyclopedia of Nationalism, 150. ​ ​ 45 , "," Encyclopedia Britannica, last modified February 4, 2020, ​ https://www.britannica.com/event/Great-Famine-Irish-history.

Watson 21

‘The Revival.’ Inclusive of the and the Literary Revival, as told by scholar

Terrence Brown:

[The Revival] was a movement that sought to supply Ireland of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries with a sense of its own distinctive identity through the medium of the . This movement’s main writers and thinkers believed that a general awareness of the splendours and riches of Gaelic literary antiquity and of the residual fires of the Celtic way of life… [they] would generate a sense of national self worth and of organic unity, which would give the political struggle a dignity and purpose it would otherwise lack.46

One such writer, , was an Irish Republican who captured both elements of Irish ​ nationalism, the cultural and the political. Pearse wrote oratories as well as poetry to illustrate the

Irish experience and the Republican cause. In one poem, from 1916, Pearse writes -- “I am come ​ ​ of the seed of the people, the people that sorrow, that have no treasure but hope, no riches laid up but a memory of an ancient glory.”47 As scholar Seamus Deane writes, “Pearse is a crucial figure

… because it is he who finally links this declaration of cultural difference with the claim for political , exploiting the failure of parliamentarianism and incorporating within it the increasingly emphatic identification of catholicism with nationalism.” Thus, Pearse provided a much more accessible political programme that a greater number of individuals could tap into.

However, Pearse was unable to “recognize the reality of the Ulster situation and the inapplicability to it of the theory of Gaelic or Celtic culture in its contemporary formulation.”48

The second, and potentially more problematic implication, as posited by Deane is “that Ireland’s difference with England was now basing itself on an antimodernist attitude.”49

46 Seamus Deane, Andrew Carpenter, and Jonathan Williams, The Field Day Anthology of Irish Writing (Lawrence ​ ​ ​ Hill, : Field Day Publications, 1991), 516-517. 47 The Rebel, Patrick Pearse, 1958. 48 Deane, Carpenter, and Williams, The Field, 210. ​ ​ 49 Ibid,.

Watson 22

Irish cultural nationalism is critical on two fronts. Firstly, cultural nationalism during the late 19th century into the 20th offered an explanation and escapism to the Irish plight:

In seeking as cultural nationalists the essence of the Irish people in the past, in mythology, in an ancient civilization, the writers of the revealed themselves as profoundly reactionary, their conservatism seeking confirmation in aristocratic, all too literary nostalgias about race and religion. The Irish people were not the contentious, sectarian, democratic, modernizing men and women encountered daily in the streets, but a heroic Celtic race, sublimely unfitted for the squalid compromises of the modern world.50

Secondly, such a phenomena gave way to another, acting as a vehicle for the manifestation of political nationalism:

...Cultural nationalism is useful, even energizing, adjunct to a struggle waged ​ primarily in the interests of a political nationalism whose aim is simply that of legislative independence. And in Ireland the relationship between the two forces ​ [cultural and political nationalism] was largely of that order.51

Cultural nationalism occurred alongside the movement, which sought to re-establish an Irish parliament (which had been demolished under the Act of Union in 1801). The term to refer to the destiny of the island of Ireland, which came to be known as ‘The Irish Question,’ as it came to be known in Westminster, only got louder as the Irish Parliamentary Party grew.

Throughout British and Irish history, the ‘Irish Question’ has forcibly emerged into the political foreground through a cyclical fashion.

The Irish Home Rule, the call for the establishment of an Irish parliament, emerged from

Irish Republicans in an effort to gain an increase in national autonomy. However, such a policy was often dismissed by conservative British mainland politicians who did not believe the Irish were capable of governing themselves. The political nationalism of the mid to late 19th century was spearheaded initially by the likes of and . ‘The Split’ in

50 Deane, Carpenter, and Williams, The Field, 520. ​ ​ ​ 51 Deane, Carpenter, and Williams, The Field, 516. ​ ​ ​

Watson 23

Parnellism broke the Irish Parliamentary Party in the 1890s and resulted in the emergence of two new wings: one led by and the other by . ‘The Irish Question,’ as previously stated, persisted in Westminster for much of the 19th century. The British conservative strategy in response to Home Rule during the late 19th century was to ‘kill it with kindness’ -- meaning the House of Commons would pass legislation that was to the

Irish in order to assuage the relationship and in the hopes that it would remove the question of

Home Rule from the political agenda. The strategy was mostly successful, and the agitation toward the British declined during the conservative control of the House of Commons.

When the Liberals gained control of the Commons in 1908, the dynamic shifted in British politics. In 1910, when the Liberal party failed to win a majority in the general election, Herbert

Henry Asquith formed a coalition with Redmond’s Irish Parliamentary Party. Such an was stipulated on the support of Home Rule. Simultaneously, in 1911 the Parliamentary Act was created -- instituting massive shifts in the British constitution and, notably, mandating any bill passed three times in the House of Commons, in three successive years, could only be postponed by the for two years.

Ultimately, Redmond and others succeeded with the Home Rule Bill that was introduced and passed in the House of Commons in 1912. While vetoed by the House of Lords, the veto would expire after two years, meaning that Home Rule would be instituted in 1914 … but this did not come to fruition.

The Unionist reaction to the Home Rule Bill, particularly in the Northern part of the island was defiant and violent. Ulster, predominantly protestant and unionist, was loyal to Britain and did not support Home Rule. Furthermore, most of Irish industry was concentrated in Ulster,

Watson 24 specifically Belfast, and was not facing the economic hardship or trade unionization found in

Cork and . Led by , a protestant leader of the Unionist movement during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the unionists signed the Ulster Solemn League of Declaration, which denigrated the Home Rule Bill arguing that it threatened the relationship between Ireland and the rest of Great Britain. The document declared that the Unionists would use any means necessary in order to uphold the status of Ireland as British. The Ulster Volunteer

Force was formed in order to hold up the declaration, through force, and as a response, the Irish

Volunteer Force was created in opposition. Asquith faced a dilemma as the island of Ireland reached a political boiling point and proposed that if any Ulster county did not want Home Rule then it could remain a part of Britain and excuse itself for six years. Such a proposal, though, was immediately dismissed by Carson: “Unionists do not want a sentence of death with the stay of execution for six years.”52 Knowing the situation had become militarized on both sides rapidly, the British government began to consider military options that could potentially minimize the damage on either side. To make matters more complicated, the Curragh, Britain’s main military headquarters outside of Dublin, threatened to mutiny if they were forced to move against the

Unionists. As such, in an effort to diffuse the situation and on the furge of outbreak

Asquith retracted the Home Rule Bill. While a seemingly logical leadership decision, the Prime

Minister and other members of his party miscalculated the passion in the Irish cause and the issue of Home Rule did not disappear when the bill did. In fact, the ‘Irish Question’ persisted even on the verge of World War.

52 "Ireland 1912-1916: An Animated History from Home Rule to Easter Rising," video, YouTube, posted by Century ​ Ireland, March 26, 2016, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=722S-m6T7Hw.

Watson 25

Irish Republicanism and the War for Independence

Many nationalists, including John Redmond, argued that Irish nationalism could be extended to the support of Britain in the mainland European conflict and moreover that the war could train them and leave them better prepared for the fight at home. However, this was not the case for all nationalists and many argued that the outbreak of war gave them an advantage. It is ​ ​ thus certainly fair to assert that the Irish Republicans of the 20th century mobilized and took advantage of the British military’s disposition during World War I.53 After the retraction of the

Home Rule Bill, Irish political nationalism unified in a way that it had not previously. Prior to

1912 all aspects of Irish nationalism, political and cultural, were heavily fragmented into various groups such as the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), the to the Irish Citizen

Army (which was predominantly concentrated in Dublin). This is not to say that these groups were completely dissimilar from one another, rather that they were organized differently.

A turning point in the Irish revolution, the 1916 Easter Rising was the catalyst for much of the Irish war for independence. Led by Patrick Pearse along with Thomas Clarke, James

Connolly, Sean MacDiarmada, Thomas MacDonagh, Éamonn Ceannt, and .

These Republicans sought to seize strategic locations that were British controlled across Ireland on Easter under the guise of a military parade. The most important and complex siege was that of

British controlled Dublin city -- where the aim of the Republicans was to capture the General

Post Office (GPO), thus stymying main communications. Once the GPO was captured, the

Proclamation of the Republic was read:

53 It should be noted that hundreds of thousands of Irish men, both nationalists and unionists, volunteered to fight in World War I in the British uniform.

Watson 26

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies...The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and civil , equal rights and opportunities to all of its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts cherishing all the children of the national equally and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority of the past.54

The effort - much like other previous rebellions - was an utter military catastrophe and the Irish rebels were no match for forces. The British in order to stymie the rebel forces shelled the city of Dublin and many citizens died and were injured due to the fighting. Upon the capturing of the last Republican hold out, the GPO, the leaders of the rebellion were rounded up.

Most of them were sent to prison, however, 16 were executed: one every day starting in May of that year. This was a gross miscalculation on the part of the British… as the executions of these

11 individual Irish revolutionaries resulted in a Republican martyrs, and ignited rage in an otherwise apathetic populous. Prime Minister Asquith ordered the halting of the executions and, as a result, not all of the prisoners were executed. More significant though, was the newfound camaraderie and support for the Irish Republican cause, which was widened even further and became more inclusive of more Irish.

While the scope may have expanded, the struggle for independence was long from over in 1916. The various republican groups merged and joined ’s political organization Sinn Féin, meaning: “ourselves alone.” In 1918 Sinn Féin (SF) won a landslide majority in Ireland, but as had become tradition, the newly elected MPs opted not to take their seats in Westminster and instead sat in Dáil Éireann -- the first -- declaring the independence of Ireland once again.

54 The Irish Proclamation of the Republic, 1916.

Watson 27

While every member of SF was committed to an autonomous Ireland, they were not in agreement as to how this should be achieved. Often painted as an ‘idealist,’ Éamon de Valera, president of Sinn Féin, prioritized diplomatic solutions and frequently attempted to communicate with the United States calling on support of Irish immigrants in an effort to raise resources and create international empathy for the Irish cause. De Valera frequently invoked principles of national self determination both abroad and at home. Back in Ireland he welcomed and sought out arrest by Britain in 1917 to continue to raise awareness to the republican cause. His colleagues, the Minister for Finance and ‘pragmatist,’ Michael Collins was quite different and believed that violence was necessary in order to secure Irish freedom. Michael Collins is perhaps most well known for his role as chief operator of the guerrilla campaign that fought the British during the Irish of independence, an organization called the (IRA).

The political division between de Valera and Collins never fully subsided and in 1920, following a desperately needed ceasefire in British forces with Ireland, de Valera sent a delegation, including Collins, to England to negotiate an agreement. The negotiations resulted in the Anglo-Irish Treaty, which changed Irish history forever.

The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921, Pro-Treaty Republicanism vs. Anti-Treaty Republicanism, and Civil War

The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921 marked of the Irish War for Independence and the establishment of an Irish Free State. However, the creation of the Free State was done at two costs. The first was that the State would remain a dominion within the British Commonwealth -- and pledge loyalty to the British Crown. Second,the Treaty recognized the exclusion of six counties of Ulster --creating the province of Northern Ireland. When Collins and the other

Watson 28 delegates returned to Ireland with legislation that still did not establish the country as a fully autonomous state, many of their peers in the Dáil55 criticized and questioned their resolve and even their patriotism. The reaction to the treaty upon the delegations returning to Ireland effectively splintered Sinn Féin. Many welcomed them back as heroes, but others saw them as traitors and a sell outs. A divide was thus created, which tore apart the once unified Republican group into Pro-Treaty advocates (Collins and Arthur Griffith) and Anti-Treaty supporters (de

Valera).

The tense and heated Treaty debates ensued for weeks with advocates, and by the end of the proceedings, it was clear that there was a break in the once united, anti-British, sentiment within the Irish Republican movement; which they knew would lead to armed conflict between them and civil war did ensue. Naturally, as a signatory, Collins stood by the treaty arguing that it

“gives us freedom, not the ultimate freedom that all nations desire and develop to, but the freedom to achieve it.”56 Michael Collins’ appeal in the Dáil on December 19, 1921 is still one of his most well-known speeches, in part for its candor and patriotism, but more so for its establishment of the Pro-Treaty Irish Republican movement.

Collins’ speech re-explains the Anglo-Irish Treaty through the recognition of the greater

Irish and British conflict -- a tactic often used in Irish nationalist rhetoric.

The history of this nation has not been, as is so often said, the history of a military struggle of 750 years; it has been much more a history of peaceful penetration of 750 years. It has not been a struggle for the ideal of freedom for 750 years symbolized in the name Republic…57

55 Irish word for ‘assembly.’ Irish representatives (including Collins) who had rightfully won their constituencies in ​ the Westminster General Election created the Dáil as a rebellious alternative to Westminster that established a legislative body located at home, in Dublin. Symbolic of the democratic desires of the Irish Republican movement. 56 Michael Collins, "Treaty Debate" (speech, Dáil Éireann, Dublin, Ireland, December 19, 1921). ​ 57 Collins, "Treaty Debate." ​

Watson 29

Collins recognized that the disappearance of a British military presence was not guaranteed by any means, even if promised in the Treaty. Yet he argued that the Irish could rely on precedent through the behavior of already established relationships amongst members of the with dominion status (e.g. Canada) with the British government. Unlike the arguably idealistic expectations of the Anti-Treaty Irish Republicans, there was a sense of political realism and pragmatism expressed by Pro-Treaty Republicans, in that they recognized the faults of the

Treaty, while simultaneously understanding that this was ‘the best they could do for the time.’

Now it was not by any form of communication except through their military strength that the English held this country… These people could not operate except for the military strength that was always there. Now, starting from that, I maintain that the disappearance of that military strength gives us the chief proof that our national are established.58

Collins similarly outlines the two entities necessary in order to ensure “our continued national and spiritual existence,” they are: “security and freedom.”59 As stated by Collins: “if the Treaty gives us these or helps us to get at these, then I maintain that it satisfies our national aspirations”

60 The Treaty granted a constitutional status for the country, and as Collins saw it, a path toward greater freedom. Through the monumental withdrawal of the British military, as promised in the

Treaty, Collins argued further national liberties could be established (as the institution was no longer encroaching onto the Irish). Consequently, Collins argued that not signing the Treaty would be an act of war, and the progress the island had made, would have been for nothing.

Essential in understanding the Pro-Treaty movement, is Collins’ purposeful choice to project a perspective that is holistic of the entire Anglo-Irish conflict and this is what informed ​ ​

58 Collins, "Treaty Debate." ​ 59 Collins, "Treaty Debate." ​ 60 Collins, "Treaty Debate." ​

Watson 30 his decision regarding whether or not to sign the Treaty. This is not to say that Collins thought his peers in the Dáil were moronic or foolish, and it should be noted that Anti-Treaty forces used the same logic to form a different argument: that the Treaty was a compromise in decades of the

Irish being subservient to the Crown. While plausible, it is imperative to note that the Irish rebels were near the brink of military collapse by the time the British called a ceasefire and the Irish military forces would not have been able to carry on much longer. Collins addressed accusations made that he and his counterparts were “intimidated” by the British. Naturally, Collins asserted that no agreement would have been made if they had been coerced or intimidated. However,

Collins also stated…

I have used the word “intimidation.” The whole attitude of Britain towards Ireland in the past was an attitude of intimidation, and we, as negotiators, were not in the position of conquerors dictating terms of peace to a vanquished foe. We had not beaten the enemy out of our country by force of arms.61

While accused of being a traitor of the Republic, Collins still stayed true to the idea of a fully independent and autonomous island. Consistent with Irish republicanism, Collins’ rhetoric is centered around Irish nationalism and the advocacy of the Irish as a separate entity from Britain.

At the time of Collins’ speech, however, Irish republicanism was splitting in two, and the national question was no longer regarding ‘should the island seek independence,’ but ‘how ​ should they secure full independence.’ An aspect of the dominion status, which was abhorrent to steadfast Irish Republicans, was swearing allegiance to the Crown and still remaining a part of the empire. As illustrated earlier, while Collins also was not an advocate for this aspect of the

Treaty, it was clear that Collins did not see this as something permanent.

61 Collins, "Treaty Debate." ​

Watson 31

At the heart of Collins’ speech is the understanding that the Treaty is a means to achieving complete autonomy and not a permanent solution, an idea he had a hard time convincing his Anti-Treaty peers to accept. Again, neither orientation negates Northern Ireland as part of Ireland i.e. both groups believe in the uniting of the island under one state. As such, the

Pro-Treaty orientation still revolves around Irish nationalism, but through a temporary alliance with Britain in order to eventually gain independence in full. Contrastingly, for the Anti-Treaty individual: dream is only complete when the whole of the island has full autonomous rule.

Collins’ has been both a romanticized figure and forgotten man in Irish history for his well-rounded set of skills, ruthlessness, and ambitious patriotism, but perhaps most of all, for his pragmatic and paternal-like political wisdom. It is important to recognize that Collins’ defense of his signature on the Treaty is not so much done so out of spite for his peers, nor is it an exercise of chauvinism. Rather, Collins had a more holistic and macro understanding of Ireland’s status as a nation, something his peers lacked.

After the Treaty debates there was a formal split in the Irish Republican party Sinn Féin, which resulted in the creation of the Anti-Treaty IRA and the new Free State Army, and civil war in Ireland soon followed. Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith both died during the civil war,

Collins a year and half after giving this speech in the Dáil by Anti-Treaty forces. Despite these losses, the Pro-Treaty forces ultimately won the war. At present, Collins is understood as a founding father of the Irish Republic.

Politics on the island to present day are still greatly influenced by the Anglo-Irish Treaty and the Civil War. The extremities brought forth by nationalism coupled with the imperfections

Watson 32 of the Treaty, which attempted to prompt a more nuanced outlook on sovereignty and the unification of the island, came to a climax and forced every Irish person to align with one side or the other. Such allegiances took the names of Fianna Fáil, the Anti Treaty aligned party formed by de Valera, and Fine Gael, the more loosely Pro-Treaty aligned party, both parties remaining as the two dominating political parties in the Republic of Ireland.

Early Statehood

The immediate aftermath of the , as previously stated, was tumultuous.

Éamon de Valera and Fianna Fáil emerged to the political forefront in the 1930s and his efforts to delegitimize the remaining British presence on the island cannot be underestimated.

Éamon de Valera is a complex figure within Irish politics who had instrumental influence in the forming of the Republic. To some, de Valera is classified as a pioneer and a visionary who was uncompromising in his determined quest to ‘rid’ Ireland entirely of a British presence. Yet, de Valera is also an idealist who imposed his own picture image of a free independent Ireland in setting the political agenda. To be clear, it is not that de Valera was an idealist that is controversial, as this is commonly appreciated as fact and, furthermore, there is nothing intrinsically wrong about being an ‘idealist’ because this term is rather all encompassing. Rather, de Valera remains a divisive figure in Irish history because of the consequences of his, often, narrow view of Ireland’s destiny that is often painted as highly culturally conservative and was highly exclusionary in nature.

In his speech from 1943, ‘The Undeserted Village: Ireland,’ de Valera illustrates “the ideal Ireland that we would have.”62 De Valera describes an agrarian culture where the Irish

62 Deane, Carpenter, and Williams, The Field, 3: 748. ​ ​ ​

Watson 33 people enjoy a ‘simple’ life, a land that is “the home of people who valued material wealth only as the basis of right living, of a people who were satisfied with frugal comfort and devoted their leisure to the things of the spirit.”63 Such is quite interesting especially in recalling previously discussed aspects of Irish identity -- especially the perception of Irish people as not particularly sophisticated. In a way de Valera, in his use of language, continues to validate this trope -- that the Irish are culturally and traditionally different from the British -- in a plea for .

However, by 1943, the Republic had been established, thus his commentary is quite odd. De

Valera goes on to describe Ireland as “ —a land whose countryside would be bright with cosy homesteads, whose fields and villages would be joyous with the sounds of industry, with the romping of sturdy children, the contests of athletic youths and the laughter of comely maidens, whose firesides would be forums for the wisdom of serene old age.”64 This is an interesting illustration in his rhetoric as it is symptomatic of another trend in Irish nationalism (and consistent with nationalism across the globe) to connect every aspect of the political and cultural agenda back to the land. This entire portrait of the idyllic Ireland is all of course, most ​ ​ importantly, anointed by a higher power, or as articulated by de Valera -- “living the life that

God desires that man should live.”65 It should also be noted that such a speech is occurring against the backdrop of World War II.

In the chronology of World War II and in British political history, December 1936 is widely recognized for the constitutional crisis caused by Edward VIII’s abdication, however, it is crucial and appreciated differently in the story of the Irish Republic. De Valera seized this moment as an opportunity to erase any and all mention of the Crown from the 1922 Constitution

63 Ibid,. 64 Ibid,. ​ 65 Ibid,. ​

Watson 34 and, furthermore, in the External Relations Act, only formally recognized the Crown for diplomatic purposes of representation. In 1937, de Valera’s new constitution (ratified by referendum) established the Republic of Ireland (Éire), an independent country associated with the British ‘only as a matter of external policy.’66 De Valera’s actions were as much rooted in political nationalism, in seeking to cut all formal and symbolic ties with British power

(Parliament and the Crown), as they were cultural since the constitution of 1937 also declared the primary language of the country to be Irish. Once again, similar to the Easter Rising in 1916 that led to successful fight for Irish political autonomy from 1918-1920, a moment of potential weakness and internal turmoil in Britain was seized by the Irish and capitalized on for their own nationalist agenda. The referendum of 1937 is also significant as, in Article II, the constitution lays claim to the entire island: “The national territory consists of the whole island of Ireland, its and territorial seas.”67 This claim, without the backing of any further political action, resulted in the maintenance of Northern Ireland’s status as a province of Great Britain. It is worth mentioning that changes to and extensions of Irish political sovereignty were not without faults or setbacks during this period as de Valera, and Fianna Fáil as a whole, faced criticism for some of the previously mentioned actions. Firstly, Fianna Fáil used the mutually imposed tariffs by the

British as political clout, claiming that the economic recession, at least partially caused by their own protectionist policies (and that the British were in fact financially benefiting from), was indeed the fault of the British in totality.68 Secondly, and more damning in consequence, the

1937 , while successful in cementing Irish sovereignty, also allowed

66 Robert Walter Dudley Edwards et al., "Ireland," Encyclopædia Britannica, last modified April 29, 2020, ​ https://www.britannica.com/place/Ireland. 67 1937 Irish Constitution. 68 Edwards et al., "Ireland," Encyclopædia Britannica. ​

Watson 35

Catholic Church to have a tremendous influence on and in the state.69 Yet another example of the inextricable links between cultural and political nationalism, the compromise made with the

Church, on de Valera’s part, is a political decision the consequences of which, especially in the wake of the child abuse scandals, are still being realized by the country.

The Second World War is also significant in relation to Irish nationalism in another respect as Ireland remained legally neutral and never formally declared war on . While mildly problematic from the perspective of the Allied powers (most especially the United States and the United Kingdom), Irish neutrality was an extreme expression and exertion of sovereignty. For de Valera and others, any collaboration with the United Kingdom, especially a military one, was incredibly threatening to the newly established Republic. However, it was also realized that a German victory could possibly threaten Irish nationalism in a different way, thus, intelligence was collected and secretly given to the Allied powers.

Irish statehood was further extended when Fine Gael leader and (Irish Prime

Minister, loosely translating to “Chief”) from 1948- 1951 and 1954-1957, John A. introduced the Republic of Ireland Act, which “ended the fiction of Commonwealth membership”70 (which took effect in 1949). A paramount and triumphant moment within the

Republican movement, as Ireland’s status as a completely autonomously functioning state had finally been realized, but such a feat aggravated the British who retaliated by further entrenching

Northern Ireland’s status as a part of the United Kingdom.71

Alongside Great Britain, in 1961 Ireland applied to become a part of the European

Economic Community (EEC, which would eventually become a sector of the larger, still yet to

69 Ibid. 70 Edwards et al., "Ireland," Encyclopædia Britannica. 71 To be discussed in the next section in more detail.

Watson 36 be established European Union).72 Despite the political separation between the now independent nations, they remained economically linked (with Ireland more dependent on Great Britain), thus, their applications for EEC membership were considered alongside one another. While the aforementioned may appear trivial, it should not be overlooked -- this was another instance of an inconvenient truth: the fate of Ireland being consistently affected, if not determined, by Great

Britain.

The two did not gain entry into the community with their initial applications, however, they did in 1973, which greatly benefitted Ireland culturally and economically.73 During the waiting period it should also be noted that Great Britain and Ireland had established the Anglo

Irish Area Agreement 1965,74 an example of attempts to normalize the relationship and in exercising of liberal notions of Irish nationalism (ones that recognized the certain economic realities of the country, mainly the inherent reliance on Great Britain and the necessity for a positive relationship). However, the relationship and reliance on Great Britain has gradually been in decline as Ireland moved to the as currency in 1999. Regardless, there is a certain irony that after firmly establishing cultural and political autonomy from one another, the two countries remain economically reliant on one another.

‘The Troubles’ and the Good Friday Agreement

Why is ‘the North’ Different?

Devolution is not uncommon in the United Kingdom and is one of its trademark quirks that is discussed at length in the field. However, as discussed by British Politics scholar, Andrew

72 Edwards et al., "Ireland," Encyclopædia Britannica. ​ 73 Ibid. ​ 74 Ibid.

Watson 37

Gamble, “Northern Ireland is often discussed quite separately from the rest of the United

Kingdom, partly because it is perceived as distinct in so many ways and partly because its problems are regarded as unfinished business from the 1920s.”75 The phenomenon of devolution was a seemingly logical way of maintaining a formal governing tie with historically linked nations while accommodating four separate nationalisms (the English, Northern Irish, Scottish, and Welsh). However, as previously discussed, Northern Ireland is often regarded as different due to geography and, moreso, historical context as well as the more radical and popular manifestations of republicanism on the island (as compared to the nationalist movements of

Wales and Scotland). In discussion regarding the Irish language and Northern Ireland, Bill

Rolston writes: “There are language acts in the Irish Republic, Scotland, and protecting indigenous languages. The North is the only outlier,” which the author says is due to “unionist instrasignece.”76

Northern Ireland is and has historically, since the Ulster , been an anomaly in the broader understanding of Irish cultural distinctiveness from Great Britain and in Anglo-Irish history. The colonial past of the Ulster Plantation, where there was an influx of protestant

Anglo-Scots who were sent to convert the island to and displaced Irish landholders, had profound effects on the culture and function of Northern Ireland as they became the dominant class.

As previously explained, the island of Ireland remains divided by a political border.

While the partitioning was in many ways a logical compromise for tense geopolitical reality,

75 Gamble, Andrew. "The constitutional revolution in the United Kingdom." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 36, ​ ​ no. 1 (2006), 30. 76 Bill Rolston, "Democratic disruption. Ireland's colonial hangover," London School of Economics, last modified ​ July 5, 2019, https://blogs.lse.ac.uk/wps/2019/07/05/democratic-disruption--colonial-hangover/.

Watson 38 early in the 20th century. To Irish nationalists: the North was and remains the final hold of the

British and, for extreme forms of nationalism, it is the reminder of a centuries old oppressive relationship.

‘The Troubles’

During the 1960s, there were occurring across Europe and in the

United States. Roman Catholics in Northern Ireland, who made up around 30% of the population, followed suit in their own civil rights campaign. Catholics had been largely excluded from political processes and often discriminated against in public housing schemes, employment, education, and taunted by unionists celebrations such as parades. Hard line Unionists, notably the

Rev. , encouraged violent exclusionist rhetoric that saw formations of the Ulster

Constitution Defence Committee (UCDC) and its paramilitary wing the Ulster Protestant Force

(UPF). These linked organizations, along with other paramilitary Unionists groups declared war on the IRA (which was inactive at the time), in response to the growing Catholic civil rights movement and in fear of resurgence of republican nationalism on the island. The civil rights campaign in Northern Ireland during the 1960s, composed of mostly Catholics and liberal protestants, were actively discouraged by the Unionist government and the almost exclusively protestant Northern Irish force (Royal Ulster Constabulary). In 1969 peaceful broke out into violent civil unrest -- riots became frequent and policing was no longer an effective means of de-escalating conflict. The was brought in, at the request of the

Catholic minority, however, the Irish Republican Army (a perverted version of the original IRA during the revolution) declared their ‘right’ to use violence against the British as an occupying force in the hopes of uniting the island. The IRA attacked the British army and RIC through a

Watson 39 guerilla campaign. The and Ulster Defence Force also conducted a violent counter campaign. The fighting, while predominantly conducted in Northern Ireland

(mostly along the border), did spillover into the rest of the United Kingdom and the Republic of

Ireland. All three paramilitary groups mentioned (along with others), used terrorists tactics that indiscriminately targeted civilians irrespective of their own allegiances.

In 1971 imprisonment without trial was instituted and individuals who were suspected of an affiliation with the IRA were incarcerated -- which further angered Catholic sympathies and mobilized even more individuals. In 1981, prisoners lost their status as ‘political prisoners’ and a series of occurred from inside the prisons themselves (e.g. the ‘Dirty protests’ and the hunger strikes), which sparked even further political pressure.

There were several attempts at brokering peace -- the one that came the closest was the

Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1985. Supported by Fine Gael, Labour, and Progressive Democrat Parties in the Republic, its main opposition was Fianna Fáil. However, the most vehemently opposed to the Agreement were the Unionists and Sinn Féin and the Agreement never took. As explained by

O’Leary and McGarry, “minimalist supporters backed it for pragmatic reasons. It would establish interstate institutions for managing civil unrest, providing mechanisms for dampening violence, and by quarantining the conflict help prevent destabilizing spillovers into the core of

Irish and British political systems...AIA was fundamentally about containment.”77 In contrast,

“sceptics alleged the AIA was little more than an exercise in symbolic politics, a venture which pretended to the sources of conflict, a continuous media event which would restate existing problems in the guise of solving them...In the [republican nationalists eyes] the AIA was

77 O'Leary, Brendan, and John McGarry. The politics of antagonism: understanding Northern Ireland. Bloomsbury ​ ​ ​ Publishing, 2016, 222.

Watson 40 the continuation of British direct rule.”78 Conflict eventually resumed, but a lasting ceasefire occured in 1994 and four years later the Good Friday Agreement was signed.

The danger and turmoil of paramilitary violence during ‘The Troubles’ cannot be overstated. While often understood as a low casualty 30 year war -- killing over 3,600 people -- the death toll is still significant in its relatively high quantity and, more damningly, because the majority of the people who were injured or died during ‘The Troubles’ were not aligned with either nationalism. Though some could infer that paramilitary violence provoked the expansion of the conflict for either cause, such a conclusion would be ignorant of the indiscriminate violence that took place in order to achieve a romanticized outlook of Irish sovereignty or British allegiance at any cost. While the IRA, especially, was successful in bringing urgency to the cause of Irish nationalism, their tactics were morally repugnant and resulted in the alienation of their cause from citizens of the Republic and the UK. While this did not weaken dispositions to Irish republicanism or Irish nationalist agendas more broadly amongst sympathetic citizens, commitment to a violent programme gradually faded in IRA leadership.

The Good Friday Agreement

“[The Good Friday Agreement is] a historic achievement, but at the same time I said that by itself the agreement did not guarantee peace or political stability or reconciliation. By definition the agreement deferred major issues to the future… It stated explicitly that the different political objectives of the two communities in Northern Ireland were both valid and anticipated that the people there would continue to advocate for their objective, but that they would not do so through violence, but rather through democratic and peaceful means” -- George Mitchell, former Senator and U.S. special envoy to Northern Ireland79

78 Ibid. 79 Mitchell, George. Making Peace. Univ of California Press, 2000. ​ ​ ​

Watson 41

The great success of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA), also known as the Belfast

Agreement, is that it simultaneously affirms the “” of both sides through open-ended ambiguity. The GFA and Stormont, the legislative body of Northern Ireland (a devolved ​ government of the United Kingdom) is also famous for its usage of “consociationalism,” also known as Elite Cooperation Theory, which “is a stable democratic system in deeply divided societies that is based on power sharing between elites from different social groups.”80 The ​ bilateral treaty largely de-escalated ‘The Troubles’ and did so through the deconstruction of border checks and overall minimization of the British military presence in Northern Ireland. The

GFA also allowed for citizens to apply for both UK and Irish , thereby formally recognizing citizens of Northern Ireland as - automatically - members of the Republic of Ireland and the UK (should they choose to exercise this right). While Northern Ireland remained a part of the United Kingdom, dormant para-military presence still exists in Northern Ireland and the treaty by no means diffused sectarian tension, the compromise is still seen as one of the greatest geopolitical resolutions in recent history. Yet, to this day, the geopolitical split in Northern

Ireland, is still influenced by the historical events that occurred during the , the original partitioning of the island, and the Good Friday Agreement.

In order to effectively understand the conflict that persists on the island in more recent history one must fully appreciate the diametrically opposed ideologies regarding the sovereign status of the island of Ireland. Again, Irish republican nationalism, in the more contemporary sense, remains as the ideological call for the island of Ireland to be independent of British rule and united under one autonomous and -- immediately. Counter to this, Unionism

80 Sabine Saurugger, "Consociationalism," Encyclopædia Britannica, last modified January 7, 2016, ​ https://www.britannica.com/topic/consociationalism.

Watson 42 is the ideological disposition toward the loyalty of the union between Ireland and the

Crown/Great Britain. As outlined, one cannot underestimate the contradictory reality that exists in the presence of both identities. That is: the principle foundation for each is, firstly, the legitimization of their own national identity and/or allegiance, but the second is the denouncing of the opposition, thereby directly challenging the existence of the other.

There were many factions within Sinn Féin and the IRA, as well as amongst unionists, who continue to view the GFA as ‘the great betrayal.’Although, groups certainly remain active to the present day, the reconciliation between nationalists and unionists during and after the GFA - most notably between two (now deceased) controversial figures, Martin

McGuinness81 and Ian Paisley,82 - appears to remain committed to the democratic peace and shared powers process of Stormont.

The Good Friday Agreement was successful in promoting tolerance amongst two diametrically opposed ideologies by making accommodations to allow them to co-govern, however, this is only true to a certain degree. The GFA and the set up of power sharing in

Stormont also encourages representatives' toward their worst tribal behaviors, which are counterproductive in the governing process. When Stormont has had to dissolve, which happens quite frequently, it effectively means the absence of a legislative body in the province. This often leaves communities abandoned and hits already socio-economic disadvantaged communities (of nationist and unionist affiliation) the hardest. As previously discussed, Ireland and Northern

Ireland’s status as an anomaly in the history and current political unfoldings of the cannot be overstated. As foretold by British scholar, Andrew Gamble, regarding Stormont’s

81 former IRA chief of staff and leader of Sinn fein the time GFA was signed. 82 Protestant minister, UPF affiliate, vocal Unionist, and founded the Democratic Unionist Party.

Watson 43 recent 3 years period of inactivity (before resuming in 2019) “devolution will be restored in

Northern Ireland only if there is a lasting agreement on power sharing, but this will not be the devolution as it is practiced elsewhere in the United Kingdom… If power sharing returns, it will make Northern Ireland still less like the United Kingdom rather than more like it...”83 On a related note, regarding the rest of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland’s status as a devolved entity, which could leave at any time upon the will of the people, has also enabled the English to have less of a stake in Northern Ireland’s future...perhaps explaining some of the logic behind the

‘Leave’ vote: one that it is at least partially ignorant of the border question and certainly prioritizes an idea of ‘English-ness’ over it.84

As pointed out by likely liberal constitutionally aligned nationalist and former Irish ambassador in London, Daithi O’Ceallaigh, the European Union was instrumental in the

Northern Ireland peacemaking process both financially and rhetorically.85 As such, Northern ​ Ireland was often regarded as a success story for the EU and enabled peacemaking between EU states because they were EU states.86 The UK’s decision to leave the EU in 2016 (although the ​ majority of Northern Ireland87 voted remain), directly threatens the Good Friday Agreement as the Republic and Northern Ireland since they are no longer in the same customs union. Thus, a border must be drawn somewhere: between Northern Ireland and the Republic, which alienates the nationalists from the Republic; between the British mainland and the island of Ireland along

83 Gamble, Andrew. "The constitutional revolution…” 30. 84 "Fintan O'Toole - Borders and Belonging: British and Irish Identities in a Post-Brexit Era," video, YouTube, ​ posted by Queen's University Belfast, January 8, 2019, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1SeadvWsn_k.; O'Toole, ​ ​ ​ Fintan. The Politics of Pain: Postwar England and the Rise of Nationalism. Liveright Publishing, 2019. ​ ​ 85 "Brexit from an Irish perspective - Dáithí O'Ceallaigh," video, YouTube, posted by Cardiff University, February ​ 28, 2018, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dmjTPr8j5p4. 86 Ibid. 87 Interestingly, the majority of ‘Remain’ votes in Northern Ireland were in border counties to the Republic. In contrast, the majority of the ‘Leave’ votes were concentrated in the northernmost counties. These counties also have an historic large concentration of unionists.

Watson 44 the , isolating the unionists from the rest of the UK; or for the UK to not leave the customs union, which betrays hard line Brexiteers (which emerges as an ‘old England’ nationalism in its own right). Many argue that the only path forward, as outlined by the GFA that would maintain the integrity of the document, would be to unite the island within the Republic.

This would overwhelmingly betray the unionist agenda. Although, polling data conducted by the

BBC in 2018 shows that the tide may be shifting in the province’s outlook on unification where

28% of people say they previously supported Northern Ireland’s position in the UK would now support Northern Ireland unifying with the Republic.88 Furthermore, Sinn Féin support in the

North continues to be on the since 2016. Nevertheless there remains vehement opposition to a Border Poll amongst the governing DUP in Northern Ireland and even prominent politicians in the Republic like Fianna Fáil leader, Micheál Martin, and Fine Gael leader and current

Taoiseach, , who have expressed next to no enthusiasm for such an exercise.

Everyone, constitutional nationalists, republican nationalists, unionists, the British government, all agree that a hard border is not an acceptable solution. However, it should be noted that in all other cases external EU frontiers have some kind of hard border with trade and customs checks.

While the British government has repeatedly claimed publically over the past four years that it remains committed to the protection and upholding of the GFA in , it remains difficult to posit a better or alternative outcome to any of the aforementioned proposals … unless an enormous concession is made somewhere and by someone.

88"Irish unity poll a ' idea', warns Varadkar," BBC News, last modified June 8, 2018, https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-northern-ireland-44406029.

Watson 45

Contemporary Irish Politics: Irish Nationalism Now?

Explaining the Current Political System

The manifestation of an independent Irish Republic resulted in the creation of a bicameral parliamentary with an , the Seanad, as well as the lower and more powerful house, the Dáil (where the Taoiseach, , presides). Ireland holds a general election every five years, but every seven there is an election for the president, the , “the first among equals” as stated in the constitution.

Ireland’s is a proportional representation through single transferable voting -- essentially a ranking system for each and every candidate. The Irish political party system is such that it is easier for smaller political parties to gain more seats, making it a fairly pluralistic system in nature. This also means coalition governments are often necessary, meaning that at least two parties need to form an alliance in order to make up a majority. However, the

Irish political system has been dominated by two major political parties since the dawn of the

Republic: Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael.

Unlike the majority of developed countries, which tend to have a right and left bloc,

Ireland’s two major political parties are both, currently, ideologically fairly similar in their political orientation and in their policy manifestos. Both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are categorized as centrist, or centre right, parties who both sponsor their own form of constitutional nationalism.89 Yet despite the similarity in their political alignment, these two establishment parties remain fierce old rivals originating back to the Civil War.

89Due to Fianna Fáil’s origin story as Dev’s party during the 1930s, and even in their current rhetoric, one might consider the programming of Fianna Fáil comparatively more republican than Fine Gael.

Watson 46

Competing nationalisms90 Since the Good Friday Agreement and the Possibility of Unification

Though Sinn Féin is widely regarded as the united Ireland party in contemporary Irish ​ ​ politics, to portray them as the only party in favor of unification would be a gross ​ ​ miscategorization of Irish party politics and contemporary displays of Irish political nationalism.

91 Irish political scholar, Eoin O’Malley, said in a recent interview that “the vast majority of Irish people are in favor of a united Ireland,” however, “they would differ quite profoundly on the speed at which that happens.”92 Sinn Féin, in the present and also historically, developed a reputation consisting of fervent impatience regarding a united Ireland. For Sinn Féin, the question of unification is the past and present priority of Irish politics. As per the Good Friday

Agreement, which stipulates that Northern Ireland can hold a referendum at any time on the question of unification, Northern Ireland would join the Republic in the event that a simple majority of people voted to do so (50%+1). This is not as simplistic as it sounds. The structure and organization of Sinn Féin is fundamentally different to Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil due to their disposition as a fiercely republican party: they are not just sponsoring a united Ireland, but operating across the island as one party in two different political systems. Thus, the Sinn Féin political strategy has been to campaign their way to victory in Northern Ireland in the hopes that this would spur a successful referendum while also remaining vocal about the destiny of a united island in the Republic. This approach diverges from other Irish political parties in the Republic, mainly establishment Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, constitutional nationalist parties, who are

90 English, Irish Freedom. ​ ​ ​ 91 Hugh O', telephone interview by the author, Virtual, April 21, 2020.; "Will Ireland's snap general election ​ redefine Irish politics? I Inside Story," video, YouTube, posted by Al Jazeera, February 8, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ffcOPFMZ1Bc. 92 "Will Ireland's," video. ​

Watson 47

“wary” of Sinn Féin’s approach (believing it to be manufactured and even forced) and do not share the same sense of urgency as their more radical counterparts. Furthermore, such an attempt to “out vote them or out breed them,” as explained by O’Malley would perhaps not resolve still existing tensions between Republicans and Unionists in the North. It should also be noted that the power to call such a referendum lay with the UK Secretary for Northern Ireland and not with the Republic -- thus, Irish political parties ‘intruding’ is a delicate area especially given the

Republic’s intervening actions in Northern Ireland during the second half of the 20th century.

2020 General Election

The 2020 General Election in February, in the Republic, stirred up assumptions of Irish party politics -- mainly the historic decline in support of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael and the surprising success93 of Sinn Féin. Although in the latest election in the Republic, Sinn Féin’s manifesto contained a fairly left wing political agenda, scholars such as O’Malley would not label the party as a ‘left party,’ ultimately it is still a ‘nationalist party.’ The distinction is critical because, while there are elements of Sinn Féin’s manifesto that appear congruent with rhetoric of a liberal Irish nationalism, in that it is progressive, their ultimate allegiance to a united Ireland cannot be overstated and, for this reason, they remain a nationalist republican party. O’Malley, interestingly, also makes claims that there are certain parallels between Sinn Féin in the 21st century and Fianna Fáil in the early 1930s -- the status that Fianna Fáil had as a still potentially dangerous party and their decision to put forth a radical left wing social agenda. Again, the programming of various brands of Irish nationalism, especially more liberal ones, is deeply affected by present day politics and a party’s power in the political arena.

93 But limited.

Watson 48

The fall of Fine Gael in the most recent election could perhaps be simply chalked up to electoral fatigue since the party has been in power for approximately nine years. Moreover, is

Sinn Féin’s electoral success yet another suggestion of electoral fatigue regarding the two party system that has dominated Irish politics for the past 80 years?

Sinn Féin leader Mary Lou McDonald spearheaded the campaign strategy by directly attacking establishment party politics. In Ireland, this means questioning and direct challenging of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, something Sinn Féin is historically already known for. However, what made their 2020 campaign electorally successful was the timing (i.e. electoral fatigue for voters tired of voting for the same two parties) along with the political savviness of their manifesto. It is critical to emphasize the shock that this was to the system, but also to the Irish people and media worldwide. No one, including Sinn Féin, thought that such a campaign would be so successful. This is evident by the fact that they only put forth approximately 40 candidates across the country, when the ‘magic’ majority needed in the Dáil is upwards of 80.

For many Irish voters, a vote for Sinn Féin was most probably a vote for social reform and change regarding healthcare and a long running housing crisis, and a vote against the ‘same old same old’ establishment politics, which was consistently articulated in Mary Lou McDonald victory speech in the Dáil on February 20th. Furthermore, the left wing promises in Sinn Féin’s manifesto for all intents and purposes appear genuine. Whether or not the party is able to deliver the promises made in the manifesto remains to be seen and will largely be dependent on how a government is formed in the coming months. Nevertheless, there are concerns that such an ambitious manifesto, with large spending on social schemes, could potentially bankrupt the government. Overall, regardless, O’Malley’s original insight remains true: Sinn Féin is

Watson 49 ultimately a self-identified nationalist party and, as such, a vote for Sinn Féin might have been more than a ‘protest vote’ against the centrist two party system, but also a vote for a specific vision of Irish national republicanism. However, this is complicated by Irish political commentator, Hugh O’Connell who rightly brought up a recent unification poll done in the

Republic, which suggested that Irish people lacked a sense of urgency regarding the ‘one-island’ question.94

During a post election event in Belfast, McDonald questioned whether Fianna Fáil or

Fine Gael were ‘up to the task’ the people voted for. McDonald continued, “the political landscape on this island is transforming and changing: Sinn Féin is now the lead party in the

South, we’re the biggest party on the island by a very considerable margin” and notably exclaimed:

Sinn Féin is the only all-Ireland party resolutely committed to Irish unity. Fine Gael poses as the united Ireland party, but has no strategy, no programme, and no real desire to bring unity about. As for Fianna Fáil, the so called Republican party, Irish unity doesn’t even rate a mention in its manifesto as any core aim. Its idea of a plan for unity is to establish a unit within the department of the Taoieseach to study and consult on a green paper about the handling of unity referendum ‘should the circumstances arise,’95 which suffice to say was not enough for the Sinn Féin leader.

McDonald’s claims, regarding the true intentions of Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil on

‘Ireland’s Destiny,’ are simply preposterous not because they are untrue, but because they go against the integrity of the normalized relations between the Republic and Northern Ireland.

94 O'Connell, telephone interview by the author. ​ 95 "The Republic is within our sights - Mary Lou McDonald TD," video, YouTube, posted by Sinn Féin, February ​ 15, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yc59nSv4Udg.

Watson 50

Nevertheless, Sinn Féin’s brand of Irish nationalism is such that “unless partition is ended, it will be impossible to build the Republic envisioned in the 1916 proclamation.”96

Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil, in particular, have a very different rhetorical approach. As

McDonald has declared, “it's important for me to stress again that unionists have nothing to fear from Irish unity” and encouraged “a dialogue between the two sides.”97 Yet, Micheál Martin, leader of Fianna Fáil, regarding a distinction he made between “unity of people” over “unity of territory” claims: “people love talking about unity… but the European Union did more for Irish unity then anything and did so without any controversy because we unified standards on the island. We unified environmental law, single energy market, the single market… Europe helped us get rid of the border…”98 Thus, Martin identifies a more cosmopolitan outlook, and more liberal nationalist perspective, on unification that outwardly prioritized the “self determinism of all communities on the island of Ireland.”99

Currently, despite weeks of denying any form of coalition, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael are in historic talks to form a government. This decision is predominantly fueled by the Sinn Féin victories and deep abhorrence from either establishment party to coalition with Sinn Féin, but also at least partially impacted by the current pandemic. Interestingly, on April 16, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael announced plans to establish a department within the office of the Taoiseach “to work towards consensus on united Ireland,”100 which could perhaps be an attempt to assuage and minimize the growth of Sinn Féin in the most recent election. While an understandable political

96 "The Republic," video. 97 Ibid,. 98 Ibid. ​ 99 "Micheál Martin on his vision for a United Ireland, housing and what he really thinks about Leo," video, ​ YouTube, posted by .ie, January 24, 2020, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IYARdaNGKQM. 100 Ibid. ​

Watson 51 move in the Republic, a unionist perspective would argue that this was yet another attempt from the Republic to expand its reach into Northern Ireland. The language of the announcement did explicitly advocate for the continued cooperation and consent of all people in the peace process stating -- “committed to working with all traditions... to build consensus on a shared future…”101

Nevertheless, it is interesting that Sinn Féin’s electoral success, even if does not lead to governing, is still having notable impacts in moving Irish nationalism further toward a ‘radical’ programme.

Conclusions

Without a doubt, Irish nationalism is a phenomenon that continued to evolve over the duration of the 20th century into the 21st. Its nature, as the founding ideology through which the

Republic was built, is cemented by the idea that the Irish were distinctively not British due to their status as colonial subjects. The history of Irish nationalism remains relevant and greatly influences Irish party politics in the present, nevertheless, Irish nationalism was and never became homogeneous in definition -- despite the attempts of its various factions. The island of

Ireland’s entitlement to rule itself as one autonomous state is an aspiration that constitutional and republican nationalists appear to agree, but their outlook on the reality of the geopolitical history of Northern Ireland as well as their urgency for change is where they diverge. The factions within Irish nationalism continue to prompt questions regarding sovereignty and territorial rights.

The Good Friday Agreement, while not perfect, is often used and cited as a roadmap for other highly contentious geopolitical conflicts across the globe. Irish republican nationalism,

101 "The Belfast Agreement," Gov.uk, last modified April 10, 1998, ​ https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/the-belfast-agreement.

Watson 52 born as a broader political movement seeking independence has been compared to , , and Palestinian Free State Theory and the Irish struggle for independence.

The geopolitical conflict in Northern Ireland as well has often been compared to the

Israeli/Palestinian conflict (at large) and South African Apartheid. What evolves on the island will have huge ramifications for citizens of both the Republic and the UK. However, one could also argue that it will have broader and immeasurable effects across the world as well. The significance of the outcomes of Brexit are weighty for UK and Irish citizens, but should also be to individuals across the globe, as the Good Friday Agreement serves as an example of a geopolitical compromise that has largely resulted in long term peace.

The legitimate case for a united Ireland still stems from an anti-colonial tradition and must be considered within the long and tumultuous history of the British Isles. In the conventional sense, nationalisms are often seen in an absolutist sense -- where one approach can and will ultimately prevail. Though, the Good Friday Agreement, the institutional capabilities and peculiarities of the EU, and the ideological tensions themselves between competing Irish nationalisms (unionism and nationalism or, within Irish nationalism, republicanism and constitutional nationalism) have allowed for a normalized Anglo-Irish relationship and stability, though imbalanced, within Northern Ireland. A nuanced appreciation for these terms

“republicanism” and “constitutional nationalism” both historically and currently is increasingly more relevant and necessary as Irish nationalism has and will continue to evolve.

Unification appears increasingly more likely in the wake of Brexit and the aftermath of the 2020 general election in the Republic, but this does not indicate that it will take immediate effect. Just as the Republic and Irish nationalism should not be seen as being inevitable, neither

Watson 53 should unification. No matter the normative bias of an individual, it cannot be denied that the consequences of such a historic [re]unification would be extremely significant both on the island and for the UK. The unification of the island would most certainly threaten the remaining solidarity of the nations of Great Britain as it would mean the of the United Kingdom and separatist calls would appear all the more possible, particularly from Scotland. Furthermore, in the same way that Brexit has spurned geopolitical identity crises, a call for a united Ireland poses the same kind of tumultuous political shift. Even if the people of Northern Ireland were to vote in favor of a united Ireland, which could happen in the next few years, it would be interesting to see how the Republic would accommodate the intake of the six counties on an ideological front and regarding the assimilation of institutions, state infrastructures, and social programmes. If a successful unification were to occur, one would hope that such an effort was based upon the organic manifestation of an expanded and more inclusive national consciousness rather than solely due to a (justified) exacerbated reaction; afterall, has this not been the lesson with Brexit? To apply the ‘Technocratic Dream,’ a collective can agree on the idea of something, but not on how it will or should be achieved. Thus, as many before have poetically noted, Ireland ​ ​ ​ ​ has become (and will continue to become), in many ways, a nation that none of its founders could have ever imagined…

Watson 54

Appendix Framework of Irish nationalism typologies:

Explanation of Evaluation – Orientation – the Political Program of Present Conditions values against meaning of Action which the political identity present is judged th Origins of Cultural 19 ​ Century Origin of Irish Irish (Gaelic, Home Rule ​ Nationalism Ireland and its values in the Celtic) vs English Movement culture (language past; *also the Irish and religion) Catholicism; Irish vs. Anglo dominated by anti-modern Irish sub cleavage foreign presence, of ‘Irish’* the English -- aspects of this remain in present day Political nationalism National identity Key value: “Republicans” vs. Political autonomy before 1920: needs to be political Unionists; through Home Rule Republicanism expressed in a autonomy vs polarizing to total distinctly identities independence from form (republic or Great Britain union) Political nationalism post Anglo-Irish Treaty Political Political identities Continued military 1920 of 1921 has created independence defined as for or struggle in pursuit A) Pro-Treaty a new political or dominion against Treaty of freedom in B) Anti-Treaty reality status and totality vs partition compromise and perspective of the Treaty as a means to achieve greater freedoms Political Nationalism and Political reality State Fianna Fáil Fully sovereign State changes with sovereignty; republic; Irish Republican decline of British Catholic-based language as primary constitutional Empire after social spoken language nationalism: De WWII; rise of consensus Valera’s Fianna anti-colonialism; Fáil vision and merger of political and

Watson 55

cultural nationalism Post 1949 constitutional Europe: modernist; State-based Both constitutional nationalism and ‘The constitutional constitutional national identity and republican Troubles’ nationalists and liberal; (Irish Citizens); nationalisms are A) Constitutional supportive of heavy influence militant aligned in their and less radical entering into EEC from the nationalist belief of Ireland’s -- largely agreed Church; centre identities (IRA) territorial claim to forms of that Ireland right; Northern Ireland republican benefited from unionists vs. nationalism entering agreement republicans vs. Backdoor support B) republican between ambivalent for nationalists in nationalism; Sinn constitutional citizens Northern Ireland; Fein and IRA Responding to nationalism and EU membership; “The Troubles”; republican republican nationalism to Sinn Fein political nationalism: the right of the arm of the IRA continued pursuit Republic to the of Irish destiny and northern ‘liberation’ of territory; Northern Ireland at disagreement any costs on how it should be achieved Nationalism between Responding to still modernist; Fianna Fáil; Fine Policy oriented Good Friday and Brexit “The Troubles”; constitutional Gael; and Sinn actions by state; A) republican and liberal; Fein all parties seek control nationalism republican more secular; republican parties of state; B) constitutional nationalism: centre right; in the general Liberalization of nationalism continued pursuit pro-EU sense, but due to economy and of Irish destiny and (especially after their variance on society; ‘liberation’ of the bailout); the status of establishment Northern Ireland pragmatic; Northern Ireland: parties (FF and FG) emphasis on maintain consensus, constitutional peaceful; FF and FG are just not amongst nationalism: New constitutional themselves political reality: republican; left nationalists; FF better relations leaning; anti largely dominant SF remain on the with UK and closer Europe (until party until 2008 fringe, but ties to Europe; 2015 and the financial crisis occasionally do 2008 financial British then it flipped to well electorally; crisis was referendum); FG until present ultimate goal is disastrous in restlessness on unification, but Ireland and partition and SF more radical through the Bailout by EU continued, but form of pathway the GFA

Watson 56

cements large pro rapidly fading, republican sets out: EU sentiment ties to the IRA nationalists referendum

Nationalism since The Brexit Nationalism FF, FG, SF remain Unification: border Brexit? referendum based on bringing republican parties. poll A) republican results and 2020 political unity of SF’s electoral nationalism: general election the island and victory pushes the vs. Resurgence of Results in the solving systemic FF and FG towards Sinn Fein Republic of infrastructure one another to maintenance of B) constitutional Ireland issues in the form a historic relationships nationalism: Fine Northern Ireland government and (Anglo-Irish and Gael; Fianna Fáil vs. possibly further to Republic and – (establishment continued the left on social Northern Ireland) as parties) cooperation with programmes and they stand Northern Ireland unification and rest of UK in the peacemaking process

Watson 57

Acknowledgements To Dr. Gambino, I’m so glad I chose Michael Collins’ speech in the Dail for our second paper in PSC 201 two years ago as it led to the project I have today. Your enthusiasm, curiosity, patience, direction, and knowledge then and now have been instrumental in guiding and motivating me the past several months. Thank you for your tireless efforts of support from the genesis of my project through to the end.

To Dr. Mello, thank you for your flexibility, validation, and thought provoking questions and ideas, which helped carry my paper to the finish line.

To Dr. Rosenwasser, after our initial conversation in the fall, your familiarity, curiosity, and knowledge of Irish culture made it obvious to me that your perspective would be invaluable to my project. Thank you for your willingness and ability to help, especially when I was brainstorming, and thank you for your continued support as a committee member.

I would also like to extend my thanks to Hugh O’Connell, our brief conversation was incredibly helpful and enjoyable. Thank you so much for your time and expertise -- my project and myself are all the better for and because of it.

Lastly, my draw to my topic is an earnest one and fueled by my gratitude to have grown up in two countries, both of which I consider home. As such, I’d like to extend my final thanks to my family on either side of the pond, most especially my parents. Thank you both for always leading me by example, for your indescribable support (especially in such a weird time), for your books, and willingness to engage with my work. Lastly, thank you for your insistence, sacrifice, and determination for me to have both the U.S. and Ireland to call home. This was all possible and ​ ​ accomplished because of you and for you. ​ ​ ​ ​

Watson 58

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