DOCSLIB.ORG

“Éire Go Brách” the Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20Th Into the 21St Centuries

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
“Éire Go Brách” the Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20Th Into the 21St Centuries “Éire go Brách” The Development of Irish Republican Nationalism in the 20th into the 21st Centuries Alexandra Watson Honors Thesis Dr. Giacomo Gambino Department of Political Science Spring 2020 Watson 2 Table of Contents Introduction 3 Literature Review: Irish Nationalism -- What is it ? 5 A Brief History 18 ‘The Irish Question’ and Early Roots of Irish Republicanism 20 Irish Republicanism and the War for Independence 25 The Anglo Irish Treaty of 1921, Pro-Treaty Republicanism vs. Anti-Treaty Republicanism, and Civil War 27 Early Statehood 32 ‘The Troubles’ and the Good Friday Agreement 36 Why is ‘the North’ Different? 36 ‘The Troubles’ 38 The Good Friday Agreement 40 Contemporary Irish Politics: Irish Nationalism Now? 45 Explaining the Current Political System 45 Competing nationalisms Since the Good Friday Agreement and the Possibility of Unification 46 2020 General Election 47 Conclusions 51 Appendix 54 Acknowledgements 57 Bibliography 58 Watson 3 Introduction In June of 2016, the people of the United Kingdom democratically elected to leave the European Union. The UK’s decision to divorce from the European Union has brought significant uncertainty for the country both in domestic and foreign policy and has spurred a national identity crisis across the United Kingdom. The Brexit negotiations themselves, and the consequences of them, put tremendous pressure on already strained international relationships between the UK and other European countries, most notably their geographic neighbour: the Republic of Ireland. The Anglo-Irish relationship is characterized by centuries of mutual antagonism and the development of Irish national consciousness, which ultimately resulted in the establishment of an autonomous Irish free state in 1922. That process included the controversial partitioning of the island into the twenty six county ‘Saorstat Éireann’ (later the Republic of Ireland in 1937) and the six county province of Northern Ireland, a part of the United Kingdom. This is essentially how the island remains to the present day. In the divorce settlement process between the UK and the EU a major complicating factor persisted regarding the only land border the United Kingdom has with the EU, the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Historically, the Irish quest for sovereignty was fraught with struggle and violence. Particularly in Northern Ireland in a three decade period in the late 20th century known as ‘The Troubles,’ was characterized by acts of terrorism and is the most recent chapter of that struggle between two diametrically opposed ideologies: “nationalism” (the ideological belief in politically a united Ireland) and “Unionism” (the commiment to the bond with Great Britain). The Good Friday Agreement, the treaty that largely brought an end to the period of sectarian violence, which was successful due to its ability Watson 4 to legitimize two mutually exclusive ideologies by maintaining certain ambiguities in either’s superiority. Over twenty years later, however, Brexit forces the reconsideration of Northern Ireland, one of the most contested geopolitical conflicts of the 20th century, and ipso facto, the revisitation of the ‘Irish Question’ i.e. a united Ireland. Such a reality calls for the revisiting of Anglo-Irish relations and, specifically, Ireland, Irish nationalism, and the possibility of a united ​ ​ Ireland. The events that began with the referendum on June 22 2016 did not occur within a vacuum -- in fact, understanding motives on all sides reveals a fuller picture. This project seeks to investigate, complicate, and draw significance from such a question through an Irish lens, tracking Irish nationalism as an ever changing, evolving, and devolving ideology over time. The origin of Irish nationalism, as a political movement, dates back to the 19th century, “when nationalism began to spread throughout Europe, the conflict between the Irish and English continued as efforts were made from London to retain Ireland in the centralized state.”1 The Irish ‘story of struggle’ is critical to fully conceptualizing Irish nationalism. It is rooted in the perception that the Irish culture, religion, and socioeconomic class being distinct from that of their British counterparts -- a perception which is advocated for by the Irish and endorsed by the British. Thus, all types of Irish nationalism involve this origin story that is born of the ​ centuries-old struggle between the Irish and the English. Irish nationalism, as it developed over the course of the 20th century and into the 21st, evolves in response to the changing political landscape; the most significant historical landmarks are the Irish Revolution/War for Independence (1916-1921), the Anglo-Irish Treaty and Civil War (1920-1923); establishment of the Irish Republic (1937) and departure from the British 1 Louis L. Snyder, Encyclopedia of Nationalism (New York: Paragon House, 1990), 150. ​ ​ Watson 5 Commonwealth (1949); and the Good Friday Agreement (1999). Each landmark reoriented competing nationalisms around new political groupings/identities and political programs. The political landscape since 1920, which was reinforced by the Good Friday Agreement, points to a typology consisting of 3 types: unionist nationalism, constitutional nationalism, and republican nationalism (see Appendix on pp. 53-55). Post 1999, the aftermath of ‘The Troubles,’ the Good Friday Agreement, and normalized Anglo-Irish relations into the 21st century have elevated the status of constitutional nationalism as the dominant form of Irish nationalism in contemporary Irish establishment politics. Constitutional nationalism appears as a kind of moderate type of nationalism, which while recognizing the eventual ‘destiny’ of a united Ireland, is largely based on liberal rule of law and toleration (regarding the politics of partition) that moves away from strong forms of cultural nationalism. However, like any contentious relationship, the now normalized Anglo-Irish relationship and tension between republicans and unionists in the North (and south), are not airtight. Brexit and the result of the February 2020 General Election within the Republic are curveballs that upset the settled position of constitutional nationalism as the dominant and prevailing ideology for the past two decades as it reopens the discussion on a united Ireland in an urgent and even more crucial manner. Literature Review: Irish Nationalism -- What is it ? To begin, one must acknowledge that any nationalism, no matter what its form or purpose, is not an entity which manifests organically (i.e. it is a social construct). Benedict Anderson’s canonical work Imagined Communities, proposes the following theoretical framework through which to analyze ​ nationalisms, stating: I propose the following definition of the nation: it is an imagined political community-and imagined as both inherently limited and sovereign. It is imagined Watson 6 because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.... Communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style in which they are imagined.... Finally, [the nation] is imagined as a community, because, regardless of the actual inequality and exploitation that may prevail in each, the nation is conceived as a deep, horizontal comradeship. Ultimately, it is this fraternity that makes it possible, over the past two centuries for so many millions of people, not so much to kill, as willing to die for such limited imaginings.2 Fundamentally, any nationalism is a kind of ideology, which as per Ball and Dagger’s definition, serves four functions: the explanation of current social, economic and political conditions; the evaluation of those conditions, the mobilization and orientation of political actors behind a common identity; and a prescribed programme of collective action.3 Nationalism is a particular kind of ideology that seeks to explain current conditions in terms of an origin story that is inclusive of a creator(s) and, more importantly, an audience that act as vehicles through which the idea can be amplified. In the academy it is also similarly noted by political scientist, Hugh Seton-Watson that -- a nation exists when a significant number of people in a community consider themselves to form a nation, or behave as if they have formed one. It is not necessary that the whole of the population should feel, or so behave, and it is not possible to lay down dogmatically a minimum percentage of a population which must be so affected. When a significant group holds this belief, it possesses ‘national consciousness,’4 Or, stated differently, the existence of nationalism is only true if there are stakeholders who actively subscribe to such an idea or notion for. As it is described by Anderson, “it is the magic of nationalism to turn chance into destiny.”5 Nevertheless, as argued by Seton-Watson, this ​ ​ 2 Benedict R. O'G Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, revised ​ ​ ​ edition. ed. (London: Verso, 2006). 3 Terence Ball, Richard Dagger, and Daniel I. O'Neill, Ideals and Ideologies: A Reader, 10th ed. (New York, N.Y.: ​ ​ ​ ​ Routledge, 2017), 1. ​ ​ 4 Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism ​ ​ (New York, NY: Routledge, 2019), 93. 5 Anderson, Imagined Communities,.. ​ ​ ​ Watson 7 support does not
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Irish Language in Meals Will Also Be Available on Reservation
    ISSN 0257-7860 Nr. 57 SPRING 1987 80p Sterling D eatp o f S gum äs Mac a’ QpobpaiNN PGRRaNpORtb CONfGRGNCC Baase Doolisl) y KaRRaqpeR Welsb LaNquaqc Bills PlaNNiNQ CONtROl Q tpc MaNX QOVGRNMCNt HistORic OwiNNiNG TTpe NoRtp — Loyalist Attituöes A ScaSON iN tl7G FRGNCb CgRip Q0DC l£AGU€ -4LBA: COVIUNN CEIUWCH * BREIZH: KEl/RE KEU1EK Cy/VIRU: UNDEB CELMIDO *ElRE:CONR4DH CfllTHCH KERN O W KE SU NW NS KELTEK • /VWNNIN1COV1MEEY5 CELM GH ALBA striipag bha turadh ann. Dh'fhäs am boireannach na b'lheärr. Sgtiir a deöir. AN DIOGHALTAS AICE "Gun teagamh. fliuair sibh droch naidheachd an diugh. Pheigi." arsa Murchadh Thormaid, "mur eil sibh deönach mise doras na garaids a chäradh innsibh dhomh agus di- 'Seinn iribh o. hiüraibh o. hiigaibh o hi. chuimhnichidh mi c. Theid mi air eeann- Seo agaibh an obair bheir togail fo m'chridh. gnothaich (job) eite. Bhi stiuradh nio chasan do m'dhachaidh bhig fhin. "O cäraichidh sinn doras na garaids. Ma Air criochnacbadh saothair an lä dhomh." tha sibh deiseil tägaidh sinn an drasda agus seallaidh mi dhuibh doras na garaids. Tha Sin mar a sheinn Murchadh Thormaid chitheadh duine gun robh Murchadh 'na turadh ann." "nuair a thill e dhachaidh. "Nuair a bha c dhuine deannta 'na shcacaid dhubh-ghorm Agus leis a sin choisich an triuir a-mach a' stiiiireadh a’ chäir dhachaidh. bha eagail agus na dhungairidhe (dungarees), Bha baga dhan gharaids, an saor ’na shcacaid dhubh- air nach maircadh an ehr bochd air an rarhad uainc aige le chuid inncaian saoir. Bha e mu gorm is dungairidhc , .
    [Show full text]
  • Irish Civil War Pro Treaty
    Irish Civil War Pro Treaty Emmy sprinkled adrift. Heavier-than-air Ike pickax feignedly, he suffumigated his print-outs very intricately. Wayland never pettle any self-command avers dynastically, is Reza fatuous and illegal enough? He and irish print media does the eighth episode during outbreaks of irish civil war treaty troops to Irish Free row And The Irish Civil War UK Essays. Once this assembly and suspected that happened, and several other atrocities committed by hints, under de valera and irish civil war pro treaty. Sinn féin excluded unless craig to irish civil war pro treaty? Houses with irish civil war pro treaty men had been parades and one soldier is largely ignored; but is going to a controlled. The conflict was waged between two opposing groups of Irish nationalists the forces of looking new Irish Free event who supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty under has the plunge was established and the republican opposition for double the Treaty represented a betrayal of the Irish Republic. The Irish Civil request was a conflict that accompanied the establishment of the Irish Free. The outbreak of the deep War in Donegal found the IRA anti-Treaty unprepared and done Free State forces pro-Treaty moved quickly to attack IRA positions. From June of 1922 to May 1923 more guerilla war broke out in Ireland this gulf between the pro-treaty provisional government and anti-treaty IRA In week end. Gerry Adams Wikipedia. Six irregulars were irish civil war pro treaty i came up? Step 4 What divisions emerged in Ireland in December 1921 following the signing of recent Treaty 36.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hungerstrikes
    anIssue 5 Jul-Sept 2019 £2.50/€3.00 spréachIndependent non-profit Socialist Republican magazine THE HUNGERSTRIKES PIVOTAL MOMENTS IN OUR HISTORY Where’s the Pleasure? Examining Sexual Morality Under Capitalism An EU Immigrant The Craigavon 2 More Than A I’m Irish and Pro- A Miscarriage of Beautiful Game Leave Justice Soccer and Politics DIGITAL BACK ISSUES of anspréach Magazine are available for download via our website. Just visit www.anspreach.org ____ Dear reader, An Spréach is an independent Socialist Republican magazine formed by a collective of political activists across Ireland. It aims to bring you, the read- er, a broad swathe of opinion from within the Irish Socialist Republican political sphere, including, but not exclusive to, the fight for national liberation and socialism in Ireland and internationally. The views expressed herein, do not necesserily represent the publication and are purely those of the author. We welcome contributions from all political activists, including opinion pieces, letters, historical analyses and other relevant material. The editor reserves the right to exclude or omit any articles that may be deemed defamatory or abusive. Full and real names must be provided, even in instances where a pseudonym is used, including contact details. Please bear in mind that you may be asked to shorten material if necessary, and where we may be required to edit a piece to fit within these pages, all efforts will be made to retain its balance and opinion, without bias. An Spréach is a not-for-profit magazine which only aims to fund its running costs, including print and associated platforms.
    [Show full text]
  • Going Against the Flow: Sinn Féin´S Unusual Hungarian `Roots´
    The International History Review, 2015 Vol. 37, No. 1, 41–58, http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.2013.879913 Going Against the Flow: Sinn Fein’s Unusual Hungarian ‘Roots’ David G. Haglund* and Umut Korkut Can states as well as non-state political ‘actors’ learn from the history of cognate entities elsewhere in time and space, and if so how and when does this policy knowledge get ‘transferred’ across international borders? This article deals with this question, addressing a short-lived Hungarian ‘tutorial’ that, during the early twentieth century, certain policy elites in Ireland imagined might have great applicability to the political transformation of the Emerald Isle, in effect ushering in an era of political autonomy from the United Kingdom, and doing so via a ‘third way’ that skirted both the Scylla of parliamentary formulations aimed at securing ‘home rule’ for Ireland and the Charybdis of revolutionary violence. In the political agenda of Sinn Fein during its first decade of existence, Hungary loomed as a desirable political model for Ireland, with the party’s leading intellectual, Arthur Griffith, insisting that the means by which Hungary had achieved autonomy within the Hapsburg Empire in 1867 could also serve as the means for securing Ireland’s own autonomy in the first decades of the twentieth century. This article explores what policy initiatives Arthur Griffith thought he saw in the Hungarian experience that were worthy of being ‘transferred’ to the Irish situation. Keywords: Ireland; Hungary; Sinn Fein; home rule; Ausgleich of 1867; policy transfer; Arthur Griffith I. Introduction: the Hungarian tutorial To those who have followed the fortunes and misfortunes of Sinn Fein in recent dec- ades, it must seem the strangest of all pairings, our linking of a party associated now- adays mainly, if not exclusively, with the Northern Ireland question to a small country in the centre of Europe, Hungary.
    [Show full text]
  • E.E. Fournier D'albe's Fin De Siècle: Science, Nationalism and Monistic
    Ian B. Stewart E.E. Fournier d’Albe’s Fin de siècle: Science, nationalism and monistic philosophy in Britain and Ireland Article (Accepted version) (Refereed) Original citation: Stewart, Ian B. (2017). E.E. Fournier d’Albe’s Fin de siècle: Science, nationalism and monistic philosophy in Britain and Ireland Cultural and Social History. pp 1-22. ISSN 1478-0038 DOI: 10.1080/14780038.2017.1375721 © 2017 Taylor & Francis This version available at: http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/84274/ Available in LSE Research Online: September 2017 LSE has developed LSE Research Online so that users may access research output of the School. Copyright © and Moral Rights for the papers on this site are retained by the individual authors and/or other copyright owners. Users may download and/or print one copy of any article(s) in LSE Research Online to facilitate their private study or for non-commercial research. You may not engage in further distribution of the material or use it for any profit-making activities or any commercial gain. You may freely distribute the URL (http://eprints.lse.ac.uk) of the LSE Research Online website. This document is the author’s final accepted version of the journal article. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. 1 E.E. Fournier d’Albe’s Fin de siècle: Science, Nationalism and Monistic Philosophy in Britain and Ireland* Ian B. Stewart The aim of this article is to reconstruct the intellectual biography of the English physicist Edmund Edward Fournier d’Albe (1868-1933) in order to shed new light on disparate aspects of the British fin de siècle.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • The Right of the People of the Whole of Ireland to Self-Determination, Unity, Sovereignty and Independence
    NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law Volume 11 Number 1 IRELAND: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Article 3 1990 THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF-DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE Richard J. Harvey Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/ journal_of_international_and_comparative_law Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Harvey, Richard J. (1990) "THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF- DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE," NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law: Vol. 11 : No. 1 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_international_and_comparative_law/vol11/iss1/ 3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of International and Comparative Law by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE WHOLE OF IRELAND TO SELF-DETERMINATION, UNITY, SOVEREIGNTY AND INDEPENDENCE * RICHARD J. HARVEY ** I. INTRODUCTION The British army has been actively engaged in the Six Counties of Northern Ireland' for twenty-one years. This engagement, officially called "military aid to the civil power,"2 has lasted longer than any war * This Article was addressed to the 13th Congress of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers, Barcelona, Mar. 19-24, 1990. It is dedicated to the memories of SeAn MacBride and Pat Finucane, both of whom devoted their lives to the protection of the human rights of others. They reviewed earlier drafts of this work and each offered his unequivocal support for its aims. In my last conversation with Sedn MacBride, he agreed to sponsor this project to secure United Nations consideration for Ireland's right to self- determination.
    [Show full text]
  • Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants
    Ethnicising Ulster’s Protestants Tolerance, Peoplehood, and Class in Ulster-Scots Ethnopedagogy Peter Robert Gardner Jesus College, The University of Cambridge This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Contents Figures and Tables iv Abbreviations and Short Forms v Acknowledgements vi Word Limit and Plagiarism Statement vii Abstract viii Chapter One: Introduction 1 1.1 Research Questions, Methods and Chapter Overview 5 1.2 Tolerance, Peoplehood, Dignity 7 Chapter Two: Protestantism, Unionism and Consociational Ideology 11 2.1 Shifting Peoplehoods 12 2.1.1 From British Rule to Unionist Rule 12 2.1.2 From Multiplicity toward Britishness 15 2.1.3 Defeatism and the Cultural Turn 18 2.2 Consociationalism, Normativity, Power 21 2.3 Ulster-Scots 26 2.3.1 Ethnic Peoplehood 26 2.3.2 Who are the Ulster-Scots? 30 2.3.3 “Revival” 35 2.4 Conclusion 38 Chapter Three: Communal Segregation and Educational Peace-Building 39 3.1 The Current State of Segregation 39 3.2 Segregated Education 45 3.3 Education and Peace-Building 55 3.4 Conclusion: De-segregating the Mind 63 Chapter Four: Methods 65 4.1 Research Design and Methods 65 4.1.1 Educational Materials 66 4.1.2 Interviews 67 4.1.3. Primary School Survey 69 4.2 Analysis 70 4.2.1 Euphemism, “Telling” and Reading Silences 72 4.2.2 Reflexivity, Stickiness and Power Dynamics 75 4.3 Conclusion 78 Chapter Five: The Development of Ulster-Scots Education 79 5.1 Processes of Peoplehood-Building 79 5.2 Three Phases of Development 81 5.2.1 Phase One: Grass-Roots Education, Elite Lobbying
    [Show full text]
  • Rative Society Ltd. Bailieboro Act Statement Appendix I Eritage Report
    Lakeland Dairies Co -operative Society Ltd. Bailieboro For inspection purposes only. Consent of copyright owner required for any other use. Environmental Impact Statement Appendix I Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Report Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) – Lakeland Dairies Co -Operative Society Ltd - Lear, Bailieborough, Co. Cavan 223 EPA Export 14-05-2015:23:39:26 List of Contents 1. Introduction 2. Methodology 3. Legal and Policy Framework 4. Site location, topography, topography and environment 5. Archaeological and Historical Background 6. Impact Assessment 7. Mitigation measures 8. References Appendix 1- Cultural Heritage Catalogue Plates 1 - 31 List of Figures Figure 1- Location map based on OS Discovery series 1:50,000 Figure 2- Location map showing study area Figure 3- Site Layout drawing of proposed development Figure 4- Second ed. OS map of study area (north of Lear Bridge) Figure 5- Second ed. OS map of study area (south of Lear Bridge) Figure 6- First ed. OS map of study area (north of Lear Bridge) For inspection purposes only. Consent of copyright owner required for any otherFigure use. 7- First ed. OS map of study area (south of Lear Bridge) Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) – Lakeland Dairies Co-Operative Society Ltd - Lear, Bailieborough, Co. Cavan 224 EPA Export 14-05-2015:23:39:26 1 INTRODUCTION Traynor Environmental have commissioned Wolfhound Archaeology to undertake an assessment of the potential impact of Assessment of cultural heritage and archaeological remains identified to date the proposed development at Lear, Bailieborough, Co. Cavan on features of Cultural Heritage significance on or adjacent to the proposed development area. This section outlines the legislative framework for the protection of Cultural Heritage in No surface trace of archaeological remains or deposits were identified in any of the discontinuous areas relating to the current Ireland, describes the Cultural Heritage sites in the vicinity of the proposed development, discusses the archaeological and application.
    [Show full text]
  • Republicanism and Separatism in the Seventeenth Century
    25 Republicanism and Separatism in the Seventeenth Century TOMÁS Ó FIAICH This article first appeared in ‘Léachtaí Cholm Cille’ II Stair, 1971. It is reproduced with the permission of An Sagart, Má Nuad and Pádraig Ó Fiannachta. Consequently it has been thought that all this would be settled by having the enterprise carried out in the name of the liberty of the fatherland and of oppressed religion and by establishing as the government a Republic, which should be so called on its flags and in its commissions … For Ireland to take the name and title of Republic appears to be the best way to carry out this diversion with all possible success and safety … It is simply noted that this insurrection which the natives of that country wish to carry out, should be proclaimed as being for the purpose of establishing the country as a free Republic and in order to make the Catholic religion there free, absolutely … let him (i.e. the pope) send special delegates to all the Catholic kings and princes of Europe, earnestly urging them to help the said Republic of Ireland. These phrases are culled not from the autobiography of Wolfe Tone, the father of Irish republicanism, nor even from a document belonging to the end of the eighteenth century, when republicanism was in the ascendant in the United States of America and in France. They were written as long ago as 1627, when only two republics of note existed in Europe and it was proposed that Ireland should become the third. The long document which has been quoted seems to have been the first in our history to put forward a republican form of government as the objective of an Ireland fighting for her freedom—the first document, in fact, which uses the then unfamiliar and unhallowed title of ‘Irish Republic’.
    [Show full text]
  • Leaving Certificate History Case Study
    LEAVING CERTIFICATE HISTORY CASE STUDY Meiler Magrath’s Clerical Career EARLY MODERN IRELAND: TOPIC 2 REBELLION AND CONQUEST IN ELIZABETHAN IRELAND, 1558-1603 A resource for teachers of Leaving Certificate History, developed by the National Library of Ireland in association with the National Council for Curriculum and Assessment Written by: Dr Brian Kirby Steering Committee: Dr Ciaran Brady, Mr John Dredge, Dr Noel Kissane, Mr Gerry Lyne Contents Introduction 3 Biographical Notes 6 Glossary 9 List of abbreviations 11 Chronology of Meiler Magrath's life 12 Documents used in case study 14 Documents 16 2 Introduction Meiler Magrath was one of the most prominent and controversial figures of Elizabethan Ireland. He was born into a Gaelic ecclesiastical family in Fermanagh. His kin held the territory of *Termon Magrath which included St. Patrick’s Purgatory on Lough Derg. Meiler became a Franciscan friar and in October 1565 he was appointed bishop of Down and Connor by the Pope. Soon afterwards, however, he was captured by the English, took the oath of supremacy and conformed to Protestantism. Even though the exact circumstances of his conversion remain unknown, it is clear that Queen Elizabeth had enough faith in Magrath to appoint him bishop of Clogher in 1570 and promote him to the archbishopric of Cashel five months later. During his long clerical career he also received appointments to the bishoprics of Waterford and Lismore and Killala and Achonry. However, this brief sketch of Magrath’s life does little justice to a man who became an extremely influential political figure in the latter years of Elizabeth’s reign.
    [Show full text]
  • Critical Engagement: Irish Republicanism, Memory Politics
    Critical Engagement Critical Engagement Irish republicanism, memory politics and policing Kevin Hearty LIVERPOOL UNIVERSITY PRESS First published 2017 by Liverpool University Press 4 Cambridge Street Liverpool L69 7ZU Copyright © 2017 Kevin Hearty The right of Kevin Hearty to be identified as the author of this book has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication data A British Library CIP record is available print ISBN 978-1-78694-047-6 epdf ISBN 978-1-78694-828-1 Typeset by Carnegie Book Production, Lancaster Contents Acknowledgements vii List of Figures and Tables x List of Abbreviations xi Introduction 1 1 Understanding a Fraught Historical Relationship 25 2 Irish Republican Memory as Counter-Memory 55 3 Ideology and Policing 87 4 The Patriot Dead 121 5 Transition, ‘Never Again’ and ‘Moving On’ 149 6 The PSNI and ‘Community Policing’ 183 7 The PSNI and ‘Political Policing’ 217 Conclusion 249 References 263 Index 303 Acknowledgements Acknowledgements This book has evolved from my PhD thesis that was undertaken at the Transitional Justice Institute, University of Ulster (TJI). When I moved to the University of Warwick in early 2015 as a post-doc, my plans to develop the book came with me too. It represents the culmination of approximately five years of research, reading and (re)writing, during which I often found the mere thought of re-reading some of my work again nauseating; yet, with the encour- agement of many others, I persevered.
    [Show full text]