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1 Introduction Notes 1 Introduction 1. For an understanding of the background to the Northern Ireland conflict see Paul Bew and Gordon Gillespie, Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968–1999 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1999); Brendan O’Leary and John McGarry, Explaining Northern Ireland (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995); and Jennifer Todd and Joseph Ruane, The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland: Power, Conflict and Emancipation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996). 2. Inter-party talks were launched by the Secretary of State, Peter Brooke, in January 1990. These continued after the 1992 British general election under Sir Patrick Mayhew. See David Bloomfield, Political Dialogue in Northern Ireland: The Brooke Initiative, 1989–1992 (London: Macmillan, 1998). 3. The Agreement was unofficially dubbed the ‘Good Friday Agreement’ because it was signed on Good Friday, two days before Easter Sunday. However, the Agreement is also referred to as the ‘Belfast Agreement’ because it was signed in Belfast. The official document is simply titled ‘The Agreement’. 4. Hugh Miall, Oliver Ramsbotham and Tom Woodhouse, Contemporary Conflict Resolution (Oxford: Polity Press, 1999) p. 154. 5. See Cynthia Arnson, ed., Comparative Peace Processes in Latin America (Cali- fornia; Stanford University Press, 1999); John Darby and Roger MacGinty, eds, The Management of Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000); John Darby and Roger MacGinty, Contemporary Peace Making: Conflict, Viol- ence and Peace Processes (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003); Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall, eds, Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001); and Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds, Managing Global Chaos: Sources of and Responses to International Conflict (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 1996). 6. These case studies, in particular, have been the subject of extensive research. For comparative analysis of Northern Ireland, South Africa and the Middle East, see Benjamin Gidron, Stanley Nider Katz and Yeheskel Hasenfeld, Mobil- izing for Peace: Conflict Resolution in Northern Ireland, Israel/Palestine, and South Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002); Hermann Giliomee and Jannie Gagiano, eds, The Elusive Search for Peace: South Africa, Israel and Northern Ireland (Oxford: Oxford University Press in association with IDASA, 1990); and Colin Knox and Padraic Quirk, Peace Building in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa: Transition, Transformation and Reconciliation (Basingstoke: Macmillan, 2000). 7. See Chester A. Crocker, Fen Osler Hampson and Pamela Aall, eds, Grasping the Nettle: Analyzing Cases of Intractable Conflict (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2005). 157 158 Notes 8. Michael E. Brown, ‘Ethnic and Internal Conflicts: Causes and Implications’, in Crocker, Osler Hampson and Aall, eds, Turbulent Peace: The Challenges of Managing International Conflict, p. 220. 9. Ibid., p. 223. 10. Ibid., p. 220. 11. For example, the majority of biographies that have been written about Northern Ireland’s political leaders have been written by political journ- alists, rather than by academics. See Henry McDonald, Trimble (London: Bloomsbury, 2000); Liam Clarke and Kathryn Johnston, Martin McGuinness: From Guns to Government (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2001); David Sharrock and Mark Devenport, Man of War, Man of Peace? (London: Macmillan, 1997); and Fionnuala O’Connor, Breaking the Bonds: Making Peace in Northern Ireland (Edinburgh: Mainstream, 2002). McDonald is the Northern Ireland polit- ical correspondent for The Observer. Clarke is the Northern Ireland political correspondent for The Sunday Times. Sharrock, at the time of publication of the biography, was the Northern Ireland correspondent for The Daily Telegraph. Devenport, at the time of publication of the biography, was the BBC’s Ireland correspondent. O’Connor is the Ireland correspondent for The Economist. 12. O’Connor, op. cit.,p.12. 13. O’Connor, op. cit.,p.12. 14. For an introduction to this argument see, Paul Arthur, ‘Multiparty Mediation in Northern Ireland’, in Crocker, Osler Hampson and Aall, eds (1999), op. cit. 15. Katherine Hite, When the Romance Ended: Leaders of the Chilean Left, 1968– 1998 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000) p. xvi. 16. Robert Elgie, Political Leadership in Liberal Democracies (London: Macmillan, 1995) p. 3. 17. Ed Moloney and Andy Pollak, Paisley (Dublin: Poolbeg, 1986); and Patrick Marrinan, Paisley: Man of Wrath (Tralee, Co. Kerry: Anvil, 1973). 18. Jean Blondel, Thinking Politically (London: Wildwood House, 1976) p. 107. 19. Ibid. 20. Lewis J. Edinger, ‘Approaches to the Comparative Analysis of Political Lead- ership’. Review of Politics, 54, 4 (1990) p. 509. 21. See Thomas Carlyle, ‘The Leader as Hero’; and Herbert Spence, ‘The Great Man Theory Breaks Down’, in Barbara Kellerman, ed., Political Leadership: A Source Book (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1986). 22. For example see the introduction to Colin Barker, Alan Johnson and Michael Lavalette, eds, Leadership and Social Movements (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001). Not all are in agreement with this point however and see the construction and uses of political leaders as a way of deflecting from the underlying reasons of why changes take place. For a good critique of leadership from this perspective, see Murray Edelman, Constructing the Political Spectacle (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988). 23. See Chris Brown, Understanding International Relations (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001); Michael Nicholson, International Relations: A Concise Intro- duction, 2nd edn (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); and Steven Lobell and Philip Mauceri, Ethnic Conflict and International Politics: Explaining Diffu- sion and Escalation (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004). Notes 159 24. Stanley A. Renshon, ‘Political Leadership as Social Capital: Governing in a Divided National Culture’, Political Psychology, 21, 1 (2000) p. 202. 25. Jean Blondel, Political Leadership: Towards a General Analysis (London: Sage, 1987) p. 1. 26. See Alan Finlayson, ‘Elements of the Blairite Image of Leadership’, Parlia- mentary Affairs, 55, 3 (2002) p. 593; Michael Foley, The British Presidency: Tony Blair and the Politics of Public Leadership (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000); and Leo Abse, The Man Behind the Smile: Tony Blair and the Politics of Perversion (London: Robson Books, 2001). 27. Richard Heffernan, ‘Prime Ministerial predominance? Core executive politics in the UK’, British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 5, 3 (2003) pp. 347–372. 28. John Gaffney, ‘Imagined Relationships: Political leadership in Contem- porary Democracies’, Parliamentary Affairs, 54, 1 (2001) p. 120. 29. Michael Foley, John Major, Tony Blair and the Conflict of Leadership: Collision Course (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002). 30. Robert C. Tucker, Politics as Leadership (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1981). 31. Darby and MacGinty 2003, op. cit., p. 2. 32. Ibid.,p.3. 33. Ibid.,p.3. 34. Ibid.,p.5. 35. David Hamburg, George Alexander, and Karen Ballentine, ‘Preventing Deadly Conflict: The Critical Role of Leadership’, Archives of General Psychi- atry, 56 (1999) p. 971 36. Christopher Mitchell, ‘Conflict Research’, in A.J.R. Groom and Margot Light, eds, Contemporary International Relations: A Guide to Theory (London: Pinter Press, 1994) pp. 128–141. Mitchell presents a concise overview of the field, focusing on general textbooks, ethnic conflicts, psychology, peace processes, and third party involvement. With 111 books cited in the bibliography, this review is still one of the most informative in the field. 37. It is true that many academics see the leadership factors as one of significant importance in the context of a peace process. For example, Darby notes that timing, the quality of leadership and the cohesion of groups in negotiations are vitally important factors in peace processes. See John Darby, Custom of Fell Deed: The Effects of Violence on Peace Processes (Washington: United States Institute of Peace Press, 2001). The point is that the leadership factor is not isolated for in-depth analysis but rather touched upon in the context of all other things. 38. For example, see Hermann Giliomee and Janine Gagiano, op. cit., Interest- ingly, there are just two references made to ‘leadership’ in the index of the book, and while arguing that if leaders fail to persuade their parties and followers to move from confrontation to accommodation then the societies will be confronted by even greater turmoil, the authors make no attempt to define further the central role of leaders in a peace process. 39. James Macgregor Burns, Leadership (New York: Harper & Row, 1978) p. 315. 40. Barbara Kellerman, ‘Hitler’s Ghost: A Manifesto’, in Barbara Kellerman and Larraine R. Matusak, Cutting Edge: Leadership 2000 (College Park, Maryland: James Macgregor Burns Academy of Leadership, 2000) p. 66. 160 Notes 41. Fran Buntman and Tong-yi Huang, ‘The role of political imprisonment in developing and enhancing political leadership: a comparative study of South Africa and Taiwan’s democratization’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, 35, 1 (2000) pp. 43–66; and Kieran McEvoy, Paramilitary Imprisonment in Northern Ireland: Resistance, Management and Release (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001). 42. John Whyte,
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