REVIEW ESSAY the Fall of Suharto

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

REVIEW ESSAY the Fall of Suharto REVIEW ESSAY The Fall of Suharto: A Review Note Bhanoji Rao Departmentof Economics National Universityof Singapore Stefan Eklöf, Indonesian Politics in Crisis: The Long Fall of Suharto, 1996-98, Copenhagen: Nordic Institute of Asian Studies, 1999. 272 Pages, ISBN 87-87062-69-0. Eklof's book of nine chapters tells us the story of the fall of the former President of Indonesia. It is a blow-by-blow account of the happenings of the two-year saga. The first four chapters deal with the events prior to the 1997-1998 economic crisis. Chapter 5 is about the economic crisis of 1997- 98. The next three respectively deal with Suharto's re-election, stu- dent opposition and the end of the regime. Chapter 9 is the concluding chapter. How It Happened In spite of rapid economic growth and modernisation, and in spite of the success of Suharto's New Order system' for 30 long years, the regime had to end. There are two ways of looking at the process of the regime change. One way is to characterise it as an unfortunate event brought about by the economic crisis of 1997-98 at a time when the international financial institutions with their new found "comprehensive" development paradigm have begun propagating not just economic development but also democ- racy, accountability and transparency and eradication of the menace of corruption. A second way is to consider that the Suharto regime has only been tolerated and not really preferred by the people; it is just that a pro- democracy movement takes much longer to come to surface in a large country under authoritarian rule. The events in Indonesia during 1996-98 testify to the validity of both the arguments, the second creating the basis and the first the opportune moment. Eklof points out that since the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s, a wide range of dissidents (students, intellectuals, activists) has begun to openly challenge and criticise the Suharto regime. By early 1996, it was becoming openly clear that the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) under - the leadership of Megawati, daughter of late Sukarno the freedom fighter 326 and first President, could swing votes in its favour from the ruling Golkar party in the 1997 election. It would then be even possible for her to con- test the presidency in 1998. The rulers engineered a division in the PDI, Megawati was ousted in a party congress and another person was appointed the new chairman of the party. Megawati and her supporters were barred from taking part in the election. This provided her with an opportunity to openly accuse elements within the government and the military of engi- neering her removal by interfering with the party's internal affairs. This paved the way for the formation of a loose coalition of pro-democracy groups and the setting up of a Free Speech Forum that included students and other Megawati supporters. The forum called for reinstatement of full political and civil liberties. An attack on the PDI headquarters on 27 July 1996 was staged by the military to remove the Megawati supporters. The heavy handedness of the regime prompted further riots and protests not only in Jakarta but also elsewhere. Many of them in the second half of 1996 and early 1997 were not necessarily directly concerned with the PDI and pro-democracy movements per se, but were also rooted in ethnic, communal and religious conflicts, themselves part of an overall perception of income and wealth inequalities, hidden under the rug with no public discussion. The May 1997, election failed to restore the crumbling legitimacy of the regime. PDI's disastrous election result and Golkar bagging three quar- ters of the votes were interpreted as the result of the government's and the military's heavy handed interventions before and around the election. Despite all this and continuing protests, all would have been well but for the sudden and rather unforeseen economic crisis that descended on the country. From August 1997, Suharto and his government had to address the economic crisis, which began in Thailand and started spreading to the region. In October, Indonesia signed a bailout package with IMF but far too many negative influences continued to plague the economy and polity. These included the regime's indication of interest in the idea of a Currency Board system, disagreements between the regime and IMF, dispute between Finance Minister and two members of the Suharto family, failure to con- tain the raging forest fires in part of the country and concerns about the health of the President. The situation helped the opposition groups to openly and more boldly voice their criticism against the President. Subse- quent developments in January and February 1998 (the optimistic Suharto budget, renegotiation of the IMF agreement, signed by President Suharto personally, his preference for BJ. Habibie to be his VP in the March Presidential election, anti-Chinese propaganda, food riots) took their toll on the currency, the financial sector and the economy in general. Despite mounting opposition to his regime, Suharto got himself re-elected with Habibie as VP. The military did all it could to contain opposition and .
Recommended publications
  • 50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
    ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers.
    [Show full text]
  • Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia
    Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia Location: Southeast Asia; consists of 5 large islands and about 13,677 smaller islands; Capital city: Jakarta Fourth largest Asian country after China, India, and Saudi Arabia – by 2050, will have the 4th largest world economy Topography: Islands filled with active and inactive volcanoes; earthquakes and tsunamis often devastate Indonesia (1992, 2004) Indonesia Population: 221,932,000; #4 in population among the 193 nations in the world Primary language: Bahasa Indonesia; secondary languages: Malay, Javanese, English, Dutch, among many others Indonesia Religion: Islam (over 88%) Protestant (over 5%) Roman Catholic (over 3%) Hindu (almost 2%) Buddhist (almost 1%) Indonesia Colonial influences: Dutch; Portuguese Beginning 20th century – first steps were taken to give Indonesians participation in government 1945 – Independent republic of Indonesia under leadership of Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta Indonesia Sukarno became the first President of Indonesia; Hatta, Vice- President in 1949 In the next two decades, communist leadership and agitation would increase, resulting in the Mass Killings of 65- 66 September 30th Movement, 1965 Claimed to be protecting President Sukarno from right-wing faction of the army planning a coup of their own After Yani’s death, Major General Suharto took command of the army and on October 1st, launched a counter-attack Suharto’s success in removing rebel forces launched the decline in Sukarno’s leadership and the rise of Suharto Suharto and the Killings Suharto accused the Communist party (PKI) of masterminding the coup and used this rationale to exterminate anyone associated with the PKI Suharto’s military rounded up more than a million and a half people who were accused of being involved with the PKI (Roosa 4).
    [Show full text]
  • Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancin
    Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancing our Understanding Drawing on Recently Released U.S. Records November 29, 2017 Speaker: Dr. Bradley Simpson Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies, University of Connecticut Founder and Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project National Security Archive Discussants: Dr. Barbara Harvey Retired Foreign Service Officer and USINDO Advisor Ambassador Robert Pringle Historian of Southeast Asia, Retired Foreign Service Officer, former Ambassador to Mali www.usindo.org Introduction and background: It has been over 50 years since September 30, 1965, a date that dramatically changed Indonesian history. A small group of Indonesians identifying themselves as the September 30 Movement, believed to be working in collaboration with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), launched an overnight strike against Indonesian generals whom they alleged were planning a coup against President Sukarno. Six top generals were killed, but General Suharto, who was not targeted, thwarted the September 30 Movement and subsequently began a military-led program to crush the PKI, which resulted in the execution of both its leaders and followers. In the ensuing power struggle with President Sukarno over Indonesia's political and economic future, Suharto consolidated his control, leading to his New Order government that lasted for 32 years. The domestic and international environment in the period leading up to September 30; the events of the night itself; the extent and nature of the actions that followed; the roles and motivations of the parties; and the knowledge, stance, and actions of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Trusting Twittersphere As a Genuine Political Debate? the Case of Indonesian Election Hashtags
    Selected Papers of #AoIR2019: The 20th Annual Conference of the Association of Internet Researchers Brisbane, Australia / 2-5 October 2019 TRUSTING TWITTERSPHERE AS A GENUINE POLITICAL DEBATE? THE CASE OF INDONESIAN ELECTION HASHTAGS Yearry Panji Setianto Department oF Communication Studies, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa University Abstract This research in progress explores how political discussion on Indonesian Twittersphere could provide a genuine conversation on debates related to the upcoming 2019 national election in Indonesia. Taking the case oF the presidential and parliamentary election in the upcoming April 2019, the author uses social media data on Twitter to investigate whether the discussions are heavily lean into digital public sphere or more dominated by political buzzer and bots. The author examines this by creating Twitter network maps based on hashtags related to the election. Most oF the hashtags analyzed could attract hundreds oF small communities, created mini-publics, which in turn shows the degree oF willingness oF the Indonesian social media users to participate in this practice oF digital citizenship. Qualitative observations on the selection oF the most signiFicant actors within the network and the words they posted are employed to understand iF the conversations were not led by either dominant political actors or political buzzers/bots, and thus, suggest the citizens’ honest Form oF political communication. Despite the limitations oF studying Twitter data, the author suggests that by taking a closer attention to how political conversation in non-English/Western political environment, this study might provide valuable insights on the development oF genuine utilization oF (and trust on) the social media platForms For political engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • Friend - Wahid
    Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
    Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen
    30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK.
    [Show full text]
  • IF3-2011 A2.Pub
    ‘Eyes and Ears’ n the advice of colleagues in the Catholic party, Jusuf Wanandi decided to get close to Sukarno, to O help Suharto become president! HIS conversation occurred as I tried to stop Major‐General Ali Moertopo, who was T intent on emerging from the offices of the CSIS, brandishing a pistol. Ali wanted to confront Hariman Siregar, Chairman of the University of Indonesia Students Council, who was heading up a demonstration and accusing Ali of being a Japanese stooge. The 1974 demonstration and the ensuing riot became known as the Malari incident (Indonesian abbreviation for “The January 15 Tragedy”). In his biography, written by Heru Sukarno and Suharto Cahyono, the Public Order and Security Operation commander, General Sumitro suggests that the riot may actually have been engineered by Ali A flood of Japanese products, Moertopo. accompanied by a superior attitude arising from their investments in Indonesia, particularly in the automotive industry, further enraged the Whatever the case, it was the biggest students. So, it was no surprise that one of their student demonstration since 1966 and the targets was Astra, an Indonesia‐Japan joint overthrow of the Old Order and the establishment venture—the students pushed a number of of the New Order under Suharto. I was part of that Japanese‐made cars and motorcycles into the process and so I know precisely how formidable Ciliwung River. student protests could be. The situation put a lot of pressure on President Suharto, especially given that Japanese The background to the Malari incident was public Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka was in the country anger resulting from soaring rice and other basic at the time.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring the History of Indonesian Nationalism
    University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM Graduate College Dissertations and Theses Dissertations and Theses 2021 Developing Identity: Exploring The History Of Indonesian Nationalism Thomas Joseph Butcher University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis Part of the Asian History Commons, and the South and Southeast Asian Languages and Societies Commons Recommended Citation Butcher, Thomas Joseph, "Developing Identity: Exploring The History Of Indonesian Nationalism" (2021). Graduate College Dissertations and Theses. 1393. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/1393 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate College Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. DEVELOPING IDENTITY: EXPLORING THE HISTORY OF INDONESIAN NATIONALISM A Thesis Presented by Thomas Joseph Butcher to The Faculty of the Graduate College of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Specializing in History May, 2021 Defense Date: March 26, 2021 Thesis Examination Committee: Erik Esselstrom, Ph.D., Advisor Thomas Borchert, Ph.D., Chairperson Dona Brown, Ph.D. Cynthia J. Forehand, Ph.D., Dean of the Graduate College Abstract This thesis examines the history of Indonesian nationalism over the course of the twentieth century. In this thesis, I argue that the country’s two main political leaders of the twentieth century, Presidents Sukarno (1945-1967) and Suharto (1967-1998) manipulated nationalist ideology to enhance and extend their executive powers. The thesis begins by looking at the ways that the nationalist movement originated during the final years of the Dutch East Indies colonial period.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and Human Security: Analysis on the Trajectory of Indonesia’S Democratization
    Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 456 Proceedings of the Brawijaya International Conference on Multidisciplinary Sciences and Technology (BICMST 2020) Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 456 Proceedings of the Brawijaya International Conference on Multidisciplinary Sciences and Technology (BICMST 2020) Democracy and Human Security: Analysis on the Trajectory of Indonesia’s Democratization Rika Kurniaty Department of International Law Faculty of Law, University of Brawijaya Malang, Indonesia [email protected] The concept of national security has a long Abstract—Democracy institution is believed would history, since the conclusion of the thirty-year naturally lead to greater human security. The end of cessation of war set forth in the Treaties of Westphalia communism in the Soviet Union and other countries has in 1648. National security was defined as an effort been described as the triumph of democracy throughout the world, which quickly led to claims that there is now a aimed at maintaining the integrity of a territory the right to democracy as guide principles in international state and freedom to determine the form of self- law. In Indonesia, attention to the notion of democracy government. However, with global developments and developed very rapidly in the late 1990s. In Indonesia, after 32 years of President Suharto’s authoritarian increasingly complex relations between countries and regime from 1966 to 1998, Indonesia finally began the the variety of threats faced by countries in the world, democratization phase in May 1998. It worth noting that the formulation and practice of security Indonesia has experienced four different periods of implementation tend to be achieved together different government and political systems since its (collective security) becomes an important reference independent, and all those stage of systems claim to be for countries in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • History, Memory, and the "1965 Incident" in Indonesia
    HISTORY, MEMORY, AND THE “1965 INCIDENT” IN INDONESIA Mary S. Zurbuchen With the events of 1998 that climaxed in the stunning moment of President Suharto’s resignation, Indonesia embarked on a transi- tion from a tenacious authoritarianism. These changes have prompted re- examination of assumptions and tenets that have shaped the state, its laws and institutions, and the experience of being a citizen. They have also spurred calls for justice and retribution for persistent patterns of violence. Suharto’s New Order is the only government that most Indonesians alive today have ever known, and its passing has sparked notable interest in reviewing and assessing earlier chapters in the national story. This retrospective moment has not been systematic, and there are indications that it may not be sustained under the administration of President Megawati Sukarnoputri. 1 Nonetheless, public discourse continues to spotlight key actors and events from the past, including some that have long been hidden, suppressed, or unmentionable. Among these topics, the killings of 1965–66 are a particularly difficult and dark subject. In this essay, I will discuss some of the recent representations of this particular element of the collective past and offer some thoughts on how “1965” figures in contemporary public discourse, in social and private Mary S. Zurbuchen is Visiting Professor and Acting Director of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Los Angeles. Asian Survey , 42:4, pp. 564–582. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2002 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Send Requests for Permission to Reprint to: Rights and Permissions, University of California Press, Journals Division, 2000 Center St., Ste.
    [Show full text]
  • Research Study
    *. APPROVED FOR RELEASE DATE:.( mY 2007 I, Research Study liWOlVEXZ4-1965 neCoup That Batkfired December 1968- i i ! This publication is prepared for tbe w of US. Cavernmeat officials. The formaf coverage urd contents of tbe puti+tim are designed to meet the specific requirements of those u~n.US. Covernment offids may obtain additional copies of this document directly or through liaison hl from the Cend InteIIigencx Agency. Non-US. Government usem myobtain this dong with rimikr CIA publications on a subscription bask by addressing inquiries to: Document Expediting (DOCEX) bject Exchange and Gift Division Library of Con- Washington, D.C ZOSaO Non-US. Gowrrrmmt users not interested in the DOCEX Project subscription service may purchase xeproductio~~of rpecific publications on nn individual hasis from: Photoduplication Servia Libmy of Congress W~hington,D.C. 20540 f ? INDONESIA - 1965 The Coup That Backfired December 1968 BURY& LAOS TMAILANO CAYBODIA SOUTU VICINAY PHILIPPIIEL b. .- .r4.n MALAYSIA INDONESIA . .. .. 4. , 1. AUSTRALIA JAVA Foreword What is commonly referred to as the Indonesian coup is more properly called "The 30 September Movement," the name the conspirators themselves gave their movement. In this paper, the term "Indonesian coup" is used inter- changeably with "The 30 September Movement ," mainly for the sake of variety. It is technically correct to refer to the events in lndonesia as a "coup" in the literal sense of the word, meaning "a sudden, forceful stroke in politics." To the extent that the word has been accepted in common usage to mean "the sudden and forcible overthrow - of the government ," however, it may be misleading.
    [Show full text]