58 CHAPTER IV FINDINGS and DISCUSSIONS in This Thesis, The
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50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers. -
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia Location: Southeast Asia; consists of 5 large islands and about 13,677 smaller islands; Capital city: Jakarta Fourth largest Asian country after China, India, and Saudi Arabia – by 2050, will have the 4th largest world economy Topography: Islands filled with active and inactive volcanoes; earthquakes and tsunamis often devastate Indonesia (1992, 2004) Indonesia Population: 221,932,000; #4 in population among the 193 nations in the world Primary language: Bahasa Indonesia; secondary languages: Malay, Javanese, English, Dutch, among many others Indonesia Religion: Islam (over 88%) Protestant (over 5%) Roman Catholic (over 3%) Hindu (almost 2%) Buddhist (almost 1%) Indonesia Colonial influences: Dutch; Portuguese Beginning 20th century – first steps were taken to give Indonesians participation in government 1945 – Independent republic of Indonesia under leadership of Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta Indonesia Sukarno became the first President of Indonesia; Hatta, Vice- President in 1949 In the next two decades, communist leadership and agitation would increase, resulting in the Mass Killings of 65- 66 September 30th Movement, 1965 Claimed to be protecting President Sukarno from right-wing faction of the army planning a coup of their own After Yani’s death, Major General Suharto took command of the army and on October 1st, launched a counter-attack Suharto’s success in removing rebel forces launched the decline in Sukarno’s leadership and the rise of Suharto Suharto and the Killings Suharto accused the Communist party (PKI) of masterminding the coup and used this rationale to exterminate anyone associated with the PKI Suharto’s military rounded up more than a million and a half people who were accused of being involved with the PKI (Roosa 4). -
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancin
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancing our Understanding Drawing on Recently Released U.S. Records November 29, 2017 Speaker: Dr. Bradley Simpson Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies, University of Connecticut Founder and Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project National Security Archive Discussants: Dr. Barbara Harvey Retired Foreign Service Officer and USINDO Advisor Ambassador Robert Pringle Historian of Southeast Asia, Retired Foreign Service Officer, former Ambassador to Mali www.usindo.org Introduction and background: It has been over 50 years since September 30, 1965, a date that dramatically changed Indonesian history. A small group of Indonesians identifying themselves as the September 30 Movement, believed to be working in collaboration with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), launched an overnight strike against Indonesian generals whom they alleged were planning a coup against President Sukarno. Six top generals were killed, but General Suharto, who was not targeted, thwarted the September 30 Movement and subsequently began a military-led program to crush the PKI, which resulted in the execution of both its leaders and followers. In the ensuing power struggle with President Sukarno over Indonesia's political and economic future, Suharto consolidated his control, leading to his New Order government that lasted for 32 years. The domestic and international environment in the period leading up to September 30; the events of the night itself; the extent and nature of the actions that followed; the roles and motivations of the parties; and the knowledge, stance, and actions of the U.S. -
The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military
The Professionalisation of the Indonesian Military Robertus Anugerah Purwoko Putro A thesis submitted to the University of New South Wales In fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities and Social Sciences July 2012 STATEMENTS Originality Statement I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and to the best of my knowledge it contains no materials previously published or written by another person, or substantial proportions of material which have been accepted for the award of any other degree or diploma at UNSW or any other educational institution, except where due acknowledgement is made in the thesis. Any contribution made to the research by others, with whom I have worked at UNSW or elsewhere, is explicitly acknowledged in the thesis. I also declare that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work, except to the extent that assistance from others in the project's design and conception or in style, presentation and linguistic expression is acknowledged. Copyright Statement I hereby grant to the University of New South Wales or its agents the right to archive and to make available my thesis or dissertation in whole or in part in all forms of media, now or hereafter known. I retain all property rights, such as patent rights. I also retain the right to use in future works (such as articles or books) all or part of this thesis or dissertation. Authenticity Statement I certify that the Library deposit digital copy is a direct equivalent of the final officially approved version of my thesis. -
Trusting Twittersphere As a Genuine Political Debate? the Case of Indonesian Election Hashtags
Selected Papers of #AoIR2019: The 20th Annual Conference of the Association of Internet Researchers Brisbane, Australia / 2-5 October 2019 TRUSTING TWITTERSPHERE AS A GENUINE POLITICAL DEBATE? THE CASE OF INDONESIAN ELECTION HASHTAGS Yearry Panji Setianto Department oF Communication Studies, Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa University Abstract This research in progress explores how political discussion on Indonesian Twittersphere could provide a genuine conversation on debates related to the upcoming 2019 national election in Indonesia. Taking the case oF the presidential and parliamentary election in the upcoming April 2019, the author uses social media data on Twitter to investigate whether the discussions are heavily lean into digital public sphere or more dominated by political buzzer and bots. The author examines this by creating Twitter network maps based on hashtags related to the election. Most oF the hashtags analyzed could attract hundreds oF small communities, created mini-publics, which in turn shows the degree oF willingness oF the Indonesian social media users to participate in this practice oF digital citizenship. Qualitative observations on the selection oF the most signiFicant actors within the network and the words they posted are employed to understand iF the conversations were not led by either dominant political actors or political buzzers/bots, and thus, suggest the citizens’ honest Form oF political communication. Despite the limitations oF studying Twitter data, the author suggests that by taking a closer attention to how political conversation in non-English/Western political environment, this study might provide valuable insights on the development oF genuine utilization oF (and trust on) the social media platForms For political engagement. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance
Policy Studies 23 The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Marcus Mietzner East-West Center Washington East-West Center The East-West Center is an internationally recognized education and research organization established by the U.S. Congress in 1960 to strengthen understanding and relations between the United States and the countries of the Asia Pacific. Through its programs of cooperative study, training, seminars, and research, the Center works to promote a stable, peaceful, and prosperous Asia Pacific community in which the United States is a leading and valued partner. Funding for the Center comes from the U.S. government, private foundations, individuals, cor- porations, and a number of Asia Pacific governments. East-West Center Washington Established on September 1, 2001, the primary function of the East- West Center Washington is to further the East-West Center mission and the institutional objective of building a peaceful and prosperous Asia Pacific community through substantive programming activities focused on the theme of conflict reduction, political change in the direction of open, accountable, and participatory politics, and American understanding of and engagement in Asia Pacific affairs. The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance Policy Studies 23 ___________ The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance _____________________ Marcus Mietzner Copyright © 2006 by the East-West Center Washington The Politics of Military Reform in Post-Suharto Indonesia: Elite Conflict, Nationalism, and Institutional Resistance by Marcus Mietzner ISBN 978-1-932728-45-3 (online version) ISSN 1547-1330 (online version) Online at: www.eastwestcenterwashington.org/publications East-West Center Washington 1819 L Street, NW, Suite 200 Washington, D.C. -
General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen
30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK. -
IF3-2011 A2.Pub
‘Eyes and Ears’ n the advice of colleagues in the Catholic party, Jusuf Wanandi decided to get close to Sukarno, to O help Suharto become president! HIS conversation occurred as I tried to stop Major‐General Ali Moertopo, who was T intent on emerging from the offices of the CSIS, brandishing a pistol. Ali wanted to confront Hariman Siregar, Chairman of the University of Indonesia Students Council, who was heading up a demonstration and accusing Ali of being a Japanese stooge. The 1974 demonstration and the ensuing riot became known as the Malari incident (Indonesian abbreviation for “The January 15 Tragedy”). In his biography, written by Heru Sukarno and Suharto Cahyono, the Public Order and Security Operation commander, General Sumitro suggests that the riot may actually have been engineered by Ali A flood of Japanese products, Moertopo. accompanied by a superior attitude arising from their investments in Indonesia, particularly in the automotive industry, further enraged the Whatever the case, it was the biggest students. So, it was no surprise that one of their student demonstration since 1966 and the targets was Astra, an Indonesia‐Japan joint overthrow of the Old Order and the establishment venture—the students pushed a number of of the New Order under Suharto. I was part of that Japanese‐made cars and motorcycles into the process and so I know precisely how formidable Ciliwung River. student protests could be. The situation put a lot of pressure on President Suharto, especially given that Japanese The background to the Malari incident was public Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka was in the country anger resulting from soaring rice and other basic at the time. -
SETTING HISTORY STRAIGHT? INDONESIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY in the NEW ORDER a Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Center for Inte
SETTING HISTORY STRAIGHT? INDONESIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE NEW ORDER A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Sony Karsono August 2005 This thesis entitled SETTING HISTORY STRAIGHT? INDONESIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE NEW ORDER by Sony Karsono has been approved for the Department of Southeast Asian Studies and the Center for International Studies by William H. Frederick Associate Professor of History Josep Rota Director of International Studies KARSONO, SONY. M.A. August 2005. International Studies Setting History Straight? Indonesian Historiography in the New Order (274 pp.) Director of Thesis: William H. Frederick This thesis discusses one central problem: What happened to Indonesian historiography in the New Order (1966-98)? To analyze the problem, the author studies the connections between the major themes in his intellectual autobiography and those in the metahistory of the regime. Proceeding in chronological and thematic manner, the thesis comes in three parts. Part One presents the author’s intellectual autobiography, which illustrates how, as a member of the generation of people who grew up in the New Order, he came into contact with history. Part Two examines the genealogy of and the major issues at stake in the post-New Order controversy over the rectification of history. Part Three ends with several concluding observations. First, the historiographical engineering that the New Order committed was not effective. Second, the regime created the tools for people to criticize itself, which shows that it misunderstood its own society. Third, Indonesian contemporary culture is such that people abhor the idea that there is no single truth. -
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M. ISA SULAIMAN and GERRY VAN KLINKEN The rise and fall of governor Puteh This chapter started life with only one author, M. Isa Sulaiman. Four days after presenting it at the authors’ conference in Jakarta on 22 December 2004, he was among those who died in the great tsunami that struck Aceh (see in memoriam in this volume). Henk Schulte Nordholt and I decided as editors that the orphaned chapter should pass into my foster-care for the final phase. Isa had lived at our house in Leiden for five months in 2003, where he and I talked often about Aceh. I dare to think he would agree with the way it has been taken forward. He is responsible for all the factual material (drawn from local news clippings and interviews with many of those named). My part has mainly been to step back from it and say why it was important to write this, as well as to make explicit some theoretical understandings that lay hidden between the lines. He was particularly impressed with a chapter on Aceh in David Brown’s ‘The state and ethnic politics in Southeast Asia’ (1994). Some of Isa’s masterly command of detail had to be sacrificed in the interests of the less specialized reader. Gerry van Klinken Introduction Understandably enough, most media reporting on Aceh before the tsunami was about the war. It focussed on the two armed parties, Indonesia’s armed forces TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia) and the Acehnese liberation army GAM (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka). This has also been true of scholarly work on Aceh. -
State of Local Democracy Assessment in Indonesia (Sold Indonesia)
State of Local Democracy Assessment in Indonesia (SoLD Indonesia) Editors: Abdul Gaffar Karim Hasrul Hanif Wigke Capri Arti Supported by: State of Local Democracy Assessment in Indonesia Copyright ©Penerbit Polgov, 2014 All rights reserved Printed I, October 2014 316 + xxviii pages, 16.5x24.5 cm ISBN 978-602-14532-7-8 Editors: Abdul Gaffar Karim, Hasrul Hanif, Wigke Capri Arti Layout and Cover: Oryza Irwanto Published by Polgov Press Polgov Press is published political and governance books, under the Research Centre for Politics and Government (Polgov), Department of Politics and Government Research Centre for Politics and Government is a research and publication unit of Department of Politics and Government (JPP) Fisipol Universitas Gadjah Mada. Polgov concerns on four keys issues; first local politics and regional autonomy, second party politics, electoral system, and parliament, third human rights and democracy, and four governance reforms and developing integrity system. Gedung BA 403 Jl. Sosio Yustisia No. 2, Yogyakarta, 55281 http://jpp.fisipol.ugm.ac.id Telp/Fax: (0274) 563362 ext.150 Surel: [email protected], [email protected] This report is a product of an assessment of the quality of democracy conducted on the basis of International IDEA's State of Local Democracy Assessment Framework. The report was developed by the Department of Politics and Government, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada with support and partnership of International IDEA. International IDEA has not participated in the content development nor the research leading to the report. Views expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the views of International IDEA, its Board or its Council members.