NASS MODULE.Pdf

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

NASS MODULE.Pdf M O R G A N Z I N T E C C O L L E G E D I PLOMA IN EDUCATION (P R IM AR Y) D I STA N CE EDUCATION MODULE N A T I O N A L & S T R A T E G I C S T U D I E S UNIVERSITY OF ZIMBABWE DEPARTMENT OF TEACHER EDUCATION MORGAN ZINTEC COLLEGE MODULE 01 NATIONAL STRATEGIC STUDIES DIPLOMA IN EDUCATION (PRIMARY) S. MASUNGO S. HLATYWAYO G. MUPUNGA Open and Distance Learning Module EDUCATION, PROGRESS AND SELF RELIANCE i All rights of reproduction are reserved. All material published in this module is protected, covering all exclusive rights to reproduce and distribute the material. No material published here may be reproduced or stored on microfilm or electronic, optical or magnetic form without the written permission from and authorization. © Morgan Zintec College Department of Distance Education 2018 AUTHORS: S. MASUNGO S. HLATYWAYO G. MUPUNGA Published By: Morgan Zintec College Department of Distance Education Post Office Box 1700 Acardia Harare E-mail:[email protected] Co-ordinator: Mr S.V.K Dumba Content Editor: Mr B. Ziso ii DEDICATION National and Strategic Studies is an exciting and inspiring subject as it deals with our historical past, the present situation ,thus contemporary issues and focuses our attention on the future. It inculcates in the learners the values and attitudes and patriotism to enable them to positively contribute to the development of their country. The subject also focuses on socio-economic, political and cultural relations with other organisations of the world. The module is therefore dedicated to primary school learners who will be taught and guided by teachers with the requisite skills and knowledge, the aim being to produce relevant and patriotic citizens of Zimbabwe. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The writing of open and distance learning materials at Morgan ZINTEC College was initiated by the Principal of the college, Mrs Kaseke. This was done with a view to providing critical tutorial support to student teachers undertaking Diploma in Education. This was also complimented by Mr S. V, K. Dumba who through organizing workshops on the production of distance materials ensured that a quality product was produced. iv CONTENTS UNIT 1 INTRODUCTION 1 OBJECTIVES 1 DEFINITIONS 1 CITIZENSHIP EDUCATION 2 BACKGROUND TO NASS 2 ACTIVITY 1.1 3 JUSTIFICATION OF NASS 6 ACTIVITY 1.2 7 SUMMARY 7 REFERENCES 8 UNIT 2 INTRODUCTION 9 UNIT OBJECTIVE 9 DEFINITION 9 ACTIVITY 2.1 14 GENDER IMBALANCE 14 POLICIES ON GENDERS 15 SUSTAINABLE GOAL 16 ACTIVITY 2.2 17 MEASURES BY ZIMBABWE 17 NEW GENDER POLICY 20 v ACTIVITY 2.4 22 CHALLENGES 23 STRATEGIES 24 ACTIVITY 2.5 26 RELEVANCE OF STUDY 27 SUMMARY 28 REFERENCES 29 UNIT 3 INTRODUCTION 30 OBJECT 31 DEFINITION 32 THE CONCEPT 32 ACTIVITY 3.1 34 THE DEVELOPMENT OF INCLUSIVE EDUCATION 34 ACTIVITY 3.2 36 PRINCIPLES GUIDING 38 DIFFERENCES AMONG 39 FACTORS IMPORTANT 44 ACTIVITY 3.3 45 BENEFITS 47 CHALLENGES 49 WHAT SHOULD BE DONE 51 SUMMARY 52 vi REFERENCES 53 UNIT 4 INTRODUCTION 57 AIMS 57 OBJECTIVES 57 THE RISE AND FALL 58 LIFE AND LEGACY OF MUGABE 59 ACTIVITY 4.1 62 BEHIND MUGABE’S FALL 63 A FATEFUL FIRING 65 THE FIRST LADY AND THE FALL 68 WHAT LED TO MUGABE’S FALL 72 ACTIVITY 4.2 73 THE OPERATION 74 DEFINITION OF THE ACTION 74 OUTCOMES OF OPERATION 76 MNANGANWA PRESIDENCY 80 OPERATION RESTORE LEGACY 81 PRESIDENT MNANGAGWA HISTORY 83 PRESIDENTIAL AMBITIONS 87 POWER STRUGGLE 88 ACTIVITY 4.3 91 SUMMARY 91 vii REFERENCES 92 UNIT 5 INTRODUCTION 93 AIMS 93 OBJECTIVES 93 THE CONCEPT 94 IMPORTANCE OF ENTEPRE 100 QUALITIES OF SUCCESSFUL 101 FUNCTIONS OF AN ENT 104 QUALITIES OF AN ENTRE 105 ISSUES AND PROBLEMS 106 THE ZIMBABWEAN SITUATION 108 TRAITS 110 INDIGENOUS ENTREP 116 ACTIVITY 4.4 119 HISTORY OF ENTREPRE 119 ENTREPRE AND PATRIOTISM 123 RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ENTRE AND PATRIOTISM 124 GOVERNMENT MEASURE 125 BUSINESS PLAN 125 REFERENCES 131 UNIT 6 viii INTRODUCTION 133 AIMS 133 OBJECTIVES 133 KEY CONCEPTS 133 CHARACTERISTICS 134 SIGNIFICANCE 134 EXAMPLE 135 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 136 ACTIVITY 6.1 137 INDIGENOUS CULTURAL 139 AFRICAN KNOWLEDGE 140 CULTURAL RENAISSANCE 141 CURRICULUM HYBRIDISATION 143 INDIGENOUS MEDIUM OF INSTRUCT 143 CONCLUSION 145 RECOMMENDATIONS 146 SUMMARY 148 REFERENCES 150 UNIT 7 INTRODUCTION 152 AIMS 152 OBJECTIVE 152 KEY CONCEPTS 154 ix GREENHOUSE GAS 155 GLOBAL WARNING VS CLIMATE 156 CAUSES OF CLIMATE CHANGE 157 WHO IS CAUSING GREENHOUSE 161 EVIDENCE FOR GLOBALISATION 162 EVIDENCE FROM TEMPERATURE 162 EVIDENCE FROM ZIMBABWE 164 RAINFALL CHANGES 167 TOURISM 172 ZIMBABWE AND MITIGATION 174 SUMMARY 180 GLOSSARY 181 REFERENCES 184 x UNIT 1 INTRODUCTION TO NATIONAL AND STRATEGIC STUDIES(NASS) HLATYWAYO S. 1.0 INTRODUCTION There is need for an education system to NASS was introduced in 2002 as part of the curriculum for all Teachers’ and Technical colleges. This unit introduces us to the study of NASS. It gives a background to the introduction on NASS in Teacher Education Curriculum. Further, the unit justifies the inclusion of NASS as a form of citizenship education. 1.1 UNIT OBJECTIVES By the end of the unit, students should be able; 1.1.1 To define and explain NASS. 1.1.2 To trace the background to the introduction of NASS. 1.1.3 To justify the inclusion of NASS in Teacher Education Curriculum. 1.2 DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS 1.2.1 NASS- National and Strategic Studies. It is a civic education designed to make students understand and appreciate the historical development of a country and contemporary issues. NASS is citizenship education designed to produce good citizenry. 1.2.2 Citizenship education It is a form of education. According to Moyo, Chinyani and Mavhunga (2011), citizenship education means an education that is concerned with the political, civic and socio-economic matters of a nation and its citizens. Consequently, the development of attributes of good citizenship is the ultimate reason for 1 citizenship education. It is the form of education concerned with transmitting values and attitudes that are relevant for the society in which one live in. 1.3 BACKGROUND TO NASS The need for an educational brand that embodies the national philosophy and promotes a people’s values, norms and beliefs has attracted efforts, commitment and resources of nations the world over (Moyo, Chinyani and Mavhunga, 2011). Every nation seeks to have an education system that is relevant to is society and that uphold the principles of the nation. According to Mbizvo (2009), an educational programme that is devoid of these fundamental underpinnings is considered irrelevant and a waste of important resources. Through education, a learner or student has to acquire all the values, beliefs norms patterns of behaviour, skills and wisdom that mould him or her into responsible citizen. Education should not be just about acquiring paper qualifications, but also about good character of an individual. It is a waste of resources to have skilled personnel with immoral behaviour. Such individuals may end up being imprisoned or being sick and thereby wasting the country’s resources. Thus, education should help develop individuals who fit well in the society. As a result, the need for various nations to have citizenship education is justified. There seems to be some general conviction among governments that citizenship education is a necessary component of the curricula in their education systems at various levels. (Moyo et al., 2011). The search for curricula interventions that can address the issue of education for citizenship in Zimbabwe has been an ongoing process since 1980. This started with the introduction of a subject called Political Economy in the secondary school curriculum in the early 1980s. This was criticised by many stakeholders including the churches who viewed it as a political strategy to protect the ruling party (ZANU) by then. In primary school it was the teaching of Social Studies. These efforts were directed at accomplishing the goal of producing socially relevant individuals with desirable values and attitudes and who would be effective role models for future generations (Moyo et al, 2011and Zvobgo, 1986). Other attempt for 2 citizenship education came in the form of National Youth Service which was popularly known as the Border Gezi. These were criticised and shunned by many as they were said to be political and took the military stance. The majority criticised them for being biased towards toward s the ruling party (ZANU PF). After the failure of Political Economy in secondary schools, citizenship education re-emerged in 2002 as National and Strategic Studies offered as a compulsory subject at tertiary institutions. To date a form of citizenship education in universities has been introduced in the name of Peace Studies. The concept of citizenship education is not peculiar to Zimbabwe. Other countries have their form of citizenship education. They may differ in names depending on the country but the aims of citizenship education are basically the same. While citizenship education is offered under different names in different countries, some common threads regarding its aims can be traced. Kymlicka (2002) says at the heart of Citizenship Education is the empowerment of the citizenry to participate and become actors rather than passive subjects in the affairs of the state. The basis of this argument is that the successful discharge of state duties requires the citizen to understand the political processes of the state and to acquire the skills of expression. Such knowledge and skills combine to give the citizen the competence that is essential for full and effective participation in society (Oster and Starkey, 2002). One can participate effectively if they are knowledgeable and skilled. It is thus, through the study of NASS that one gets relevant information and skills to participate in all sectors of the nation, whether political, economic or social.
Recommended publications
  • Zimbabwe's Liberation Struggle Era Conflicts and the Pitfalls Of
    TITLE: Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle Era Conflicts and the Pitfalls of Reconciliation after Independence: A Case Study of Bikita District 1976-2013. By Dorothy Goredema A Thesis submitted to the Midlands State University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Faculty of Arts Midlands State University 2015 i Declaration I Dorothy Goredema, hereby declare that this thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy in History at the Midlands State University, hereby submitted by me, has not been previously submitted for a degree at this or any other institution, and that this is my work in design and execution, and all reference materials contained herein have been duly acknowledged. ………………………………………… …………………………………….. Signature Date I hereby certify that the above statement is correct. Main Supervisor, Prof. N.Bhebe………………. …. ………………………… Signature Date Co-Supervisor, Dr.T.M Mashingaidze…………….. …………………………… Signature Date i Acknowledgements I owe a special debt of gratitude to my main supervisor, Professor Ngwabi Bhebe, and Dr. T.M Mashingaidze. Firstly, Professor Bhebe, I will be forever indebted to you. Despite your busy schedule as Vice-Chancellor of a university, you would always make time for me as a student and for my work. You took an interest in my topic and gave direction to many of my disjointed ideas that marked the genesis of the study. You continuously assessed my work, giving me feedback on time and went an extra mile to facilitate co-supervisors and funds that supported my work. I will forever be indebted to your efficiency, wise counsel and critical mind. Thank you Professor for your mentorship and intellectual support.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?
    Notes de l’Ifri Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame? Vittoria MORETTI January 2017 Sub-Saharan Africa Program The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-663-2 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 Cover: © Barry Tuck/Shutterstock.com How to quote this document: Vittoria Moretti, “Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe: the Endgame?”, Notes de l’Ifri, Ifri, January 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Brussels Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000 – Brussels – BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10 – Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Vittoria Moretti holds a BA in Politics and International Relations and a MSc in Global Politics from London School of Economics.
    [Show full text]
  • CURRENT HISTORY the End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe
    CURRENT HISTORY May 2018 "Zimbabwe's politics continues to be driven by a generation that defines itself in terms of its contribution to the liberation war and remains committed to defending that legacy." The End of the Mugabe Era in Zimbabwe SARA RICH DORMAN n1980, Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe Af- vinced international observers that no interven- rican National Union (ZANU) party came to tion was called for and that the transition had a Ipower after a bitter liberation war against the constitutional basis. Although Western leaders Rhodesian white settler regime. In the years that were happy to see him go, Mugabe still had sup- followed, they undertook a process of nation- and port among African leaders who venerated his role state-building that was intended to institutionalize in bringing Zimbabwe to independence. Despite the party's control of the political sphere and en- the army's presence on the streets and Mugabes sure its monopoly on political representation in in- evident unwillingness to resign, the eventual trans- dependent Zimbabwe. The country initially pros- fer of power was accepted as a civilian-led process pered under Mugabe, with particular successes in and rapidly legitimized through the courts. education and health care, but in recent decades The coup was not intended to change Zimba- the economy had faltered as his rule became in- bwe's political trajectory-the plan was to bring it creasingly personalized and autocratic. In Novem- back on course. Calling its intervention "Operation ber 2017, Mugabe was dramatically toppled from Restore Legacy," the military effectively played the power by the army, acting in the name of his party.
    [Show full text]
  • Are They Accountable? Examining Alleged Violators and Their Violations Pre and Post the Presidential Election March 2002
    [report also available from: http://www.hrforumzim.com ] ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM Are they accountable? Examining alleged violators and their violations pre and post the Presidential Election March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum December 2002 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Are They Accountable? The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.” The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Rights Forum are: · Amani Trust · Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z)) · Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) · Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) · Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) · Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z)) · University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme · Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) · Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) · Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) · Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) · Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) Associate Member: · Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or through: 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Conflict Insight | Sep 2018 | Vol
    IPSS Peace & Security Report ABOUT THE REPORT Zimbabwe Conflict The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and policy implications to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision-making Insight and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. The opinions expressed in this report are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Institute for Peace and Security Studies. CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi (Author) Ms. Alem Kidane Ms. Tsion Belay Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Between gaining independence from the British in April 1980 and 21 Ms. Michelle Mendi Muita (Editing) November 2017, the Republic of Zimbabwe was ruled by Robert Mugabe, Mr. Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) the leader of the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU- PF). Two decades after independence, Zimbabwe had fallen into an extended period of economic decline and crisis, which was primarily linked © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, to the implementation of a controversial land reform in 2000 - a policy that Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. led to low agricultural productivity, high unemployment and hyperinflation. In January 2008, the government statistics office announced that inflation had risen to 100,580 per cent from 66,212 per cent the previous month. August 2018 | Vol. 2 GDP contracted by more than 72 per cent between 2000 and 2008, causing a fifth of the population to live in extreme poverty. This chain of events, in CONTENTS turn, became a recipe for growing frustration and protests against the Situation analysis 1 government.
    [Show full text]
  • Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015
    INTERFACE OF MUSIC AND POLITICS: VERSIONS OF PATRIOTIC CONSCIOUSNESS IN ZIMBABWEAN MUSIC, 1970-2015 by REGGEMORE MARONGEDZE Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in the subject of LANGUAGES, LINGUISTICS AND LITERATURE at the UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH AFRICA SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR D.E. MUTASA CO- SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR I. MUWATI JANUARY 2019 DECLARATION Student number-5855-401-7 I, Reggemore Marongedze, declare that Interface of Music and Politics: Versions of Patriotic Consciousness in Zimbabwean Music, 1970-2015 is my work and that the sources used or quoted have been indicated and acknowledged by means of complete references. January 2019 ………………………………………….. …………………………………………….. Signature Date i ABSTRACT Music is an inviolable imaginative litmus diagnosis on a constellation of ideational and conceptual contestations which elicit mutually exclusive and inclusive versions of patriotic consciousness in the Zimbabwean polity. The study specifically analyses the renditions of patriotic consciousness as expressed through selected musical compositions in Shona, Ndebele and English conceptualised as Zimbabwe-centred musical texts. It unfurls in the context of the interplay between music and politics in which music is seen as intricately interwoven with national politics causing shifts of realities. The research approaches and conceptualises patriotic consciousness as a heuristic construct and a measure of development that constitutes an instrument for ideological and conceptual contestations in specific political argumentative settings within the period 1970 to 2015. It deploys the critical tenets of Afrocentricity and the Socio-semantic theory of music to advance the contention that patriotic consciousness as a concept for political analysis enables the criticism and explanation of existing rival sentiments, different wants, competing needs and opposing interests in the Zimbabwean polity.
    [Show full text]
  • An Extract from Robert Mugabe, a Forthcoming Book by Dr Sue Onslow
    An extract from Robert Mugabe, a forthcoming book by Dr Sue Onslow, senior lecturer and deputy director of the Institute of Commonwealth Studies, and Martin Plaut, a senior research fellow at the institute, which forms part of the School of Advanced Study, University of London. Robert Mugabe will be published in 2018 by Ohio University Press. The Zimbabwe Global Political Agreement (GPA) which shared power between the parties between 2009-2013 allowed ZANU-PF the space to regroup: in the narrowed political arena of decision makers, Mugabe politically out-manoeuvred the Government of National Unity, Prime Minister, Morgan Tsvangirai. The President appointed more ministers than originally agreed (41, rather than the originally agreed 31), along with leading civil servants, diplomats, the Attorney General, the Governor of the Reserve Bank and the Police Commissioner.1 While his party re-energized its grass roots organisation and support, ZANU-PF kept control of the security services, as MDC squandered its access to power and remained fatally divided between two rival factions. But this pact with the opposition came at considerable costs to party unity. Since 2000 there had also been a process of ‘creeping coup’ of the militarization of the administration of the country, as the securo-crats were absorbed into the upper echelons of decision-making. In Paul Moorcraft’s view this fusion of political and military power within ZANU-PF has long been the key to Mugabe’s political longevity. However, it is not simply that Mugabe calls the shots, or that ZANU-PF dominated the security sector.2 Zimbabwe under Mugabe is the epitome of a neo-patrimonial state.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe 2018 Human Rights Report
    ZIMBABWE 2018 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Zimbabwe is constitutionally a republic. On July 30, the country elected Emmerson Mnangagwa president in general elections. Despite incremental improvements from past elections, domestic and international observers noted serious concerns and called for further reforms necessary to meet regional and international standards for democratic elections. While the pre-election period saw increased democratic space, numerous factors contributed to a flawed overall election process, including: the Zimbabwe Election Commission’s (ZEC) lack of independence; heavily biased state media favoring the ruling party; voter intimidation; unconstitutional influence of tribal leaders; disenfranchisement of alien and diaspora voters; failure to provide a preliminary voters roll in electronic format; politicization of food aid; security services’ excess use of force; and lack of precision and transparency around the release of election results. On August 26, the chief justice swore in Mnangagwa as president with the constitutional authority to complete a five-year term, scheduled to end in 2023. The election resulted in the formation of a ZANU-PF-led government with a supermajority in the National Assembly but not in the Senate. Civilian authorities at times did not maintain effective control over the security forces. Human rights issues included arbitrary killings, government-targeted abductions, and arbitrary arrests; torture; harsh prison conditions; criminal libel; censorship; restrictions on freedoms of assembly, association, and movement; government corruption; ineffective government response towards violence against women; and criminalization of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI) status or conduct. The government took limited steps toward potential consequences for security- sector officials and nongovernment actors who committed human rights violations, including appointing a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to investigate the post- election violence.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Era for Organized Crime?
    POLITICAL TRANSITION A New Era for IN ZIMBABWE Organized Crime? Mafaro Kasipo August 2018 POLITICAL TRANSITION IN ZIMBABWE A New Era for Organized Crime? Mafaro Kasipo August 2018 Cover photo: Philimon Bulawayo / REUTERS © 2018 Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without permission in writing from the Global Initiative. Please direct inquiries to: The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime WMO Building, 2nd Floor 7bis, Avenue de la Paix CH-1211 Geneva 1 Switzerland www.GlobalInitiative.net Summary This policy brief constitutes a first step towards developing more comprehensive assessments that will broaden our understanding of organized crime and illicit markets in Zimbabwe. It analyzes the development of illicit economies during the three periods of political transition that occurred in Zimbabwe since the country attained independence in 1980, and looks ahead to the current phase of transition under its new president, Emmerson Mnangagwa, whose young administration was cemented by victory for his party at the polls on 30 July 2018. The brief outlines the relationship between Zimbabwe’s political transitions and its illicit economies, in particular the central role played by the state in controlling, shaping and benefiting from organized crime. Certain forms of state-sponsored illicit activity have been prevalent during specific phases in Zimbabwe’s political trajectory, but are not exclusive to those transitions. In Zimbabwean politics, illicit economies have been a mainstay of the patronage system that ensured that the ruling party, ZANU–PF (Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front), remained in power for 37 years under Robert Mugabe.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Country Report BTI 2018
    BTI 2018 Country Report Zimbabwe This report is part of the Bertelsmann Stiftung’s Transformation Index (BTI) 2018. It covers the period from February 1, 2015 to January 31, 2017. The BTI assesses the transformation toward democracy and a market economy as well as the quality of political management in 129 countries. More on the BTI at http://www.bti-project.org. Please cite as follows: Bertelsmann Stiftung, BTI 2018 Country Report — Zimbabwe. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann Stiftung, 2018. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Contact Bertelsmann Stiftung Carl-Bertelsmann-Strasse 256 33111 Gütersloh Germany Sabine Donner Phone +49 5241 81 81501 [email protected] Hauke Hartmann Phone +49 5241 81 81389 [email protected] Robert Schwarz Phone +49 5241 81 81402 [email protected] Sabine Steinkamp Phone +49 5241 81 81507 [email protected] BTI 2018 | Zimbabwe 3 Key Indicators Population M 16.2 HDI 0.516 GDP p.c., PPP $ 2006 Pop. growth1 % p.a. 2.3 HDI rank of 188 154 Gini Index 43.2 Life expectancy years 60.3 UN Education Index 0.559 Poverty3 % 47.2 Urban population % 32.3 Gender inequality2 0.540 Aid per capita $ 50.0 Sources (as of October 2017): The World Bank, World Development Indicators 2017 | UNDP, Human Development Report 2016. Footnotes: (1) Average annual growth rate. (2) Gender Inequality Index (GII). (3) Percentage of population living on less than $3.20 a day at 2011 international prices. Executive Summary The majority government of Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) has plunged the country deeper into a political and economic meltdown.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections Election
    Republic of Zimbabwe 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council (Harmonized) Elections Election Expert Mission Final Report The Carter Center July 2020 2018 Presidential, Parliamentary, and Local Council Elections in Zimbabwe Table of Contents Map of the Republic of Zimbabwe ............................................................................................................... 4 Executive Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 5 The Carter Center in Zimbabwe.................................................................................................................. 10 Historical and Political Background ........................................................................................................... 11 Table 1. Zimbabwe Facts and Figures .................................................................................................... 12 Legal Framework ........................................................................................................................................ 13 Domestic Laws............................................................................................................................................ 14 The Constitution...................................................................................................................................... 14 The Electoral Act ...................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe General Elections, 30 July 2018: EU EOM Final Report
    European Union Election Observation Mission FINAL REPORT REPUBLIC OF ZIMBABWE Harmonised Elections 2018 EU EOM ZIMBABWE HARMONISED ELECTIONS 2018 FINAL REPORT OCTOBER 2018 This report contains the findings of the EU Election Observation Mission (EOM) on the Harmonised Elections 2018. The EU EOM is independent from the European Union’s institutions, and therefore this report is not an official position of the European Union. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Executive Summary 1 II. Introduction 4 III. Political Background 4 IV. Legal Framework 5 A. International Principles and Commitments 5 B. The Constitution of Zimbabwe 6 C. Electoral Legislation 6 D. Electoral System and Constituency Delimitation 8 V. Election Administration 9 A. Role and Structure of the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission 9 B. ZEC Management of the Electoral Process 10 VI. Voter Registration 14 A. The Right to Vote 14 B. Voter Registration 14 VII. Registration of Political Parties and Candidates 17 VIII. The Election Campaign and Pre-Election Environment 19 A. The Election Campaign 19 B. The Pre-Election Environment 20 C. Campaign Finance 23 IX. International and Domestic Election Observation 24 X. Media and Elections 25 A. Media Environment 25 B. Legal Framework for Media 26 C. Media Regulation for the Election Campaign 27 D. EU EOM Media Monitoring 28 XI. Participation of Women 30 XII. Participation of Persons with Disability 31 XIII. Polling, Counting and Collation (Including Postal Voting) 33 A. Postal Voting 33 B. Poll Preparations and Election Day 33 C. Counting at the Polling Station 34 D. The Collation Process 34 XIV. Election Results and Post-Election Environment 35 A.
    [Show full text]