DOCSLIB.ORG

ZIMBABWE POLITICAL ECONOMY REVIEW 13 October 2017

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
ZIMBABWE POLITICAL ECONOMY REVIEW 13 October 2017 ZIMBABWE POLITICAL ECONOMY REVIEW Mugabe’s Cabinet Reshuffle – Power, Patronage and Greed 13 October 2017 ©Zimbabwe Democracy Institute 66 Jason Moyo Avenue Harare www.zimdem.org [email protected] The 9th of October Cabinet reshuffle – a ZANU-PF, state machinery and wining the Mnangagwa management scheme – can 2018 election is the actual challenge to be understood in the context of the Robert Mugabe to which the reshuffle has current intra-ZANU-PF discohesion and a been the first remedy. So, the reshuffle trinity of interwoven matrices in was manufactured to “manage” President Robert Mugabe’s struggle to Mnangagwa and show his followers and capture ZANU-PF and 2018 elections – anybody in ZANU-PF where power lies, greed, power and patronage. capture strategic state machinery and create an electioneering hand ahead of the 2018 elections. How has the Mnangagwa management scheme been executed through this reshuffle? Firstly, the reshuffle has confused the securocrat syndicate which wields an overwhelming share in Mnangagwa’s force majeure. By destooling Emerson Mnangagwa in the Ministry of Justice, Legal and Source: The Herald 9 October 2017 Parliamentary Affairs and replacing him with a securocrat CIO Director-General A critical analysis of the destooled, retired General Happyton Bonyongwe, revised and enthroned cabinet ministers President Mugabe displayed serious judo shows that, Mugabe attempts to dispel mastery: (i) cutting the enemy’s source of fears that he is no longer in control of power. The Ministry of Justice and ZANU-PF and effects thereof, heighten Parliamentary Affairs since 2014 has uncertainties among internal party saved as serious institutional power used enemies that he can still unmake them by Mnangagwa, i.e using it and parliament with the same ease he felt when making to amend the constitution so if he them, put his presidential stamp on the becomes president, he can appoint Team G40 faction as the anointed faction while Lacoste to the Chief Justice and Deputy making sure he doesn’t loose the state Chief Justice positions and rely on them to machinery necessary for remaining persecute enemies to manage his political power. foes both within and without the party The real and immediate challenge to the and the state generally; (ii) replacing longevity of President Mugabe’s rule is Mnangagwa with Bonyongwe is a classic Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa who, example of strategic killing of two birds as Grace Mugabe testified, has caused him with one stone – a double dose carrot and “to sleep with one eye open” whereas, the stick (appointment to disappoint) and opposition being the second. Capturing divide and rule machinations. The latter 2 “manages” Mnangagwa in that: it has partly weakened his securocrat powerbase by co-opting Bonyongwe through awarding him Mnangagwa’s ministerial post whilst creating distrust among him and his fellow generals for dining with G40. It is yet unclear whether Bonyongwe will be retired as CIO director Left: Outgoing Minister of Justice and Parliamentary general. If he does, this means he has Affairs Emmerson Mnangagwa. Right: Newly appointed been appointed to be disappointed; he is Minister of Justice Happyton Bonyongwe the first modality of Mugabe’s promise to If he continues double dipping in the retire rogue Generals and reduced to a security sector and the cabinet, this mere minister without constituency – means he has been lured to Mugabe to thus serving at the mercy of Robert handle Mnangagwa and use the Ministry Mugabe who will destool him to a general of Justice role in ZEC to allow CIOs to citizen anytime if he feels his loyalty has manage 2018 elections in a manner warned. favourable to G40 and sabotage internal and external enemies. By this gesture, President Mugabe has sent a clear message to the rest of the Team Lacoste generals – that, they are removable and should obey while His grace lasts. Observers of external elections will be accredited by CIOs. Capturing the War veteran constituency is important to ZANU-PF’s ability to win elections and maintain internal cohesion. Source: The Herald 11 October 2017President Mugabe Retired Colonel Tshinga Dube has failed poses for a photograph with his deputies Emmerson Mnangagwa (left) and Phelekezela Mphoko, newly to do this job, he has actually smoked appointed ministers Thokozile Mathuthu (far right), from the same pipe with Team Lacoste; Chiratidzo Mabuwa (far left), Edgar Mbwembwe (back calling for a successor was a final row), retired Major-General Happyton Bonyongwe, Webster Shamu, Paul Chimedza and Chief Secretary to exposure. Hence, he has been destooled. the President and cabinet Dr Misheck Sibanda, after the Undesirable war veterans led by swearing in ceremony at State House, Christopher Mutsvangwa have continued vitriol against Robert Mugabe. Replacing him with a vassal failed Tsholotsho war veteran-cum-politician Cain Mathema is but a quest to find the best puppet among war veterans. Since his dismal defeat by 3 Mtoliki Sibanda as MP for Tsholotsho in by ZANU-PF register. Remaining a ZANU- 2000, Mathema has been a proud PF candidate in uMguza depends on doing beneficiary of Robert Mugabe’s patronage as Mugabe says as his stay in cabinet has network, awarded political appointments been. It is beyond reasonable doubt that to sustain his loyalty and dependency on he is doing a satisfying job for the the president for survival. The current President as evidenced by his ever move is meant to divide the war veteran presence in cabinet despite his corruption constituency behind Mnangagwa and, record. He is there to capture the police only God knows how a failed politician and its revenue generated through like Mathema will do any better than various road fines to finance and assist in Tshinga. Only better bootlicking of G40 is the 2018 election. Opponents to Robert thinkable and through Matema as the face Mugabe are assured persecution by the of War Veterans, Mugabe’s (and Grace’s) police statecraft in Mpofu’s hands. This unchallenged power is assured through will also “manage” Mnangagwa’s ability to serious patronage gamesmanship access the police machinery to do executed in the War Veterans Ministry. “corruption investigations and persecutions “of G40. The revision of Obert Mpofu’s duty and assigning him to the Home Affairs The Finance Ministry is the most Ministry in charge of the police (their important ministry when it comes to the intoxicating role against political enemies power of the purse. Loyal people are kept and their lucrative roadblock resources) in that area. Ignatious Chombo, apart is an a clear evidence of Mugabe’s pursuit from being Robert Mugabe’s loyal of patronage, power and greed as a homeboy, has been associated with priority over quality of government. leading failed ministries. It will be Minister Mpofu presided over the foolhardy to think his appointment has Ministry of Mines and Mineral anything to do with the ailing economy Development when the USD 15bilion that Patrick Chinamasa has dismally worth of diamond proceeds disappeared, failed to handle. Chombo cannot do he finished the rail transport when he got anything better than Chinamasa except to that Ministry but President Robert managing state resources for the party Mugabe has continuously retained him in and First Family as well as bootlicking. cabinet. He has a serious history of Thus, he is there as a loyal patronage alleged corruption practices and refined conduit of President Mugabe and his bootlicking. It is the same Obert Mpofu family who will religiously deploy who eloped from PF-ZAPU to ZANU economic resources to Robert Mugabe’s towards independence days and after election whilst giving “targeted sanctions” suffering a trail of opposition defeat in his to internal and external enemies home area, he caved his constituency including Team Lacoste. The complains known as uMguza today, villages settled by Professor Jonathan Moyo in the 2013 4 campaign that he was a victim of appointment as Minister of Local “targeted sanctions” from Mujuru faction Government, Rural Development and are a pointer to Mnangagwa and his National Housing. Kasukuwere is the faction that sanctions are used. This Political Commissar of ZANU PF switching of individuals was meant to responsible for party organization and make panicking people feel like state of party structures. This dual control something is being done about the of party and government structures to the economy whilst in reality being a political lowest levels is critical when it comes to maneuver to control capture strategic the contestation for power among ministries. Patrick Zhuwawo’s move to different factions of the party. The the Ministry of Labour is another ministry has access to dish patronage strategic economic position of power goods such as houses, land and control captured by President Mugabe and his resources and assignment of party cadres wife. The contentious ZANU-PF youths in key local as well as government who have met hardship in their enlisting projects in rural areas. on government payroll have gotten their The case of Minister Simon Khaya Moyo’s problem solved. appointment to the Ministry of Media, Information and Broadcasting Services is not separate from Mugabe’s quest to recapture the state propaganda machinery. It is he who was formerly called a Joice Mujuru faction and allegedly saved by a sleeve by Professor Jonathan Moyo from being ejected. He is therefore expected to reciprocate this favour to G40 in his new assignment. ZBC has been source of power for Team Lacoste Minster of public Service, Labour and Social Welfare; (particularly through its permanent Patrick Zhuwao secretary), broadcasting critical content Zhuwao will also manage resources of the about Jonathan Moyo in particular and a national cash cow; the National Social stumbling block to the G40 faction. Its Security Authority which controls capture was therefore expected.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • On the Shoulders of Struggle, Memoirs of a Political Insider by Dr
    On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider On the Shoulders of Struggle: Memoirs of a Political Insider Dr. Obert M. Mpofu Dip,BComm,MPS,PhD Contents Preface vi Foreword viii Commendations xii Abbreviations xiv Introduction: Obert Mpofu and Self-Writing in Zimbabwe xvii 1. The Mind and Pilgrimage of Struggle 1 2. Childhood and Initiation into Struggle 15 3. Involvement in the Armed Struggle 21 4. A Scholar Combatant 47 5. The Logic of Being ZANU PF 55 6. Professional Career, Business Empire and Marriage 71 7. Gukurahundi: 38 Years On 83 8. Gukurahundi and Selective Amnesia 97 9. The Genealogy of the Zimbabwean Crisis 109 10. The Land Question and the Struggle for Economic Liberation 123 11. The Post-Independence Democracy Enigma 141 12. Joshua Nkomo and the Liberation Footpath 161 13. Serving under Mugabe 177 14. Power Struggles and the Military in Zimbabwe 205 15. Operation Restore Legacy the Exit of Mugabe from Power 223 List of Appendices 249 Preface Ordinarily, people live to either make history or to immortalise it. Dr Obert Moses Mpofu has achieved both dimensions. With wanton disregard for the boundaries of a “single story”, Mpofu’s submission represents a construction of the struggle for Zimbabwe with the immediacy and novelty of a participant. Added to this, Dr Mpofu’s academic approach, and the Leaders for Africa Network Readers’ (LAN) interest, the synergy was inevitable. Mpofu’s contribution, which philosophically situates Zimbabwe’s contemporary politics and socio-economic landscape, embodies LAN Readers’ dedication to knowledge generation and, by extension, scientific growth.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents
    Daily Media Monitoring Report Issue 4: 3 June 2018 Table of Contents 1.1 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 1.2 Key Events .......................................................................................................................... 2 1.3 Media Monitored ................................................................................................................. 2 Methodology ............................................................................................................................. 3 2.0 Did the media represent political parties in a fair and balanced manner? .......................... 3 2.1 Space and time dedicated to political parties in private and public media ...................... 3 2.2 Space and time dedicated to political actors in private and public media ....................... 4 2.3 Tone of coverage for political parties .............................................................................. 5 2.4 Gender representation in election programmes ............................................................. 7 2.5 Youth representation in election programmes ................................................................ 8 2.6 Time dedicated to political players in the different programme types in broadcast media .............................................................................................................................................. 9 3.0 Conclusion .......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 Concerning Restrictive Measures Against Zimbabwe (OJ L 42, 16.2.2011, P
    2011D0101 — EN — 20.02.2014 — 004.001 — 1 This document is meant purely as a documentation tool and the institutions do not assume any liability for its contents ►B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 concerning restrictive measures against Zimbabwe (OJ L 42, 16.2.2011, p. 6) Amended by: Official Journal No page date ►M1 Council Decision 2012/97/CFSP of 17 February 2012 L 47 50 18.2.2012 ►M2 Council Implementing Decision 2012/124/CFSP of 27 February 2012 L 54 20 28.2.2012 ►M3 Council Decision 2013/89/CFSP of 18 February 2013 L 46 37 19.2.2013 ►M4 Council Decision 2013/160/CFSP of 27 March 2013 L 90 95 28.3.2013 ►M5 Council Implementing Decision 2013/469/CFSP of 23 September 2013 L 252 31 24.9.2013 ►M6 Council Decision 2014/98/CFSP of 17 February 2014 L 50 20 20.2.2014 Corrected by: ►C1 Corrigendum, OJ L 100, 14.4.2011, p. 74 (2011/101/CFSP) 2011D0101 — EN — 20.02.2014 — 004.001 — 2 ▼B COUNCIL DECISION 2011/101/CFSP of 15 February 2011 concerning restrictive measures against Zimbabwe THE COUNCIL OF THE EUROPEAN UNION, Having regard to the Treaty on European Union, and in particular Article 29 thereof, Whereas: (1) On 19 February 2004, the Council adopted Common Position 2004/161/CFSP renewing restrictive measures against Zimb­ abwe (1 ). (2) Council Decision 2010/92/CFSP (2 ), adopted on 15 February 2010, extended the restrictive measures provided for in Common Position 2004/161/CFSP until 20 February 2011.
    [Show full text]
  • India Zimbabwe Relations
    India Zimbabwe Relations India and Zimbabwe have a long history of close and cordial relations. During the era of the Munhumutapa Kingdom, Indian merchants established strong links with Zimbabwe, trading in textiles, minerals and metals. Sons of the royal house of Munhumutapa journeyed to India to broaden their education. In the 17th century, a great son of Zimbabwe, Dom Miguel – Prince, Priest and Professor, and heir to the imperial throne of the Mutapas – studied in Goa. An inscribed pillar stands today at a chapel in Goa, a tribute to his intellectual stature. India supported Zimbabwe’s freedom struggle. Former Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi attended Zimbabwean independence celebrations in 1980. There were frequent exchanges of high level visits in the past, bilateral or to attend Summits such as NAM, CHOGM and G-15. Former Prime Minister Shri Vajpayee and President Mugabe met twice in the year 2003 on the sidelines of UNGA and NAM Summit. Former President Mugabe attended the IAFS-III held Delhi in 2015. Visits from India to Zimbabwe 1980 – Prime Minister Smt. Indira Gandhi – to attend Independence Celebrations of Zimbabwe. 1986 – Prime Minister Shri Rajiv Gandhi to attend NAM Summit. 1989 – President Shri R. Venkataraman 1991 – Prime Minister Shri Narasimha Rao – to attend CHOGM Summit 1995 – President Dr. S. D. Sharma 1996 – Prime Minister Shri H. D. Deve Gowda for the G-15 Summit 2018 - Vice President, Shri Venkaiah Naidu- Official Visit Visits from Zimbabwe to India 1981 – President Robert Gabriel Mugabe 1983 – President Robert Gabriel Mugabe to attend CHOGM and NAM Summits 1987 – President Mugabe – Africa Fund Summit 1991 – President Mugabe – Nehru Award Presentation 1993 – President Mugabe 1994 – President Mugabe – G-15 Summit 2015 – President Mugabe – IAFS-III Summit 2018 - Vice President General(Retd) Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • The Mortal Remains: Succession and the Zanu Pf Body Politic
    THE MORTAL REMAINS: SUCCESSION AND THE ZANU PF BODY POLITIC Report produced for the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum by the Research and Advocacy Unit [RAU] 14th July, 2014 1 CONTENTS Page No. Foreword 3 Succession and the Constitution 5 The New Constitution 5 The genealogy of the provisions 6 The presently effective law 7 Problems with the provisions 8 The ZANU PF Party Constitution 10 The Structure of ZANU PF 10 Elected Bodies 10 Administrative and Coordinating Bodies 13 Consultative For a 16 ZANU PF Succession Process in Practice 23 The Fault Lines 23 The Military Factor 24 Early Manoeuvring 25 The Tsholotsho Saga 26 The Dissolution of the DCCs 29 The Power of the Politburo 29 The Powers of the President 30 The Congress of 2009 32 The Provincial Executive Committee Elections of 2013 34 Conclusions 45 Annexures Annexure A: Provincial Co-ordinating Committee 47 Annexure B : History of the ZANU PF Presidium 51 2 Foreword* The somewhat provocative title of this report conceals an extremely serious issue with Zimbabwean politics. The theme of succession, both of the State Presidency and the leadership of ZANU PF, increasingly bedevils all matters relating to the political stability of Zimbabwe and any form of transition to democracy. The constitutional issues related to the death (or infirmity) of the President have been dealt with in several reports by the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU). If ZANU PF is to select the nominee to replace Robert Mugabe, as the state constitution presently requires, several problems need to be considered. The ZANU PF nominee ought to be selected in terms of the ZANU PF constitution.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Liberation Struggle Era Conflicts and the Pitfalls Of
    TITLE: Zimbabwe’s Liberation Struggle Era Conflicts and the Pitfalls of Reconciliation after Independence: A Case Study of Bikita District 1976-2013. By Dorothy Goredema A Thesis submitted to the Midlands State University in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. Faculty of Arts Midlands State University 2015 i Declaration I Dorothy Goredema, hereby declare that this thesis for the Doctor of Philosophy in History at the Midlands State University, hereby submitted by me, has not been previously submitted for a degree at this or any other institution, and that this is my work in design and execution, and all reference materials contained herein have been duly acknowledged. ………………………………………… …………………………………….. Signature Date I hereby certify that the above statement is correct. Main Supervisor, Prof. N.Bhebe………………. …. ………………………… Signature Date Co-Supervisor, Dr.T.M Mashingaidze…………….. …………………………… Signature Date i Acknowledgements I owe a special debt of gratitude to my main supervisor, Professor Ngwabi Bhebe, and Dr. T.M Mashingaidze. Firstly, Professor Bhebe, I will be forever indebted to you. Despite your busy schedule as Vice-Chancellor of a university, you would always make time for me as a student and for my work. You took an interest in my topic and gave direction to many of my disjointed ideas that marked the genesis of the study. You continuously assessed my work, giving me feedback on time and went an extra mile to facilitate co-supervisors and funds that supported my work. I will forever be indebted to your efficiency, wise counsel and critical mind. Thank you Professor for your mentorship and intellectual support.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dynamics of Factionalism in ZANUPF: 1980–2017
    Midlands State University FACULTY OF ARTS DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES THE DYNAMICS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 BY TAPIWA PATSON SISIMAYI (R0538644) DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR A MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES ZVISHAVANE 2019 RELEASE FORM NAME OF AUTHOR: SISIMAYI TAPIWA PATSON TITLE OF PROJECT: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 – 2017 PROGRAMME: MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES YEAR THIS MASTERS DEGREE WAS GRANTED: 2019 Consent is hereby granted to the Midlands State University to produce copies of this dissertation and to lend or sell such copies for scholarly or scientific research purpose only. The author reserves the publication rights and neither the dissertation nor extensive extracts from it may be published or otherwise reproduced without the author’s written permission. SIGNED: …………………………………………………………. EMAIL: [email protected] DATE: MAY 2019 ii DECLARATION Student number: R0538644 I, Sisimayi Tapiwa, Patson author of this dissertation, do hereby declare that the work presented in this document entitled: THE DYNAMICS AND DIMENSIONS OF FACTIONALISM IN ZANU PF: 1980 - 2017, is an outcome of my independent and personal research, all sources employed have been properly acknowledged both in the dissertation and on the reference list. I also certify that the work in this dissertation has not been submitted in whole or in part for any other degree in this University or in any institute of higher learning. ……………………………………………………… …….…. /………. /2019 Tapiwa Patson Sisimayi Date SUPERVISOR: Doctor Douglas Munemo iii DEDICATION To my son Tapiwa Jr.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe's Power Sharing Government and the Politics Of
    Creating African Futures in an Era of Global Transformations: Challenges and Prospects Créer l’Afrique de demain dans un contexte de transformations mondialisées : enjeux et perspectives Criar Futuros Africanos numa Era de Transformações Globais: Desafios e Perspetivas بعث أفريقيا الغد في سياق التحوﻻت المعولمة : رهانات و آفاق Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Musiwaro Ndakaripa Toward more democratic futures: making governance work for all Africans Zimbabwe’s Power Sharing Government and the Politics of Economic Indigenisation, 2009 to 2013 Abstract Using the economic indigenisation policy this study examines the problems caused by Zimbabwe‟s power sharing government (PG) to democratic governance between 2009 and 2013. The power sharing government experienced policy gridlock in implementing the Indigenisation and Economic Empowerment Act of 2007 due to disagreements among the three governing political parties which were strategising to gain political credibility and mobilising electoral support to ensure political survival in the long term. The Indigenisation Act intends to give indigenous black Zimbabweans at least fifty one per cent (51%) shareholding in all sectors of the economy. The Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) posited that economic indigenisation rectifies colonial imbalances by giving black Zimbabweans more control and ownership of the nation‟s natural resources and wealth. The two Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) political parties in the power sharing government asserted that while economic indigenisation is a noble programme, it needs revision because it discouraged Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). Moreover, the two MDC parties claimed that economic indigenisation is a recipe for ZANU-PF elite enrichment, clientelism, cronyism, corruption and political patronage.
    [Show full text]
  • Government Steps up Stranglehold on Media Market
    The Media Monitoring Project Zimbabwe Monday February 1st – Sunday February 8th 2010 Weekly Media Review 2010-4 Contents 1. Comment 2. The week’s most popular stories 3. Missing stories 4. Human Rights Reports COMMENT Government steps up stranglehold on media market News in the week that government was forging ahead with plans to launch a second state television channel while making no effort to licence private broadcasters provided more worrying evidence of the authorities’ disdain for the media reforms they agreed to under the Global Political Agreement (GPA). It also underlines the authorities’ determination to hang onto and entrench their monopoly on the broadcast sector despite a 2000 Supreme Court ruling declaring this monopoly unconstitutional. Article 19 (1) of the GPA directs the coalition to “ensure the immediate processing by the appropriate authorities of all (print and broadcast) applications for…registration” in terms of the law. But more than a year after its signing, no new independent broadcasters or newspapers have been registered because of the paralytic pace of promised media reforms. For example, besides the inordinate delays in establishing the Zimbabwe Media Council (ZMC) and the Broadcasting Authority of Zimbabwe (BAZ) due to political bickering and political manipulation in the selection of board members, the coalition clearly appears to be no hurry to ensure that the two media regulatory bodies become operational so that they can get down to work. Now ironically, while prospective private media players wait anxiously for this excessive bureaucratic process to be finalised, ZTV (5/2, 8pm) reported Information Minister Webster Shamu announcing ZBC’s completion of the digitalisation of its second channel, TV2, which he said was now “ready” to kick-start programming as soon as it gets the go-ahead from the BAZ and Transmedia, the national signal carrier.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Reporter Voice' and 'Objectivity'
    THE ‘REPORTER VOICE’ AND ‘OBJECTIVITY’ IN CROSS- LINGUISTIC REPORTING OF ‘CONTROVERSIAL’ NEWS IN ZIMBABWEAN NEWSPAPERS. AN APPRAISAL APPROACH BY COLLEN SABAO Dissertation presented for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences at Stellenbosch University SUPERVISOR: PROF MW VISSER MARCH 2013 Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za ii DECLARATION By submitting this dissertation electronically, I declare that the entirety of the work contained therein is my own, original work, that I am the sole author thereof (save to the extent explicitly otherwise stated), that reproduction and publication thereof by Stellenbosch University will not infringe any third party rights and that I have not previously in its entirety or in part submitted it for obtaining any qualification. Date: 17 September 2012 Copyright © 2013 Stellenbosch University All rights reserved Stellenbosch University http://scholar.sun.ac.za iii ABSTRACT The dissertation is a comparative analysis of the structural (generic/cognitive) and ideological properties of Zimbabwean news reports in English, Shona and Ndebele, focusing specifically on the examination of the proliferation of authorial attitudinal subjectivities in ‘controversial’ ‘hard news’ reports and the ‘objectivity’ ideal. The study, thus, compares the textuality of Zimbabwean printed news reports from the English newspapers (The Herald, Zimbabwe Independent and Newsday), the Shona newspaper (Kwayedza) and the Ndebele newspaper (Umthunywa) during the period from January 2010 to August 2012. The period represents an interesting epoch in the country’s political landscape. It is a period characterized by a power- sharing government, a political situation that has highly polarized the media and as such, media stances in relation to either of the two major parties to the unity government, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF) and the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC-T).
    [Show full text]
  • Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
    Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa.
    [Show full text]
  • Are They Accountable? Examining Alleged Violators and Their Violations Pre and Post the Presidential Election March 2002
    [report also available from: http://www.hrforumzim.com ] ZIMBABWE HUMAN RIGHTS NGO FORUM Are they accountable? Examining alleged violators and their violations pre and post the Presidential Election March 2002 A report by the Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum December 2002 Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum Are They Accountable? The Zimbabwe Human Rights NGO Forum (also known as the “Human Rights Forum”) has been in existence since January 1998. Nine non-governmental organisations working in the field of human rights joined together to provide legal and psychosocial assistance to the victims of the Food Riots of January 1998. The Human Rights Forum has now expanded its objectives to assist victims of organised violence, using the following definition: “Organised violence” means the inter-human infliction of significant avoidable pain and suffering by an organised group according to a declared or implied strategy and/or system of ideas and attitudes. It comprises any violent action, which is unacceptable by general human standards, and relates to the victims’ mental and physical well-being.” The Human Rights Forum operates a Legal Unit and a Research and Documentation Unit. Core member organisations of the Human Rights Forum are: · Amani Trust · Amnesty International (Zimbabwe) (AI (Z)) · Catholic Commission for Justice and Peace (CCJP) · Gays and Lesbians of Zimbabwe (GALZ) · Legal Resources Foundation (LRF) · Transparency International (Zimbabwe) (TI (Z)) · University of Zimbabwe Legal Aid and Advice Scheme · Zimbabwe Association for Crime Prevention and the Rehabilitation of the Offender (ZACRO) · Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) · Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights) · Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights (ZLHR) · Zimbabwe Women Lawyers Association (ZWLA) Associate Member: · Nonviolent Action and Strategies for Social Change (NOVASC) The Human Rights Forum can be contacted through any member organisation or through: 1.
    [Show full text]