Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
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Lafayette Was the First American Idol Written by J
Lafayette was the First American Idol 3/23/15, 6:01 PM Lafayette was the First American Idol Written by J. Dennis Robinson FAMOUS PEOPLE Almost 50 years after the American Revolution, a French nobleman toured the entire United States. Greeted everywhere by cheering crowds, Lafayetee embodied the soul of the new America, and in September 1824, he rocked the house in Portsmouth, NH. A new book translated by a NH lawyer, tells the full story. LAFAYETTE IN NEW HAMPSHIRE 1824 He was the American idol of 1824. Untold thousands stood in every kind of weather to catch a glimpse of General Lafayette of France as he visited all 24 American states in a grand 13-month tour. Everywhere Lafayette traveled -- buildings, towns, streets and children were named in his honor. According to the Portsmouth Journal, Lafayette’s arrival in Portsmouth, NH on September 1, 1824 was an event too big for words. "There was a glow of unaffected delight on every countenance," the newspaper reported. Only George Washington had the power to rouse such patriotic fervor from the citizens of this new nation, but Washington had been dead and buried for a quarter century. http://www.seacoastnh.com/History/As-I-Please/lafayette-was-the-first-american-idol/?print=1&tmpl=component Page 1 of 4 Lafayette was the First American Idol 3/23/15, 6:01 PM The Marquis de Lafayette was just 19 years old when he came to the aid of Gen. George Washington’s rag-tag army in 1778. Spending his own inheritance to support American troops, wounded in battle, Lafayette was influential in convincing King Louis XVI to send French ships, men and supplies that helped turn the tide against the British at the Battle of Yorktown. -
Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact. -
Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation
LIBERAL CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE, 1845-1670 DISSERTATION Presented Is fbrtial Ftalfillaent of the Requlreaents for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By JOHN KEITH HUOKABY, A. £., M. A, ****** The Ohio State University 1957 Approved by: CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION......................... 1 The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in F r a n c e ....................... 5 The Seoond Liberal Catholic Movement . 9 Issues Involved in the Catholic-Liberal Rapprochement . • ......... > . 17 I. The Challenge of Anticierlealism. • 17 II. Ohuroh-State Relatione........ 22 III.Political Liberalism and Liberal Catholic la n .................. 26 IV. Eeoncttlc Liberalism and Liberal Catholiciam ..... ........... 55 Scope and Nature of S t u d y .......... 46 II THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE UNIVERSITS.... 55 Lamennais vs. the Unlveralte........ 6l Oniv era it a under the July Monarchy. 66 Catholic and Unlversite Extremism .... 75 The Liberal Catholio Campaign ......... 61 III CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS................ 116 Traditional Attitudes ................. 117 The Program of L*Avaiilr........... 122 The Montalembert Formula* Mutual Independence but not Separation .... 129 Freedom of Conscience and Religion . 155 Syllabus of Errors ........... 165 17 GALL ICANISM AND ULTRAMONTANISM........... 177 Ultramontanism: de Maistre and Lamennais 160 The Second Liberal Catholic Movement. 165 The Vatican Council............. 202 V PAPAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ITALIAN UNITY. .... 222 71 POLITICAL OUTLOOK OF LIBERAL CATHOLICS . 249 Democracy and Political Equality .... 257 ii The Revolution of 1848 and Napoleon . 275 Quarantiem and Ant 1-etatlaae.............. 291 VII CONCLUSIONS.............................. 510 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 525 ill Chapter X INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the French Revolution the Roman Catholic Church placed itself in opposition to the dynamic historical forces in nineteenth-century France. -
Maggie Reilly Presse.Indd
Maggie Reilly m/band (SCO) Maggie Reilly kommer til Holstebro igen, lørdag d. 13. februar kl. 20:00 2010 giver hun koncert på Kielgasten. Sidst Maggie Reilly gæstede Holstebro, var tilbage i 2008, den- gang var en bragende stor succes! Meget mere end stemmen fra “Moonlight Shadow” - Skotske Maggie Reilly er inde- haver af én af de smukkeste sangstemmer på denne klode. Det er Holstebro Musikforsyning som har fået Maggie Reilly til Holstebro. Så er Maggie Reilly tilbage – med helt nyt album, bestående af nye indspilninger af hendes store verdenhits fra 80’erne; ”Everytime We Touch” – ”Moonlight Shadow” – ”To France” m.fl. + 8 helt nyskrevet hits. Cdén “Looking Back - Moving forward” udkom d. 27. februar 2009. Nu kan alle med et medlemskort til PEHOC - Personaleforeningen Regionshospitalet Holstebro, opnå rabat ved 2 super gode koncerter i Holstebro. Koncert med Maggie Reilly m/band (SCO) - Dato: Lørdag d. 13. Februar kl. 20:00 Spillested: Kielgasten, Østergade 16, Holstebro - Dørene åbnes kl.: 18:30 Normal billetpris: Kr. 225,- + gebyr Medlemmer af PEHOC Personaleforening, får 10% rabat - så din/jeres pris er Kr. 202,- pr. stk. / og ingen gebyr! - Spar kr. 42,- pr. billet! Billetter med rabat sælges efter “først til mølle princippet”. Sidste frist for bestilling er, torsdag d. 11. Februar kl. 12:00, med mindre der er udsolgt inden! Kontakt: Maarbjerg Management - Mobil. 2365 7560 - Mail. [email protected] Maarbjerg Management leverer billetter, efter nærmere aftale. Maggie har stadig en aktiv karriere i hele Europa og er stadig bosiddende i Skotland. Ellers har Maggie Reilly har været langt omkring på sin musikalske rejse: Hun har spillet jazz/funk i Cado Belle, har optrådt med Karl-Heinz Stockhausen, arbejdet sammen med den progressive rockmusiker Mike Oldfield, sunget duo med Jack Bruce (Cream) og Dave Gilm- our (Pink Floyd) i de tidlige 90’ere og udgivet følsomme solo albums i det seneste årti. -
The Fan Affair and the Conquest of Algeria1
The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria1 Michael Dudzik2 ABSTRACT The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris gov- ernment bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene. KEYWORDS France, the conquest of Algeria, Charles X, Jules Prince de Polignac, 1830 INTRODUCTION The tense political and social climate in France at the end of the second decade of the 19th century reflected the citizens’ dissatisfaction with the regime of the re- turned Bourbons. King Charles X (1757–1836) promoted absolutism and restrictions on the press and relied primarily on the Catholic Church and the pre-revolution- ary nobility. Together with the Prime Minister, Prince Jules Auguste Marie de Poli- gnac (1780–1847), he tried to divert public attention from the negative response of extremely conservative domestic policy measures to foreign policy, and use the age- old dispute with Algeria, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, to achieve easy victory and thus raise the prestige of the army and the regime. The study analyses Franco-Algerian economic and political relations after 1818 when Hussein Pasha became Algerian governor. -
Paris History Early History Julius Caesar Conquered Paris in 52 BC It
Paris History Early History Julius Caesar conquered Paris in 52 B.C. It was then a fishing village, called Lutetia Parisiorum (the Parisii were a Gallic tribe), on the Île de la Cité. Under the Romans the town spread to the left bank and acquired considerable importance under the later emperors. The vast catacombs under Montparnasse and the baths (now in the Cluny Mus.) remain from the Roman period. Legend says that St. Denis, first bishop of Paris, was martyred on Montmartre (hence the name) and that in the 5th cent. St. Geneviève, the patron saint of Paris, preserved the city from destruction by the Huns. On several occasions in its early history Paris was threatened by barbarian and Norman invasions, which at times drove the inhabitants back to the Île de la Cité. Clovis I and several other Merovingian kings made Paris their capital; under Charlemagne it became a center of learning. In 987, Hugh Capet, count of Paris, became king of France. The Capetians firmly established Paris as the French capital. The city grew as the power of the French kings increased. In the 11th cent. the city spread to the right bank. During the next two centuries—the reign of Philip Augustus (1180–1223) is especially notable for the growth of Paris—streets were paved and the city walls enlarged; the first Louvre (a fortress) and several churches, including Notre-Dame, were constructed or begun; and the schools on the left bank were organized into the Univ. of Paris. One of them, the Sorbonne, became a fountainhead of theological learning with Albertus Magnus and St. -
French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation. -
The French Left Long-Run Trends CLAUDE BOURDET
Universities & Left Review Spring 1957 Vol.1 No 1 The French Left Long-run trends CLAUDE BOURDET From the social, internationalist period following the Liberation. 1947 following its opposition to the and anti-colonial ideals of the Re- Moreover, frightened as always by war in Indo China. Its disbandment sistance, seemingly all-powerful in the greater militancy and vigour increased the Party's tendency to August, 1944, to the repeated post- of the French Communists, the have an ageing membership. war relapses into right-wing reaction S.F.I.O. leaders moved ever closer Further, with many disillusioned or immobilisme—such has been the to the third party of the post-war radicals leaving the Party, the lead- dismal course of French politics. administrations, the M.R.P. This ership relied increasingly on people This has not been due to the polit- led to increasing involvement with who joined the Party for reasons of ical capacity of the French ruling the M.R.P.'s colonial interests and, personal ambition and status con- class—for seldom has a ruling class ultimately, to socialist support for siderations—for example the higher been so blind not only to the the Indo-Chinese War and refusal ranges of municipal employees, national interests but even to its of the repeated Viet Minh offers of teachers, civil servants. It was upon own, as that which squandered peace negotiation. Afraid of "going these people—to whom socialism French men and resources in Viet it alone" with the Communists, they meant little more than political sup- Nam. -
Louis-Napoléon and Mademoiselle De Montijo;
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Cornell University Library DC 276.132 1897 3 1924 028 266 959 Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tlie Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028266959 LOUIS NAPOLEON AND MADEMOISELLE DE MONTIJO LOUIS NAPOLEON BONAPARTE President if the French Republic LOUIS NAPOLEON AND MADEMOISELLE DE MONTIJO BY IMBERT DE SAINT-AMAND TRANSLATED BY ELIZABETH GILBERT MARTIN WITH PORTRAITS NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1899 COPYRIGHT, 1897, BY CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS NotiDOOtI ^tttt }. a. Cuahing & Co. —Berwick k Smith NsiTOod Mill. U.S.A. CONTENTS CHAPTSB PASZ Intboduction 1 I. Tee Childhood OF Louis Napoleon 15 II. The !Fibst Restoration 28 in. The Hundred Days 39 rv. The First Years op Exile 50 V. Rome 62 VI. The Birth op the Empress 69 Vn. 1830 77 VIII. The Italian Movement 90 IX. The Insurrection op the Romagna 97 X. Ancona 107 XI. The Journey in Erance 115 Xn. Arenenbeko 128 Xin. Stbasburg 142 XIV. The Childhood op the Empress 154 XV. The " Andromeda " 161 XVI. New York 170 V Vi CONTENTS OHAPTEE PAGB XVII. Some Days in London 179 XVIII. The Death op Queen Hoktensb 187 XIX. A Year IN Switzerland 197 XX. Two Years in England 211 XXI. Boulogne 222 XXn. The Conciehgerie 233 XXm. The Court OP Peers 240 XXIV. The Fortress op Ham 247 XXV. The Letters prom Ham 261 XXVI. The Prisoner's Writings 274 XXVII. The End op the Captivity 281 XXVIIL The Escape 292 XXIX. -
Resistance to Institutions and Cultural Distance: Brigandage in Post
Resistance to Institutions and Cultural Distance Brigandage in Post-Unification Italy* Giampaolo Lecce Laura Ogliari Tommaso Orlando § This version: July 2018 Abstract We study how cultural distance affects the rejection of imposed institutions. To do so, we exploit the transplantation of Piedmontese institutions on Southern Italy that oc- curred during the Italian unification. We assemble a novel and unique dataset containing municipal-level information on episodes of brigandage, a form of violent uprising against the unitary government. We use the geographic distance from local settlements of Pied- montese descent as a proxy for the cultural distance between each municipality and the new rulers. We find that cultural distance from the origins of the transplanted institutions is significantly associated with more intense resistance to these institutions. We provide evidence that our results are partially explained by a clash between the content of the Piedmontese institutions and local social norms. Our findings further suggest that the re- jection of transplanted institutions may have a long-lasting effect on political participation. Keywords: Institutions, Institutional Transplantations, Culture, Social Unrest, Electoral Turnout JEL classification: N43, D74, P16, Z10 *The authors are indebted to Maristella Botticini, Nicola Gennaioli and Guido Tabellini for many fruitful conversations and for their continuing support. We are very thankful to Rosario Crin`o,Paola Giuliano, Stelios Michalopoulos, Massimo Morelli and Paolo Sestito for useful -
The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat
The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat To cite this version: Samuel Hayat. The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism. History of Political Thought, Imprint Academic, 2015, 36 (2), pp.331-353. halshs-02068260 HAL Id: halshs-02068260 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02068260 Submitted on 14 Mar 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. History of Political Thought, vol. 36, n° 2, p. 331-353 PREPRINT. FINAL VERSION AVAILABLE ONLINE https://www.ingentaconnect.com/contentone/imp/hpt/2015/00000036/00000002/art00006 The Revolution of 1848 in the History of French Republicanism Samuel Hayat Abstract: The revolution of February 1848 was a major landmark in the history of republicanism in France. During the July monarchy, republicans were in favour of both universal suffrage and direct popular participation. But during the first months of the new republican regime, these principles collided, putting republicans to the test, bringing forth two conceptions of republicanism – moderate and democratic-social. After the failure of the June insurrection, the former prevailed. During the drafting of the Constitution, moderate republicanism was defined in opposition to socialism and unchecked popular participation. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against