Universities & Left Review Spring 1957 Vol.1 No 1 The Long-run trends CLAUDE BOURDET

From the social, internationalist period following the Liberation. 1947 following its opposition to the and anti-colonial ideals of the Re- Moreover, frightened as always by war in Indo China. Its disbandment sistance, seemingly all-powerful in the greater militancy and vigour increased the Party's tendency to August, 1944, to the repeated post- of the French Communists, the have an ageing membership. war relapses into right-wing reaction S.F.I.O. leaders moved ever closer Further, with many disillusioned or immobilisme—such has been the to the third party of the post-war radicals leaving the Party, the lead- dismal course of French politics. administrations, the M.R.P. This ership relied increasingly on people This has not been due to the polit- led to increasing involvement with who joined the Party for reasons of ical capacity of the French ruling the M.R.P.'s colonial interests and, personal ambition and status con- class—for seldom has a ruling class ultimately, to socialist support for siderations—for example the higher been so blind not only to the the Indo-Chinese War and refusal ranges of municipal employees, national interests but even to its of the repeated Viet Minh offers of teachers, civil servants. It was upon own, as that which squandered peace negotiation. Afraid of "going these people—to whom socialism French men and resources in Viet it alone" with the Communists, they meant little more than political sup- Nam. No, the dismal condition of rejoiced when, in May 1947, the port or safeguard for their careers current French political life is due Communists (unable to continue —that the Party leaders leaned in above all to the wrong orientation support for the government's policy crushing the genuinely socialist and stupendous errors of the two in Indo-China, and moving to the opposition within the Party. major left-wing parties—the Social- rhythm of the tougher line now set ists and the Communists. Explana- by the Kremlin) left the government. tion is therefore in large measure a With the creation of the Marshall The Socialist sell-out critical examination of their records Plan, and later the building of the In opposition between 1951 and since 1944. Atlantic Alliance, this hostility to 1952—except for the Mendes- Despite its tremendous character, the) Communists became, as it were, period—the Socialists gained the Resistance movement was un- a permanent system. American aid a certain amount of prestige through able to crystallise a new left-wing was conditional upon the permanent the failure of successive Right Wing Party. The (S.F.I.O.) exclusion of the Communists from governments. But the Party leader- was the only alternative open to Western governments. The Socialists ship, dominated by the fear of those politically active Resistance knew that to use even the threat of moving nearer to the Communists, fighters who would join neither the the Communist alliance against the failed to offer an alternative policy Communists nor the Christian French Right would mean to re- for France. Instead, Democrats (M.R.P.). Consequently, nounce that American aid which tried to make positive internal although the S.F.I.O. leadership had they believed was indispensable. The French reform attendant upon not been very active in the Resist- French Right—which had not re- "European Unity"—that is the con- ance, the Party was nevertheless placed the C.P. in all government struction of a "little Europe", con- able to emerge as one of the three coalitions—was thus armed with a sisting of France, West Germany, major parties in post-Liberation permanent instrument of blackmail Italy and the Benelux countries—a France. The leadership, however, against the Socialist Party. The policy which, by binding them still did not renew itself from the ranks policies of the S.F.I.O. between closer to the M.R.P. and by its of those members who had been 1947 and 1951—their support for implicit and inherent support for active in the Resistance—with only the Indo Chinese war, for reaction- German rearmament, still further a few exceptions the pre-war leaders ary policies in France and in North alienated the Party's supporters. remained in charge between 1944 Africa, their continual submission Significantly it was Mendes-France, and 1947. As his successor as Party to American pressure, finally the a Radical, and not a Socialist who leader and as the first Socialist support for German rearmament— carried through the necessary re- Prime Minister, Leon Blum sup- were the inevitable outcome of this versal of French South East Asian ported Felix Gouin, a Marseillais, weak and exposed position. . policy when it had produced its deeply implicated in the corrupt greatest catastrophe, Dien Bien Phu. management of the city, whose only Since the 1956 elections the So- "act" in the Resistance . . . had been Defeat of the left cialist-led government has betrayed to board the plane which carried Of the many painful effects this the hopes which inspired the left him away from France to Algeria. had upon the Party, perhaps the swing in the electorate and has It was for reasons such as these most permanent was the change in pursued policies which show that that the Socialists failed to gain the nature of the Party itself. The the leadership, at least, has learnt support of the great majority of Socialist Youth movement, a power- nothing from the sad record but- democratic-minded people which ful and radical sub-organisation lined above. Mollet's government might well have been theirs in the within the Party, was crushed in has submitted to Right Wing pres- 13 Claude Bourdet sures in precisely the manner of in every case. Many Socialists have As in all Communist Parties the its predecessors in 1947. The in consequence left the Party, the balance of power between the diff- motives, too, have been similar. In latest being Andre Vienot with the erent groups teetered to the see- fact to secure "Peace in Algeria"— entire Party Federation in the Ar- sawing of Kremlin policies. For one of the slogans which helped to dennes Department. The opposition example, with Zhdanovism triumph- pull French voters to the Left— within the Party still fights bravely, ing in Moscow, Andre Marty, al- meant accepting a coalition with the with people like Marceau Pivert, though disliked by many Party lead- Mendesistes, the Communists and Andre Philipp, Oreste Rosenfeld and ers for the independent quality of a few splinter groups of the centre others. But Mollet refuses them his extremism, was put in charge of political groupings. It meant a de- space in the Party press, forbids the wave of violent strikes which cisive break with the other political them to publish in the non-Party swept France: Benoit Frachon, the groups in the Assembly. Many press. One of the Left Socialist regular leader of the C.G.T. and a people—I was among them—urged leaders, Lucien Weitz, was expelled moderate, was dropped. An inde- the Socialists to act with the utmost from the Party because of his criti- pendent Coxnmunist Party would vigour in this direction. We believed cisms of Mollet's policy published have held a wide discussion of these that this policy was not only essen- in the Bevanite Tribune. The pros- differing political estimations and tial to French national interests, pects for the internal opposition to would have adopted one or other it was also the best one upon which Mollet do not, at present, look of the political "lines" put forward the S.F.I.O. could recapture its lost bright. for discussion,. But independent mass support. The Communists, so thinking had ceased in the leader- we argued, isolated as they were, ship, and since the Kremlin could would have to follow this policy The Communist dilemma not make up its mind about which without making any demands for After the Liberation the French line should be adopted, the French themselves (as a matter of fact the Communist Party hesitated between C.P. had no definite policy: trying Communists, in supporting the pro- three different policies. A small left to keep all avenues open, it suc- posal for this coalition, did not ask wing group, of which Marty and, to ceeded in closing them all. Already for participation in the government). a certain extent Tillon, were the immediately following the Libera- But Mollet and his affinity could most prominent figures, believed, tion distrust of the C.P. had spread not endure the idea of being sup- that regardless of the possible inter- through the French Left with ru- ported, even though indirectly, by national consequences a revolution mours that a Communist "coup" the C.P., of being called in conse- was possible in France. Although was being prepared. Although not quence, a "traitor" by ruling class the majority of the Party, or at least in fact making such preparations politicians and organs of opinion. of the leadership, believed this the leaders were unwilling to ack- The attitude of the Mollet group policy to be madness, the majority nowledge to its own membership the was summed up by Max Lejeune, group was itself divided into two impossibility of making a Revolu- Defence Secretary in the Mollet groups. One believed that war be- tion, and so when Maurice Thorez government, at last year's S.F.I.O. tween Russia and the West was ordered the Communist militia to Congress where he said: "If my more or less imminent, and that hand over the arms accumulated in socialist and my patriotic principles therefore the Party should be kept the Resistance other left wingers come into conflict with each other, under quasi-military control: no were not reassured. Again, the I will have to follow the patriotic questioning of the line, expulsion for violent attack unleashed by the ones"—an extraordinary remark for inquisitive raisoneurs, alliances only Communists upon the more right a Socialist, with its implications with the most obedient fellow travel- wing elements in the Resistance that socialism is non-essential to lers, the Party membership to be movement was seen by many Social- the solution of national problems free and prepared to take over con- ists as an attempt to isolate them and probably not the best thing for trol once the Red Army came. which presaged a future attack on the country on many occasions. People like Etienne Fajon, Laurent the non-Communist Left. This has led the Party to the Casanova and probably Maurice worst situation in its history: not Thorez himself—the so-called durs only has it voluntarily isolated it- —more or less supported this kind Changes of line self completely from the Commu- of outlook. The other group believed The Communist line over the nists, but also from the "non- that the political perspective was one entire post-Liberation decade was Party" Left, and from the Mendes- of lasting ""peaceful co-existence", marked by this same and continuing France Radicals, who despite their and that the Party should therefore lack of clear policy. And yet, due bourgeois origin, are now attacking make the most of the Parliamentary to the great number of workers, Mollet from the Left. The S.F.L.O. system, makes alliances with other especially manual workers inside the (Section Francaise de Vlnternation- sections of the French Left, even Party, it never ceased to be active, ale Ouvrierel has also isolated if this meant creating links between both in the Unions and in Parlia- itself from the Socailist Internation- Party members and other trends in ment, for the day-to-day interests al and from the Americans. the left wing movement—links of the working class, and so was Inside the Party, the manipulators which it would be difficult to break able to maintain its leadership of of the Party machine are able to in the event of a sudden change in the industrial workers. Being out- stifle the opposition to Mollet's Russian policy. Neither of these side the government it was able to policy. At Congress the leadership groups was in favour of independ- react sanely on colonial issues, and can afford to grin while the opposi- ence vis a vis Russia—the division as the retrogade effect of French tion make the best speeches—the was on the estimation of the inter- colonialism on the standard of life voting machine can be relied upon national situation. of the average Frenchman became 14 The French Left clearer, there was no option for the The Communists had at last under- believed that Mendes-France might majority of workers, and for many stood that they must keep in touch provide the answer. His courageous middle class liberals but to vote with the rest of the French Left. stand against the Indo-Chinese war Communist. But since they refused and still re- brought him the enthusiastic sup- But it needs more than compara- fuse to make the Party democratic port of thousands of socialist and tive agreement to have active Party (although this would mean a gigantic Communist voters. After Geneva, members. More and more militants flow of sympathy to them, and the Mendesisme had enormous potent- who continued to vote Communist possibility of alliances with the ialities. Mendes-France sacrificed distrusted the Party for its lack of mass of the French Left) they them. He left undone the job he independence and violent changes attempted, uselessly, to placate the had started in ; he put off of line: after 1945, support of "pat- leadership of the Social- an attempted solution of the Moroc- riotic production" in 1947 the strikes ist Party by following its policies as can problem; he ignored Algeria; which split the C.G.T. (Commun- finally, and most disastrously, he long as they are able. squandered all his accumulated ist thugs clubbing Socialist workers Yet the prospects for an opposition to make them join the strike, and prestige on his support of German other such "tactics"); absolute sup- are possibly better inside the C.P. rearmament—many people believe port for the Zhdanovist "coups" in than in the S.F.I.O. Of course, the it could not have passed the Ass- Eastern Europe; the slander cam- leadership is even more ruthless embly without him. Whatever his paigning against Tito and all left against any possible internal revolt excuses for his—he made the doubt- wingers who supported him; the than Guy Mollet. But the Commu- ful claim that French opposition to approval and defence of the legal nist Party differs crucially from the German rearmament would smash murders in Eastern Euroe. The ties French Socialist Party in that there the Atlantic Alliance—the real with the non-fellow-travelling left are still thousands and thousands reasons seems to have been that he wing were thus gradually severed. of militants and working class had not the courage to face the And the harm could not be undone members. And these members are tidal wave of scum—he was labelled when, faced with the menace of gradually understanding that their " unpatriotic ", " foreign Jew ", German rearmament, the French leadership has to a large extent "Communist agent" — unleashed C.P. fawned on the very people it ruined the chances of the French against him. He had not the courage had vilified only a few months be- Left wing movement; that Commu- to cut himself off from his own class fore. nism must be freed from Stalinist and become the leader of the totalitarianism, that a policy inde- masses eagerly awaiting his leader- pendent of Moscow does not mean ship. Again, though quickly disgust- Opposition prospects "capitulation to Capitalism". The ed with Mollet's Algerian policy, The de-Stalinisation process in Polish experiment arouses enormous he did not dare until quite recently interest among the Party rank-and- to break with the Socialist govern- Russia did not shift the C.P. leaders ment—meantime alienating many from their old positions. Anti- file. A number of distinguished of the young people who had joined Gomulka and pro-Rakosi from the intellectuals headed by Picasso, re- the Radical Party between 1954 and start, disgusted with both the Polish fused to endorse the leadership's 1956. Rumours are that Mendes- and the Hungarian revolutions, they claims about Hungary and Poland. France has at last decided to break rejoiced when the latter was crushed. An anonymous, unofficial Commu- with the pro-Mollet Right wingers Andre Stil, editor of VHumanite, nist journal YEtincelle {The Spark) in his own Party and to start afresh reported from Budapest after the is widely circulated among the —how ever small his group of par- second Russian intervention in an membership. A few years ago this liamentary supporters. But we are article entitled Budapest smiling ferment would have been met by a very far from the possibilities of among the ruins. It will not be for- wave of expulsions. To-day, the 1954, or even 1956, and I am afraid gotten for a long time. leadership has in general not dared that he can never altogether cut The behaviour of the C.P. leader- to expel the oppositionists. It even adrift from his middle-class moor- ship is due not only to the perman- tries to turn the new trend to its ings. ent inability to think for themselves, profit, by travelling to Poland to see but also to the cold realisation that Gomulka, and by bringing Tillon a "Gomulka spirit" inside the from, the disgrace into which his The new left French Party would mean, as it did expulsion from the Political Bureau This article would not be com- in Poland, the displacement of the placed him & few years back. Many plete if I did not mention a new leadership. A curious consequence Frenchmen think the opposition in phenomenon: the appearance of a of the Party's refusal to democratise the C.P. will not be outmanouvered third socialist current, the New Left. itself was the attempt to support or stifled, and that in years to come It is a general designation covering Guy Mollet's scandalous Algerian an entirely new, revolutionary and three groups. Firstly the Nouvelle policy—Communist deputies going democratic Communist Party is Gauche, most of whose members so far as to vote for the Bill of possible. are former Communists and social- Special Powers last summer under ists, many being former members the protection of which much of the of the disbanded Socialist Youth mass slaughter, concentration camps referred to earlier in this article. and tortures (mostly of nationalists Decline of Mendesisme Second, there is Jeune Republique, but sometimes too of Communist What groups other than the a traditional left-wing party of militants) in Algeria has been car- oppositionists in the C.P. and the Christian-socialist origin, heir to the ried on. The vote was the wrong S.F.I.O. are capable of reorientating traditional leftist and anti-clerical answer to a problem correctly posed. the French left? In 1954 many people thinking of French Catholic intel- 15 lectuals. Thirdly there is the Move- ship of these three organisations, ment de Liberation du Peuple, an and their prospects of unity, may THE HUMANIST organisation which evolved from a in the near future build the nucleus The Monthly Journal of section of the Catholic Workers of a "Nenni" party in France and Scientific Humanism Youth into a non-denominational offer some alternative to those Com- Published by the R.P.A. political movement and which now munist and Socialist "dissidents" (President: EARL RUSSELL, O.M.) actually opposes the Catholic who are reluctant to enter an organ- Contributors include: Church's political influence. It is isation they fear is too small to be J. D. BERNAL strongly socialist and 90% working effective. If M. Pivert of the Socialist HYMAN LEVY class—more so even than the minority, or Picasso and those BENJAMIN FARRINGTON . These around him were to join the "new ANTONY FLEW three organisations generally act left", they would be followed by ARCHIBALD ROBERTSON together, and there are suggestions many members of the major work- KATHLEEN NOTT for unifying them into a single ing class parties. The same applies to the young Radical M.P.'s who Send for free copy and booklet Party. The membership of all three LIVING WITH REALITY, which amount to something over 10,000— are trying to push Mendes-France leftwards. These possibilities force describes the fight against re- less than one tenth of the nominal actionary obscurantism waged membership of the S.F.I.O. But the the reactionary leaderships of both the Cdmmunist and the socialist for more than fifty years by the "new left" has much more militant R.P.A. roots than the S.F.I.O., and the parties to allow a limited freedom meetings of the three organisations, to their minorities. So that even Books have been the chief held now in every part of France, now at its present size, the "new weapon, and millions have been regularly attract a greater attend- left" has a definitely positive effect sold all over the world. Among ance that the somewhat rare meet- inside the Communist, Socialist and forthcoming titles is BernaFs ings of the S.F.I.O. I must, of even the Radical parties. SCIENCE IN HISTORY (revised course, mention to readers of U. & The rehabilitation of the French since de-Stalinisation), at half L.R. that I am a leader of one of left, then, depends upon a converg- price to members. these groups, Nouvelle Gauche, but ing action of the Socialist Left still THE fighting in the Socialist Party, the I don't think that my estimates here RATIONALIST PRESS are biased. democratic Communist opposition fighting inside the Communist Party, ASSOCIATION LTD. The policy of the three move- the left wing Mendesiste Radicals, ments is anti-colonialist, in favour along with the "new left". Under 40 Drury Lane, of an independent (but not a "little") this four-fold influence the distant London, W.C.2. Europe. Anti-Stalinist, they severely prospect is the reconstruction—or criticise the French C.P. for its lack rather the construction, for it has of independence, but they do not never quite existed in France—of a object to joint action with Commu- srong united workers' Party, ming- The most important book nists against colonialism and other ling Christian and traditional liberal in the world reactionary policies. Consequently, influences with a dominant Marxist they are subject to the cross-fire one. This goal is, of course, still THE SECRET attack of the Communist press, for distant. But even a. few steps in that DOCTRINE their criticisms, and from the Right, direction, such as are possible in the as being "pro-Communist". near future, may change enormously by H. P. BLAVATSKY The gradual increase in member- the French political scene. Fourth Edition A synthesis of SCIENCE, RELIGION and PHILOSOPHY from the occult point of view. Explains the occult source of the elements and MILITARY their relation to Man. Includes details of the four prehistoric Continents, SERVICE and the evolutions of Man, prehistoric and historic. The Central Board for Conscientious In six handsome volumes 9\" x Objectors offers its advice on matters 6f". Price £4 14s. 6d. Postage inland 3s. Abroad 4s. 6d. of conscience to men liable for National Service and to Reservists. Theosophical Catalogue Free Write to the Secretary, The THE C.B.C.O. Theosophical Publishing 6 Endsleigh Street, London, W.C.1. House, London, Ltd. 68 GREAT RUSSELL STREET LONDON, WC1 16