Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Liberal Catholicism in France, 1845-1670 Dissertation LIBERAL CATHOLICISM IN FRANCE, 1845-1670 DISSERTATION Presented Is fbrtial Ftalfillaent of the Requlreaents for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By JOHN KEITH HUOKABY, A. £., M. A, ****** The Ohio State University 1957 Approved by: CONTENTS Chapter Page I INTRODUCTION......................... 1 The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in F r a n c e ....................... 5 The Seoond Liberal Catholic Movement . 9 Issues Involved in the Catholic-Liberal Rapprochement . • ......... > . 17 I. The Challenge of Anticierlealism. • 17 II. Ohuroh-State Relatione........ 22 III.Political Liberalism and Liberal Catholic la n .................. 26 IV. Eeoncttlc Liberalism and Liberal Catholiciam ..... ........... 55 Scope and Nature of S t u d y .......... 46 II THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE UNIVERSITS.... 55 Lamennais vs. the Unlveralte........ 6l Oniv era it a under the July Monarchy. 66 Catholic and Unlversite Extremism .... 75 The Liberal Catholio Campaign ......... 61 III CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS................ 116 Traditional Attitudes ................. 117 The Program of L*Avaiilr........... 122 The Montalembert Formula* Mutual Independence but not Separation .... 129 Freedom of Conscience and Religion . 155 Syllabus of Errors ........... 165 17 GALL ICANISM AND ULTRAMONTANISM........... 177 Ultramontanism: de Maistre and Lamennais 160 The Second Liberal Catholic Movement. 165 The Vatican Council............. 202 V PAPAL SOVEREIGNTY AND ITALIAN UNITY. .... 222 71 POLITICAL OUTLOOK OF LIBERAL CATHOLICS . 249 Democracy and Political Equality .... 257 ii The Revolution of 1848 and Napoleon . 275 Quarantiem and Ant 1-etatlaae.............. 291 VII CONCLUSIONS.............................. 510 SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY............................ 525 ill Chapter X INTRODUCTION In the aftermath of the French Revolution the Roman Catholic Church placed itself in opposition to the dynamic historical forces in nineteenth-century France. Pampered and protected by the Bourbons of the ancion regime, dislodged and almost destroyed by the Revolu­ tion, the Church after 1815 formed an alliance with those forces to whom the principles of 1789 and the results of 1793 were distasteful. Within the post-revolutionary divisions of French society, a division which Salwyn Schapiro has labelled the “two Francesn— -la nouvelle France and 1 1 ancienne France— -Catholics decidedly and with delibera­ tion coalesced with the latter, the champions of aristocracy and royalism, to demand a reversion to the spirit of things past. To­ gether they formed a solidly constituted conservative front which deprecated the achievements of the Revolution and anathematised its spirit* The Church detached itself from the new France of liberty, re­ presentative government, and equality. Taking a position far lesa than catholic, the Church enthusiastically chose the reactionary phase of the French social and political dichotomy. As its 2 philosophers it selected de Maiotre and de Bon aid, who sought to identify Catholicism with counterrevolution. The Church thereby divorced itself from the major positive forces in post-revolutionary France in the sense that it sought to negate the achievements of 1739. The religion of the French consequently threatened to be­ come isolated from the social and political attitudes which most Frenchmen had come to cherish. In short, a wide chasm separated the Church from the general movement of French history after 1315 toward the establishment of a liberal state. To remove that chasm, there emerged in 1330 a group of Catholics who stated that the Church's fortune was not necessarily anchored to a particular political and social philosophy and that the Revolution, far from permanently damaging the Church, had in a sense purified it and left it free to move forward unencumbered with France toward the realization of French Revolutionary princi­ ples. Around Felicite de la Marnais*- a group of young liberals gathered to form a new school of Catholic thought, a school mo­ tivated by the desire to harmonize the Church and the ideals of nineteenth-century Liberalism— ideals which had their origin in the French Revolution of 1739 and in the eighteenth-century Enlightenment. This first Liberal Cathol ic group was short-lived, for so abhorrent was its ideology to the reactionary French hierarchy and to a counterrevolutionary Ream that it was struck down by Papal ^After leaving the Church, la Manuals was normally referred to as Lamennais, encyclicals, Mirarl voa and Singular! nos, in 16J2 and 1824. In 1843 * second Liberal Catholic coterie emerged, led by the followers of the discredited Lamennais and sharing his ideas. From 1843 to 1870 these Catholic Liberals sought to convince Frenchmen that the Church was not opposed to their liberties, and coinciden­ tally to find for themselves a freedom of intellectual activity with­ in the Church, which seemed to become more monolithic as Liberal challenges to ins traditional position became more evident. Always a small group, their significance lay not in their numbers, but in the fact that they alone in mid-century France sought to direct the course of the Church toward a reconciliation with modern French so­ ciety and the principles upon which it was based. In short, they were, or sought to be, both Liberal and Catholic— — therein lay their importance. It is with that second Liberal Catholic movement that this paper will concern itself. The Liberal Catholic task was a difficult one and in the final analysis it was doomed to failure. For if the new France distrusted the Church as a force of reaction, the Churchts official spokesmen condemned the new France as an insidious and subversive legion flying the banner of irreligion. Catholicism seemingly could not look for­ ward, for it was preoccupied with fond reminiscences. Throughout the century the Church dragged its feet at every turn; thus it fortified rather than weakened the alliance of Liberalism and anticlericalism. After 1815 the Church lamented the failure to restore pre­ revolutionary conditions, for there was not a restoration in 1815, if "restoration” is taken to mean the return to the institutions of the ancien regime. At best, it was restoration of the constitution of 1791. The Church could no more be restored to its privileged position of the eighteenth century than could the monarch declare himself absolute or the aristocracy reassume its status as the second estate. Almost wrecked by the Revolutionary schism regarding the constitutional clergy, deprived of its wealth, and subordinated to the state by the Concordat of 1801, the Church in 1815 found that its relationship with the state and society was radically changed. The past could not be re-established. What would the Church's attitude be toward the restored regime, which was based on the Charter of 1814? The more optimistic Catholics looked longingly for a real restoration of the ancien regime. Not only did they hope to re­ gain the Church's wealth and position and to realize the null if i- i cation of the Concordat; they also sensed the need to return to an authority which would protect France and the French Church against the recurrence of revolutionary radicalism which, they felt, had subjected the country to twenty-five years of objectionable rule. Rejecting revolutionary doctrines with horror, they even refused to accept the Liberal Charter of 1814, which was, in their opinion, only a diluted form of the Ideas of 1793. With de Maistre they went even further, calling for a thoroughgoing reaction to the past, and for the denial of the Enlightenment in general. De Maistre, as well as de Bonald, supported authoritarianism not only in the state but also in the Church, both becoming champions of a revivified Ultramontanism which denied any degree of independence of the Church of France. Even though some more moderate Catholic voices were heard, especially that of Chateaubriand, authoritarianism and reaction were the dominant notes sounded by the supporters of the Church during the governments of Louis XVIII and Charles X. Under the restoration, therefore, the Church allied itself with legitimacy and reaction, and consequently won for itself in­ creased enmity in the ranks of Liberals. Voltaire was right, the Liberals concluded; the Church stood unconditionally against human progress and unalterably opposed to Liberal institutions. The Re­ volution of 1830 assumed an anticlerical spirit which was violent in nature, and many Catholics began wondering if the Church did not face a total loss of rapport with Frenchmen, who were becoming ever more indoctrinated with liberal and radical ideas. It was to nar­ row that breach, to re-establish that rapport. that a few Catholics began thinking in terms of the factors which served to reconcile the Church to liberal tenets, rather than emphasize those which sepa­ rated them. Foremost among those Catholics was the Abbe Lammenais. The Beginnings of Liberal Catholicism in France Lammenais wanted to free the Church from its ideological and political association with reaction. His program, summarily stated, called for the separation of Church and state and for support of the liberties granted by the Charter of 1830* Only by the establish­ ment of a dualism between Church and the state the mutual indepen­ dence of the two could the Church be wholly free f’-om and uncon­ taminated by association with the powers which might momentarily control the state* By rejecting Gallicanism, he hoped to buttress the Church's independence
Recommended publications
  • Class Struggles in France 1848-1850
    Karl Marx The Class Struggles in France, 1848-1850 Written: December January-October 1850; Published: as a booklet by Engels in 1895; Source: Selected Works, Volume 1, Progress Publishers, Moscow 1969; Proofed: and corrected by Matthew Carmody, 2009, Mark Harris 2010; Transcribed: by Louis Proyect. Table of Contents Introduction (Engels, 1895) ......................................................................................................... 1 Part I: The Defeat of June 1848 ................................................................................................. 15 Part II: From June 1848 to June 13, 1849 .................................................................................. 31 Part III: Consequences of June 13, 1849 ................................................................................... 50 Part IV: The Abolition of Universal Suffrage in 1850 .............................................................. 70 Introduction (Engels, 1895)1 The work republished here was Marx’s first attempt to explain a piece of contemporary history by means of his materialist conception, on the basis of the prevailing economic situation. In the Communist Manifesto, the theory was applied in broad outline to the whole of modern history; in the articles by Marx and myself in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, it was constantly used to interpret political events of the day. Here, on the other hand, the question was to demonstrate the inner causal connection in the course of a development which extended over some years, a development
    [Show full text]
  • Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Heather Marlene Bennett University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the European History Commons Recommended Citation Bennett, Heather Marlene, "Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 734. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/734 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Long Live the Revolutions: Fighting for France's Political Future in the Long Wake of the Commune, 1871-1880 Abstract The traumatic legacies of the Paris Commune and its harsh suppression in 1871 had a significant impact on the identities and voter outreach efforts of each of the chief political blocs of the 1870s. The political and cultural developments of this phenomenal decade, which is frequently mislabeled as calm and stable, established the Republic's longevity and set its character. Yet the Commune's legacies have never been comprehensively examined in a way that synthesizes their political and cultural effects. This dissertation offers a compelling perspective of the 1870s through qualitative and quantitative analyses of the influence of these legacies, using sources as diverse as parliamentary debates, visual media, and scribbled sedition on city walls, to explicate the decade's most important political and cultural moments, their origins, and their impact.
    [Show full text]
  • The Fan Affair and the Conquest of Algeria1
    The Fan Affair and the conquest of Algeria1 Michael Dudzik2 ABSTRACT The study analyses the domestic political background of the conflict that resulted in the French conquest of Algeria. The author begins at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries when the Paris gov- ernment bought grain from Algerian merchants. Subsequent economic cooperation, including the provision and collection of loans, negatively affected mutual relations. Deteriorating relations were negatively affected by the appointment of Hussein Pasha as governor of Algeria in 1818, and they further worsened after a diplomatic insult against the French ambassador in April 1827. The article analyses developments in both countries, the gradual escalation of conflicts and their response in the European powers and presents the reasons that prompted the French government to intervene. KEYWORDS France, the conquest of Algeria, Charles X, Jules Prince de Polignac, 1830 INTRODUCTION The tense political and social climate in France at the end of the second decade of the 19th century reflected the citizens’ dissatisfaction with the regime of the re- turned Bourbons. King Charles X (1757–1836) promoted absolutism and restrictions on the press and relied primarily on the Catholic Church and the pre-revolution- ary nobility. Together with the Prime Minister, Prince Jules Auguste Marie de Poli- gnac (1780–1847), he tried to divert public attention from the negative response of extremely conservative domestic policy measures to foreign policy, and use the age- old dispute with Algeria, a vassal of the Ottoman Empire, to achieve easy victory and thus raise the prestige of the army and the regime. The study analyses Franco-Algerian economic and political relations after 1818 when Hussein Pasha became Algerian governor.
    [Show full text]
  • Awkward Objects: Relics, the Making of Religious Meaning, and The
    Awkward Objects: Relics, the Making of Religious Meaning, and the Limits of Control in the Information Age Jan W Geisbusch University College London Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor in Anthropology. 15 September 2008 UMI Number: U591518 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U591518 Published by ProQuest LLC 2013. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Declaration of authorship: I, Jan W Geisbusch, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. Signature: London, 15.09.2008 Acknowledgments A thesis involving several years of research will always be indebted to the input and advise of numerous people, not all of whom the author will be able to recall. However, my thanks must go, firstly, to my supervisor, Prof Michael Rowlands, who patiently and smoothly steered the thesis round a fair few cliffs, and, secondly, to my informants in Rome and on the Internet. Research was made possible by a grant from the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC).
    [Show full text]
  • The Liberal Illusion
    The Liberal Illusion By LOUIS VEUILLOT (1866) Translated by RT. REV. MSGR. GEORGE BARRY O’TOOLE, PH. D., S. T. D. Professor of Philosophy in The Catholic University of America, Washington, D. C. With Biographical Foreword by REV. IGNATIUS KELLY, S. T. D., Professor of Romance Languages in De Sales College, Toledo, Ohio Of old time thou hast broken my yoke, thou hast burst my bands, and thou saidst: I will not serve. — Jer. 2:20. BIOGRAPHICAL FOREWORD PALADIN, and not a mere fighter,” says Paul Claudel of Louis A Veuillot. “He fought, not for the pleasure of fighting, but in defense of a holy cause, that of the Holy City and the Temple of God.” It is just one hundred years ago, 1838, that Louis Veuillot first dedicated himself to this holy cause. “I was at Rome,” he wrote as an old man recalling that dedication. “At the parting of a road, I met God. He beckoned to me, and as I hesitated to follow, He took me by the hand and I was saved. There was nothing else; no sermons, no miracles, no learned debates. A few recollections of my unlettered father, of my untutored mother, of my brother and little sisters.” This was Louis Veuillot’s conversion, the beginning of his apostolate of the pen which was to merit him the title of “Lay Father of the Church” from Leo XIII; “Model of them who fight for sacred causes” from Pius X; and from Jules Le Maitre the epithet “le grand catholique.” In the days of the Revolution, the maternal grandmother of Veuillot, Marianne Adam, a hatchet in her hand, had defended the cross of the church of Boynes in old Gatinais.
    [Show full text]
  • Giuseppe Maria Abbate the Italian-American Celestial Messenger
    Magnus Lundberg & James W. Craig Jim W Giuseppe Maria Abbate The Italian-American Celestial Messenger Uppsala Studies in Church History 7 1 About the Series Uppsala Studies in Church History is a series that is published in the Department of Theology, Uppsala University. It includes works in both English and Swedish. The volumes are available open-access and only published in digital form, see www.diva-portal.org. For information on the individual titles, see the last page of this book. About the authors Magnus Lundberg is Professor of Church and Mission Studies and Acting Professor of Church History at Uppsala University. He specializes in early modern and modern church and mission history with a focus on colonial Latin America, Western Europe and on contemporary traditionalist and fringe Catholicism. This is his third monograph in the Uppsala Studies in Church History Series. In 2017, he published A Pope of Their Own: Palmar de Troya and the Palmarian Church and Tomás Ruiz: Utbildning, karriär och konflikter i den sena kolonialtidens Centralamerika. The Rev. Father James W. Craig is a priest living in the Chicagoland area. He has a degree in History from Northeastern Illinois University and is a member of Phi Alpha Theta the national honor society for historians. He was ordained to the priesthood of the North American Old Roman Catholic Church in 1994 by the late Archbishop Theodore Rematt. From the time he first started hearing stories of the Celestial Father he became fascinated with the life and legacy of Giuseppe Maria Abbate. He is also actively involved with the website Find a Grave, to date having posted over 31,000 photos to the site and creating over 12,000 memorials to commemorate the departed.
    [Show full text]
  • The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71
    Loyola University Chicago Loyola eCommons Dissertations Theses and Dissertations 1974 The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71 Christopher Gerard Kinsella Loyola University Chicago Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss Recommended Citation Kinsella, Christopher Gerard, "The Diplomatic Mission of Archbishop Flavio Chigi, Apostolic Nuncio to Paris, 1870-71" (1974). Dissertations. 1378. https://ecommons.luc.edu/luc_diss/1378 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses and Dissertations at Loyola eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Loyola eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. Copyright © 1974 Christopher Gerard Kinsella THE DIPLOMATIC MISSION OF ARCHBISHOP FLAVIO CHIGI APOSTOLIC NUNCIO TO PARIS, 1870-71 by Christopher G. Kinsella t I' A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty:of the Graduate School of Loyola Unive rsi.ty in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy February, 197 4 \ ' LIFE Christopher Gerard Kinsella was born on April 11, 1944 in Anacortes, Washington. He was raised in St. Louis, where he received his primary and secondary education, graduating from St. Louis University High School in June of 1962, He received an Honors Bachelor of Arts cum laude degree from St. Louis University,.., majoring in history, in June of 1966 • Mr. Kinsella began graduate studies at Loyola University of Chicago in September of 1966. He received a Master of Arts (Research) in History in February, 1968 and immediately began studies for the doctorate.
    [Show full text]
  • The Temporal Power of the Pope."
    Frank Gerrity ST. JOSEPH'S UNIVERSITY JOSEPH RIPLEY CHANDLER AND "THE TEMPORAL POWER OF THE POPE." A tthe height of the Know Nothing agitation in the eighteen-fifties, Apersonal and political circumstances combined to project a Phila- delphian and recent convert to Catholicism, Joseph Ripley Chandler, into a position of national prominence as a champion of his Church and defender of his fellow Catholics. Chandler was already well-known for his achievements in journalism, literature, and politics. A native of Massachusetts, he had come to Philadelphia in 1815 to work as a schoolmaster. When in 1822 he became a salaried editorial writer on the moribund Gazette of the United States, an association began that would bring the Gazette national influence as a Whig journal and Chandler, its eventual proprietor, distinction as an editor and publisher. E.P. Ober- holtzer, Philadelphia's literary historian, remarks of Chandler that "no man who ever edited a paper in Philadelphia brought greater honor to his journalist's vocation." For reasons of health Chandler sold the Gazette in 1847, but he maintained his connection with Graham's American Monthly Magazine, serving as editor in 1848-1849. He also continued to contribute to it and to other magazines the polished pieces that had already brought him some measure of literary reputation. For many years a distinguished Freemason, Chandler's speeches and writ- ings on Masonic topics were highly esteemed and widely circulated in the United States and Western Europe. Finally, Chandler's role as a long-time member of Philadelphia City Council and promoter of civic betterment had brought him the respect of his fellow citizens.' It is not difficult to understand why the Whig Committee of the Second Congressional District found him an attractive candidate for the United States Congress.
    [Show full text]
  • French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J
    Santa Clara University Scholar Commons History College of Arts & Sciences 9-2013 Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarcommons.scu.edu/history Part of the European History Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Andrews, Naomi J. (2013). Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation. The ourJ nal of Modern History, Vol. 85, No. 3 (September 2013) , pp. 489-527. Published by: The nivU ersity of Chicago Press. Article DOI: 10.1086/668500. Article Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/668500 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in History by an authorized administrator of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Breaking the Ties: French Romantic Socialism and the Critique of Liberal Slave Emancipation* Naomi J. Andrews Santa Clara University What we especially call slavery is only the culminating and pivotal point where all of the suffering of society comes together. (Charles Dain, 1836) The principle of abolition is incontestable, but its application is difficult. (Louis Blanc, 1840) In 1846, the romantic socialist Désiré Laverdant observed that although Great Britain had rightly broken the ties binding masters and slaves, “in delivering the slave from the yoke, it has thrown him, poor brute, into isolation and abandonment. Liberal Europe thinks it has finished its work because it has divided everyone.”1 Freeing the slaves, he thus suggested, was only the beginning of emancipation.
    [Show full text]
  • Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2016 Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Başak Taraktaş University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Taraktaş, Başak, "Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change" (2016). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 2050. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/2050 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Making Autocrats Accountable: Interests, Priorities, and Cooperation for Regime Change Abstract In nearly all authoritarian regimes, democratization finds significant societal support and a number of organized opposition groups struggle for regime change. In some cases—such as in Iran in 1979— opposition groups are able to cooperate with one another and bring down authoritarianism. In others—such as the Assad regime in Syria—groups are not able to cooperate, and the ruler remains in place. Studies that apply cooperation theory on regimes predict that shared grievances about the current government and common interests in changing the existing regime foster cooperation among challengers. Yet, evidence suggests the contrary. This study examines the conditions under which diverse challengers, despite persistent divergence in their ideological preferences, are able to achieve a level of long-term cooperation that can transform the status quo. It uses the case studies of the Ottoman transition to constitutional monarchy (1876–1908) and the French transition to constitutional monarchy (1814–1830), paired according to the least similar systems design, in combination with network theory.
    [Show full text]
  • Review Volume 13 (2013) Page 1
    H-France Review Volume 13 (2013) Page 1 H-France Review Vol. 13 (July 2013), No. 117 Carolina Armenteros, The French Idea of History. Joseph de Maistre and his heirs, 1794-1854. Ithaca, N.Y. and London. Cornell University Press, 2011. xiii + 361 pp. $59.95 U.S. (cl). ISBN 978-0-8014-4943-7. Review by Jack Hayward, University of Hull. My first encounter with the anonymous author of Considérations sur la France (anonymous because Maistre was in 1797 an official of the Sardinian government that had secretly signed a peace treaty with France) was some sixty years ago. Isaiah Berlin gave a lecture on his political thought which I attended as an undergraduate at the London School of Economics. It was a memorable experience to hear him describe how “Every new doctrine since the ages of faith is torn to shreds with ferocious skill and malice.” Berlin went on to acknowledge that Maistre’s “armoury of weapons against liberal and humanitarian doctrines is the most effective ever assembled,” who argued that attempts to reverse the French Revolution were “as if one had been invited to drain the Lake of Geneva by bottling its waters in a wine cellar.”[1] The remark that remained imprinted on my mind was Berlin’s emphasis upon Maistre’s apotheosis of the public executioner. Far from recoiling from the Jacobins’ resort to the guillotine to preserve their precarious hold on power, he asserted that no stable authority was possible in a wicked world without this God—sanctioned author of social order. The efficient, shameful secret of sovereignty, revealed by Thomas Hobbes, was the fear of death, so “all grandeur, all power, all subordination rests on the executioner; he is the horror and bond of human association.
    [Show full text]
  • The Renewal of Catholic Americanism David J
    University of Dayton eCommons Marianist Award Lectures U.S. Catholic Special Collection 2005 The iM ssing Piece: The Renewal of Catholic Americanism David J. O'Brien Follow this and additional works at: http://ecommons.udayton.edu/uscc_marianist_award Recommended Citation O'Brien, David J., "The iM ssing Piece: The Renewal of Catholic Americanism" (2005). Marianist Award Lectures. 3. http://ecommons.udayton.edu/uscc_marianist_award/3 This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the U.S. Catholic Special Collection at eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Marianist Award Lectures by an authorized administrator of eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. US.CATH BX 1406.2 .027 2005 THE MISSING PIECE: THE RENEWAL OF CATHOLIC AMERICANISM by DAVID J. O'BRIEN Marianist Award Lecture 2005 THE UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON It j· • I I 1 1 , ~ . rf '· Copyright© 2008 by The University of Dayton u~.CATM BX ,qo&.~---------------------------------------------­ o'l."T 2b05 David}. O'Brien is Loyola Professor of Roman Catholic Studies at the College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, Massachusetts, where he has been on the faculty since 1969. He holds a B.A. from the University ofNotre Dame and a doctorate in History from the University of Rochester. Among other honors, he has been awarded several honorary doctorates. His service to U.S. Catholic higher education and to the U.S. Catholic Church includes membership in or work with the American Catholic Historical &so­ dation {of which he served as president, 1998-99); the Atlsociation of Catholic Colleges and Universities; the Catholic Committee on Urban Ministry; Catholic Peace Fellowship; the Diocese ofWorcester; the boards of Cross Currents, Church History, Religion and A~erican Culture and National Catholic Reporter; the Na­ tional Conference of Catholic Bishops; the National Council of Churches; and Pax Christi.
    [Show full text]