Nicolae Titulescu 1. Introduction
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Political, Diplomatic and Military Aspects of Romania's Participation in the First World War
Volume XXI 2018 ISSUE no.2 MBNA Publishing House Constanta 2018 SBNA PAPER OPEN ACCESS Political, diplomatic and military aspects of romania's participation in the first world war To cite this article: M. Zidaru, Scientific Bulletin of Naval Academy, Vol. XXI 2018, pg. 202-212. Available online at www.anmb.ro ISSN: 2392-8956; ISSN-L: 1454-864X doi: 10.21279/1454-864X-18-I2-026 SBNA© 2018. This work is licensed under the CC BY-NC-SA 4.0 License Political, diplomatic and military aspects of romania's participation in the first world war M. Zidaru1 1Romanian Society of Historian. Constanta Branch Abstract: Although linked to the Austro-Hungarian Empire by a secret alliance treaty in 1883, Romania chose to declare itself neutral at the outbreak of hostilities in July 1914, relying on the interpretation of the "casus foederis" clauses. The army was in 1914 -1915 completely unprepared for such a war, public opinion, although pro-Entente in most of it, was not ready for this kind of war, and Ion I. C. Bratianu was convinced that he had to obtain a written assurance from the Russian Empire in view of his father's unpleasant experience from 1877-1878. This article analyze the political and military decisions after Romania entry in Great War. Although linked to the Austro-Hungarian Empire by a secret alliance treaty in 1883, Romania chose to declare itself neutral at the outbreak of hostilities in July 1914, relying on the interpretation of the "casus foederis" clauses. In the south, Romania has three major strategic interests in this region: - defense of the long Danubian border and the land border between the Danube and the Black Sea; - the keep open of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, through which 90% of the Romanian trade were made; - avoiding the isolation or political encirclement of Romania by keeping open the Thessaloniki-Nis- Danube communication, preventing its blocking as a result of local conflicts or taking over under strict control by one of the great powers in the region[1]. -
Rim Nr.5-6-26-NOV.2007.Pmd
PERCEP}IA ROMÂNIEI ASUPRA DESCURAJ~RII NUCLEARE general-maior (r) dr. MIHAIL E. IONESCU, CARMEN R:JNOVEANU I. Politica nucleară a Pactului de la Varşovia unde necesităţile operaţionale o reclamau planifica- şi poziţia României torilor militari sovietici. Această realitate făcea ca opţiunile României Planificarea nucleară în cadrul Pactului de la să fie extrem de limitate. Evoluţiile internaţionale, Varşovia, a fost apanajul strict şi exclusiv al URSS. în special criza rachetelor din 1962, au transformat Liderii de la Bucureşti, ca şi omologii lor din celelalte problematica armelor nucleare într-o preocupare state comuniste, nu au avut acces la discutarea, şi, majoră pentru liderii de la Bucureşti şi au avut o cu atât mai puţin, la elaborarea strategiilor sovie- influenţă semnificativă asupra atitudinii Bucureş- tice în acest domeniu. În consecinţă, orice analiză tilor în cadrul Pactului. Conştientizând că pot fi asupra acestui subiect suferă de un deficit semni- atraşi, împotriva voinţei lor şi fără nici o consultare ficativ datorat lipsei evidenţelor documentare sau prealabilă, într-o confruntare nucleară sovieto- a caracterului lacunar şi fragmentar al celor americană, liderii români au fost preocupaţi de existente. Documentele declasificate până acum obţinerea unor garanţii directe sau indirecte că, în fostele state comuniste nu conţin, cu mici într-o asemenea eventualitate, teritoriul românesc excepţii, decât referiri vagi sau incomplete la nu se va afla în aria de acţiune a armelor nucleare această problematică. Planurile de război ale ale adversarilor Pactului. Pactului conţin încă multe necunoscute. Printre puţinele evidenţe documentare relative la această Mesajul transmis guvernului american în problematică sunt Planul de război al Tratatului de contextul crizei cubaneze este relevant în acest sens. -
ASOCIATII LOCATARI SECTOR 1 Asociatia Adresa A.L. BD. DUCA NR. 17 BD. GH. D. DUCA Ing Nr. 17 A.L. BL. 7 CALEA GRIVITEI Nr. 222 A.L
ASOCIATII LOCATARI SECTOR 1 Asociatia Adresa A.L. BD. DUCA NR. 17 BD. GH. D. DUCA ing nr. 17 A.L. BL. 7 CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 222 A.L. BL. 2B CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 152 A.L. BL. C SC. A,C,D CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 238 A.L. VILA NR. 8 STR. HRISOVULUI nr. 28 A.L. BL. P CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 401 A.L. BL. 25 B STR. STIRBEI VODA nr. 95 A.L. BL. A 6 STR. BUZESTI nr. 61 A.L. BL. 10 D2 CALEA PLEVNEI nr. 94 A.L. BL. 6 SC. A,B,C CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 224 A.L. BL. 1,2,3 AL. C-TIN SANDU ALDEA nr. 2-4-6 A.L. BL. 5 BD. DINICU GOLESCU nr. 39 A.L. BL. 46A STR. SERDARULUI nr. 7 A.L. BL. 7 CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 222 A.L. BL. 6 SC. A,B,C CALEA GRIVITEI nr. 224 A.L. BL. A7 SOS. NICOLAE TITULESCU nr. 1 A.L. BD. ION MIHALACHE 66 BD. ION MIHALACHE nr. 66 A.L. BL. 1 STR. TURDA nr. 129 A.L. BL. 10A1 BD. 1 MAI nr. 117 A.L. BL. 16A BD. 1 MAI nr. 47 A.L. BL.G6 STR. CPT. AV. ALEXANDRU SERBANESCU nr. 4-6 A.L. BL. 16C STR. CPT. AV. ALEXANDRU SERBANESCU nr. 16 A.L. BL. III K STR. MAGURICEA nr. 7-11 A.L. BL. VIIIF STR. BORSA nr. 25 A.L. BL. 3H-ANSAMBLU AVIATIEI STR. BORSA nr. 26-28 A.L. BL. 6F STR. AVIATIEI nr. -
Nicolae Iorga
Ediţie îngrijită, introducere şi note de Andrei Pippidi Redactor: Marieva Ionescu Coperta: Ioana Nedelcu Tehnoredactor: Manuela Măxineanu DTP: Andreea Dobreci, Dan Dulgheru Tipărit la Monitorul Oficial R.A. © HUMANITAS, 2019 Descrierea CIP a Bibliotecii Naţionale a României Iorga, Nicolae Jurnalul ultimilor ani: 1938–1940. Inedit / N. Iorga; ed. îngrij., introd. şi note de Andrei Pippidi. – Bucureşti: Humanitas, 2019 ISBN 978‑973‑50‑6422‑8 I. Pippidi, Andrei (ed., pref., note) 821.135.1 94 EDITURA HUMANITAS Piaţa Presei Libere 1, 013701 Bucureşti, România tel. 021/408 83 50, fax 021/408 83 51 www.humanitas.ro Comenzi online: www.libhumanitas.ro Comenzi prin e‑mail: [email protected] Comenzi telefonice: 021/311 23 30 transcrieri fonetice şi norme practice pentru lectura jurnalului Grafia lui N. Iorga este cunoscută din textele publicate în tim‑ pul vieţii sale, în general sub supravegherea sa. Ulterior, în numeroase cazuri, s‑a procedat la adaptarea după ortografia oficială modernă. Mi s‑a părut necesară respectarea întocmai a manuscrisului, tipărit aici pentru prima oară, cu particulari‑ tăţi care ţin de perioada istorică în care s‑a format grafia auto‑ rului, deci anii din jurul lui 1890, după cum se poate constata şi în autografe ale sale care nu erau destinate tiparului (scrisori personale, de familie). Aşadar persistă până la sfârşitul vieţii unele forme dialectale moldoveneşti (mâni sau mâne = mâine, amiezi = amiază) sau o pronunţie păstrată din secolul al XIX‑lea, ca diferenţa la pronumele relativ între sg. care şi pl. cari, supt = sub, aceia = aceea, ceia ce = ceea ce, aceiaşi = aceeaşi. Din aceeași epocă datează numele lunilor anului: decembre, novem‑ bre, octombre, septembre, sau mart, april. -
Great Romania Under the Menace of the European Extremism and Revisionism
RSP • No. 58 • 2018: 62-72 R S P ORIGINAL PAPER Great Romania under the Menace of the European Extremism and Revisionism Florin Nacu* Abstract: In this article, there is presented the way in which the adversaries of Great Romania made efforts to fight for its dismemberment, immediately after 1918. The Great Union coincided with the revolution from 1917, and the reinvigoration of revisionism, due to the degree of permissiveness in the Peace Treaties from Paris-Versailles, 1919-1920. The actions meant to destabilise Romania were carried out both from the interior and exterior. There were subversive, violent actions, coordinated by the Soviet and German secret services. Romania did not manage to have a position on the international plan for counteracting the effects of the German and Soviet proximity, which had been foreseen by the diplomat Nicolae Titulescu. In the 22 years, the period Great Romania resisted, there could be seen how complex the evolution of the internal and external politics was, promoted by the decisional factors from Bucharest. The conclusion is that the degradation of the international political system, the ascension of the revisionism, the lack of a coherent dialogue between the representatives of the Romanian political currents, the emerging and the evolution of the extremes represent the causes that led to the collapse of Great Romania, in the summer of 1940. Keywords: right extreme; left extreme; Germany; USSR; revisionism * Ph.D., „CS Nicolăescu Plopșor” Social Humanistic Research Institute, 3rd degree researcher, Craiova; Phone: 0040761617067; Email: [email protected] 62 Great Romania under the Menace of the European Extremism and Revisionism Introduction In the present article, there is to be presented the way in which the Great Union from 1918 was influenced by both the internal and external context. -
International Scientific Committee
INTERNATIONAL SCIENTIFIC COMMITTEE Ion NEAGU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Jose Luis de la CUESTA, University of the Basque Country, San Sebastian, Spain; Viorel CORNESCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Mihai HOTCA, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Gabriel BOROI, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Ion M. ANGHEL, President of the Romanian Society of European Law; Lorena BACHMAIER WINTER, Complutense University, Madrid, Spain; Felipe GÓMEZ ISA, University of Deusto, Spain; Elena ANDREEVSKA, SEE University, Tetovo, Macedonia; Augustin FUEREA, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Vasile DOBRINOIU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Traian DIMA, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Serghei MĂRGULESCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Bogdan MICU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Elena NEDELCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Nicolae POPA, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Viorel ROȘ, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Mircea DAMASCHIN, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Valentina VASILE, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Constantin BRĂGARU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Liviu RADU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Claudia CLIZA, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Adina CREȚAN, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Cristian GHEORGHE, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Roxana Mariana POPESCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Mirela GORUNESCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Constantin NEDELCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Mircea SINESCU, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Maria GRIGORE, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Vasile NEMEȘ, "Nicolae Titulescu" University; Mădălina RĂDOI, -
Omanian Diplomats in the Scandinavian Countries R (1916-1947)
Revista Română de Studii Baltice și Nordice / The Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies, ISSN 2067-1725, Vol. 6, Issue 2 (2014): pp. 147-167 OMANIAN DIPLOMATS IN THE SCANDINAVIAN COUNTRIES R (1916-1947) Adrian Vițalaru ‘Alexandru Ioan Cuza’ University of Iassy, Faculty of History, E-mail: [email protected] Acknowledgements This paper is based on the presentation made at the Fifth international conference on Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania A piece of culture, a culture of peace, re-imaging European communities in the North Sea, Baltic Sea and Black Sea regions, hosted by Valahia University of Târgovişte and the Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies, August 17-19, 2014. Supported by EEA Grants, contract no 4/22.07.2014. This work was cofinaced from the European Social Fund through Sectoral Operational Programme Human Resources Development 2007-2013, project number POSDRU/159/1.5/S/140863, Competitive Researchers in Europe in the Field of Humanities and Socio-Economic Sciences. A Multi-regional Research Network. Abstract: The main object of the present paper is to introduce the diplomats sent to represent the Romanian state in Stockholm, Copenhagen, Helsinki and Oslo, as heads of diplomatic missions. Did they have professional or human connections with the Nordic states? Were they moved from one legation in the Scandinavian world to another? In other words, were they specialists in Scandinavian matters? Were the Nordic states a professional attraction /a trampoline in the career of Romanian diplomats or were they `quiet` diplomatic missions, marginal in importance, less attractive to diplomats? In my attempt to provide an answer to these questions I found that most of those who took turns as head of legation in the Scandinavian countries had not previously been trained at the same missions. -
George G. Potra, Nicolae Titulescu. Arhive Pierdute. Dosarul Unei
Recenzii. Note – Reviews, Notes 133 George G. Potra, Nicolae Titulescu. Arhive pierdute. Dosarul unei recuperări, Centrul Cultural “Lucian Blaga” – Sebeş, Fundaţia Culturală “Lucian Blaga” – Sebeş, 2015, 600 p. + 209 ilustraţii The archives are some of the main repositories of information we appeal to as individuals, as a community or people. They represent a form of memory we go to for long term research or for immediate interests. We check almost on a daily basis their role and importance in society. Taking the risk of a reproof for exaggerating, I state that in any historical evocation, in any contemporary evaluation and in any future project, we cannot ignore data and ideas kept in archives as premises of any material or spiritual construction. As an institution, the archives in Romania identify their act of birth 170 years ago. The explanation for this tardive reality is to be found in both objective and subjective factors, which have been rigorously identified and analyzed by the historians of the Romanian archives. I am in a rush to underline that, despite all legal regulations, of the stage corrections, administrative, economic and financial measures to consolidate their structures and functionality, under the sign of organicity and efficiency, the institution of the archives has recorded in Romania serious dysfunctions and grave accidents (during war or calamities). With each of these, the informational content of Romanian archives has been affected. The subsequent efforts – no matter how consistent or well-intended – could only reconstruct and restore in a fragmentary and uncertain manner the segments of local and even national history – economic, ethnic, confessional, cultural a.s.o. -
Gheorghe G. Mironescu Şi Actul Unirii De La 1918
GHEORGHE G. MIRONESCU ŞI ACTUL UNIRII DE LA 1918 ∗ Mihai-Cristian ŞELARU Key words: Gheorghe Gh. Mironescu, the Union Event, Romanian people, Carpathian mountains „Adunarea Naţională a tuturor Românilor din Transilvania, Banat şi Ţara Ungurească, adunaţi prin reprezentanţii lor îndreptăţiţi la Alba- Iulia în ziua de 18 Noembrie/1 Decembrie 1918, decretează unirea acelor Români şi a tuturor teritoriilor locuite de dânşii cu România. Adunarea Naţională proclamă îndeosebi dreptul inalienabil al naţiunii române la întreg Banatul cuprins între râurile Mureş, Tisa şi Dunăre”. (Articolul I din Rezoluţiunea Adunării Naţionale de la Alba Iulia din 18 noiembrie/1 decembrie 1918 ) Realizarea unităţii naţionale „chestiune de viaţă şi de moarte pentru poporul român”1 a constituit pentru noi, încă din vremea cronicarilor, o necesitate istorică, un ideal în slujba căruia şi- au închinat viaţa multe generaţii de cărturari şi politicieni. Economia lucrării nu ne impune să urmărim în decursul istoriei noastre etapele înfăptuirii unităţii naţionale, ci să ne raportăm rezultatele cercetării la momentul „desăvârşirii unităţii naţionale” înfăptuit „la sfârşitul Primului Război Mondial”, desăvârşire care reprezintă „un moment crucial în istoria românilor”2. Logica momentului cere aducerea în prim-plan a lui Gheorghe G. Mironescu alături de ceilalţi fruntaşi precum Iuliu Maniu, Alexandru Vaida-Voevod, Octavian Goga, George Moroianu, Simion Mândrescu, Take Ionescu, Nicolae Iorga, Dumitru Drăghicescu, Nicolae Titulescu, Elena Văcărescu, Ion I. C. Brătianu, Constantin Stere care au dus flacăra unirii cu patria-mumă a tuturor românilor din toate provinciile istorice româneşti: Banatul, Basarabia, Bucovina, Dobrogea şi Transilvania. Pentru Gheorghe G. Mironescu „Alba Iulia a fost încoronarea unei opere grele şi îndelungate [...] rezultatul final al unei lupte multi-seculare, pe care bravul popor transilvan a dus-o cu îndârjire sub conducerea vrednicilor lor şefi”3, „Alba Iulia, templu sfânt, unde să ne reculegem şi să ne regăsim în unitatea noastră de neam şi în trăirea noastră de suflet”4. -
Cabinet Formation and Dismissal in Interwar Romania Mihai Ghiţulescu
RSP • No. 48 • 2015: 78-87 R S P ORIGINAL PAPER The Impossible Parliamentary Government: Cabinet Formation and Dismissal in Interwar Romania Mihai Ghiţulescu* Abstract We talk nowadays increasingly more about the “democratic traditions of the Romanian people”. Who knows these traditions? Even a quick foray into the Romanian institutional history shows that they do not exist. The interwar period was neither a golden age of the Romanian democracy, nor its inferno. Romania never reached a real parliamentary or representative government but it largely kept up its appearances. In terms of political democracy, Romania's situation was worse than today, but not the worst in those circumstances. That is what we try to prove here, reviewing the Romanian constitutional texts as well as the Romanian political practices. Our motto is: “A knowledge of these things guards as, at any rate, from the illusion, for illusion it must be termed, that modern constitutional freedom has been established by an astounding method of retrogressive progress” (Dicey, 1889: 17). Keywords: Romania, government, cabinet, king, parliament * Lecturer, Ph.D., University of Craiova, Faculty of Social Sciences, Craiova, Phone: 0040745391441, Email: [email protected]. 78 The Impossible Parliamentary Government: Cabinet Formation and Dismissal ... Since the Romanian Constitution contains, even in its first article, a reference to the “democratic traditions of the Romanian people”, we should revisit of the only pre- 1989 period that can be labeled as “democratic” to see how was it “democratic”. Moreover, because “democracy” is a vague and abstract concept, we focus here on the part of its fundamental conditions in any monarchical regime: dependence of Parliament. -
Repartiția Pe Săli
Repartiția pe săli Colegiul Național Militar„Dimitrie Cantemir” Nume clsUnitatea Localitatea Sala Aluculesi Andru Casian VI Școala Internaționala Spectrum Ploieşti XI A etaj I Andronie Răzvan VI Şcoala Gimnazială Nr. 7 Reșița XI A etaj I Arseniu Victor Ștefan VI Școala Gimnazială „Mircea cel Bătrân” Pitești XI A etaj I Avram Alexandru Gabriel VI Școala Gimnazială „Spiru Haret” Dorohoi XI A etaj I Balaur Victor Andrei VI Liceul Teoretic „Ovidius” Constanța XI A etaj I Bălăceanu Theodor Vlad VI Școala Gimnazială „George Emil Palade” Buzău XI A etaj I Bedea Călin-Lucian VI Școala Gimnazială „Andrei Șaguna” Deva XI A etaj I Berea George Alexandru VI Colegiul Naţional „Petru Rareş” Piatra Neamţ XI A etaj I Bîlă Alexandru Mihai VI Școala Gimnazială „Ion Pillat” Pitești XI A etaj I Bodrogean Andrei Marius VI Colegiul Național „Moise Nicoară” Arad XI A etaj I Bucur Mihnea VI Colegiul Național „Samuel von Brukenthal” Sibiu XI A etaj I Burcă Paul VI Școala Gimnazială Nr. 1 Vatra Dornei XI A etaj I Burghelea Radu Theodor VI Colegiul Național „Gheorghe Vrănceanu” Bacău XI A etaj I Buta Pavel VI Colegiul Național „Gheorghe Lazăr” Sibiu XI A etaj I Cadîr Selim Halil VI Liceul Teoretic Internaţional de Informatică București XI B etaj I Calotă Alexia Theodora VI Colegiul Național „Ion Maiorescu” Giurgiu XI B etaj I Calotă Anca Maria VI Şcoala Gimnazială „Mihai Viteazul” Alexandria XI B etaj I Carasel Vlad VI Colegiul Naţional de Informatică „Tudor Vianu” București XI B etaj I Cărbunescu Georgiana Elena VI Colegiul Național „Spiru Haret” Târgu Jiu XI B etaj I Chiriță Andrei VI Şcoala Gimnazială Terraveda Craiova XI B etaj I Chivu Răzvan VI Şcoala Gimnazială „I. -
Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu in the Capitals of the Little Entente: Belgrade (1936) and Prague (1937)
Institute for Political Studies UDC 327(498)(437)(497.1)”1936/1937” Serbian Political Thought https://doi.org/10.22182/spm.6642019.1 No. 4/2019, Year XXVI, Article received: 27.08.2019. Vol. 66 Accepted for publishing: 05.11.2019. pp. 05-23 Original scientific paper Marusia Cîrstea*1 University of Craiova – Faculty of Social Sciences, Romania Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu in the Capitals of the Little Entente: Belgrade (1936) and Prague (1937) Abstract The present article presents certain aspects of the relations between Romania, the Czech Republic and Yugoslavia in the inter- war period. The fourth decade of the last century in particular was extremely rich in political, diplomatic and military events. Within this international context, Romanian Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu (1934-1937) sought to establish bilateral contacts – with the great powers of Europe, but mainly with the members of the Little Entente – meant to both strengthen bilateral relations and clarify the states’ perspective on the events in progress. During his visits to Belgrade and Prague – as emerges from the press of the time – Gheorghe Tătărescu permanently advocated maintaining the status-quo and the political, economic and military cooperation between the states of the Little Entente. Key words: the Little Entente, Gheorghe Tătărescu, Milan Hodža, Milan Stojadinović. * Associate Professor [email protected] 5 SERBIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT Introduction Gheorghe Tătărescu was appointed Prime Minister of Roma- nia on 5 January 1934 by King Carol II (Giurescu 2003: 428). He left his mark on the entire government activity in 1934-1937, promoting, on the economic plane, a policy of stimulation of the national industry; on the social plane, he supported the assertion of a middle-class group connected to the state; and on the foreign plane he sought to preserve the Versailles system, to promote regional alliances – the Little Entente and the Balkan Entente, – to prevent both Germany and the Soviet Union from dominating south-eastern Europe (Chistol 2007).